lAIFOLg©!. 


MEMOIES 


NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE 


LOUIS  ANTOINE  FAUVELET  DE  BOURRIENNE 

HIS  PRIVATE  SECRETARY 

1.5  S2>^ 

TO  WHICH  ARE  ADDED  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  IMPORTANT  EVENTS  OF  THE  ITONDRED 

DAYS,  OF    NAPOLEON'S    SURRENDER   TO   THE    ENGLISH,   AND    OF    HIS 

RESIDENCE  AND  DEATH  AT  ST.  HELENA,  WITH  ANECDOTES 

AND  ILLUSTRATIVE    EXTRACTS    FROM  ALL  THE 

MOST   AUTHENTIC   SOURCES 


EDITED   BY   K.  W.   PHIPPS 

COLONEL,  LATE  ROYAL  ARTILLERY 


WITH    NUMEROUS    ILLUSTRATIONS 
VOL.  III. 


NEW   YORK 

CHARLES    SCRIBNER'S    SONS 

1891 


3.55-5  A- 


TROWS 

PRINTING  AND   BOOKBINDING  COMPANY, 

NEW   YORK. 


y;3 


CO]S"TEI^TS. 

CHAPTER  I. 

1805. 

Abolition  of  the  Republican  calendar — Warlike  preparations  in  Austria- 
Plan  for  re-organising  the  National  Guard — Napoleon  in  Strasburg — 
General  Mack — Proclamation — Captain  Bernard's  reconnoitring  mis- 
sion— The  Emperor's  pretended  anger  and  real  satisfaction — Informa- 
tion respecting  Ragusa  communicated  by  Bernard — Rapid  and  de- 
served promotion — General  Bernard's  retirement  to  the  United  States 
of  America l-S 

CHAPTER    n. 

1805. 

Rapidity  of  Napoleon's  victories — Murat  at  Wertingen — Conquest  of 
Ney's  duchy — The  French  army  before  Ulm — The  Prince  of  Liechten- 
stein at  the  Imperial  headquarters — His  interview  with  Napoleon  de- 
scribed by  Rapp — Capitulation  of  Ulm  signed  by  Berthier  and  Mack 
— Napoleon  before  and  after  a  victory — His  address  to  the  captive 
generals — The  Emperor's  proclamation — Ten  thousand  prisoners 
taken  by  Murat — Battle  of  Caldiero  in  Italy — Letter  from  Duroc — 
Attempts  to  retard  the  Emperor's  progress — Fruitless  mission  of  M. 
de  Giulay — The  first  French  eagles  taken  by  the  Russians — Bold  ad- 
venture of  Lannes  and  Murat — The  French  enter  Vienna — Savary's 
mission  to  the  Emperor  Alexander 9-19 

CHAPTER    HI. 

1805. 

My  functions  at  Hamburg — The  King  of  Sweden  at  Stralsund — My  bul- 
letin describing  the  situation  of  the  Russian  armies — Duroc's  recall 
from   Berlin— General    Dumouriez — Recruiting   of    the   English    in 


CONTENTS. 


Hanover — The  daughter  of  M.  de  Marbenf  and  Napoleon — Treachery 
of  the  King  of  Naples — The  Sun  of  Austerlitz — Prince  Dolgorouki 
— Rapp's  account  of  the  battle  of  Austerlitz — Gerard's  picture — 
Eugene's  marriage '. 20-2'J 


CHAPTER    IV. 

1805. 

Depreciation  of  the  Bank  paper — Ouvrard — His  great  discretion — Bona- 
parte's opinion  of  the  rich — Oavrard's  imprisonment— His  partnership 
with  the  King  of  Spain — His  connection  with  Wanlerberghe  and 
Desprez — Bonaparte's  return  to  Paris  after  the  campaign  of  Vienna — 
Hasty  dismissal  of  M.  Barbc  Marbois 30-41 


CHAPTEK    V. 

1805-180G. 

Declaration  of  Louis  XVIII. — Dumouriez  watched — News  of  a  spy — Re- 
markable trait  of  courage  and  presence  of  mind — Necessity  of  vigi- 
lance at  Hamburg — The  King  of  Sweden — His  bulletins — Doctor  Gall 
— Prussia  covets  Hamburg — Projects  on  Holland — Negotiations  for 
peace — Mr.  Pox  at  the  head  of  the  British  Cabinet — Intended  assas- 
sination of  Napoleon — Propositions  made  through  Lord  Yarmouth — 
Proposed  protection  of  the  Hanse  towns — Their  state — Aggrandise- 
ment of  the  Imperial  family — Neither  peace  nor  war — Sebastiani's 
mission  to  Constantinople — Lord  Lauderdale  at  Paris,  and  failure  of 
the  negotiations — Austria  despoiled — Emigrant  pensions — Dumou- 
riez's  intrigues — Prince  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin — Loizeau  . . .  42-55 


CHAPTER    VI. 

1806. 

Menaces  of  Prussia — Oflfer  for  restoring  Hanover  to  England — Insolent 
ultimatum — Commencement  of  hostilities  between  France  and  Prus- 
sia—Battle of  Auerstadt — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick — Berna- 
dotte  in  Hamburg — Davoust  and  Bernadotte — The  Swedes  at  Lubeck 
— Major  Amiel — Service  rendered  to  the  English  Minister  at  Ham- 
burg— My  appointment  of  Minister  for  the  King  of  Naples — New 
regulation  of    the  German  post-offices — The  Confederation  of  the 


CONTENTS. 


North — Devices  o£  the  Hanse  Towns — Occupation  of  Hamburg  in  the 
name  of  the  Elmperor — Decree  of  Berlin — The  military  governors  of 
Hamburg — Brune,  Michaud,  and  Bemadotte 56-66 


CHAPTER    Vn. 

1806. 

Ukase  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia — Duroc's  mission  to  Weimar — Napoleon's 
views  defeated — Triumphs  of  the  PVench  armies — Letters  from  Murat 
— False  report  respecting  Murat — Resemblance  between  Moreau  and 
M.  Billaud — Generous  conduct  of  Napoleon — His  interview  with 
Madame  Hatzfeld  at  Berlin — Letter  from  Bonaparte  to  Josephine — 
Blucher  my  prisoner — His  character — His  confidence  in  the  future 
fate  of  Germany — Prince  Paul  of  Wurtemberg  taken  prisoner — His 
wish  to  enter  the  French  service — Distinguished  emigrants  at  Altona 
— Deputation  of  the  Senate  to  the  Emperor  at  Berlin — The  German 
Princes  at  Altona — Fauche-Borel  and  the  Comte  de  Gimel  ....  67-77 


CHAPTER    Vin. 

1806. 

Alarm  of  the  city  of  Hamburg — The  French  at  Bergdorff— Favourable 
orders  issued  by  Bemadotte — Extortions  in  Prussia — False  endorse- 
ments— Exactions  of  the  Dutch — Napoleon's  concern  for  his  wounded 
troops — Duroc's  mission  to  the  King  of  Prussia — Rejection  of  the 
Emperor's  demands— My  negotiations  at  Hamburg — Displeasure  of 
the  King  of  Sweden— M.  Netzel  and  K  Wetterstedt 78-83 


CHAPTER    IX. 

1806. 

The  Continental  system— General  indignation  excited  by  it— Sale  of 
licences  by  the  French  Government— Custom-house  system  at  Ham- 
burg—My letter  to  the  Emperor— Cause  of  the  rupture  with  Russia— 
Bernadotte's  visit  to  me— Trial  by  a  court-martial  for  the  purchase  of 
a  sugar-loaf— Davoust  and  the  captain  "  rapporteur  "-Lifluence  of 
the  Continental  system  on  Napoleon's  fall 83-88 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    X. 

1806-1807. 

New  system  of  war — Winter  quarters — The  Emperor's  proclamation — 
Necessity  of  marching  to  meet  the  Russians — Distress  in  the  Hanse 
Towns — Order  for  50,000  cloaks — Seizure  of  Russian  com  and  timber 
— Murat's  entrance  into  Warsaw — Re-establishment  of  Poland — 
Duroc's  accident — M.  de  Talleyrand's  carriage  stopped  by  the  mud — 
Napoleon's  power  of  rousing  the  spirit  of  his  troops — His  mode  of 
dictating — The  Duke  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin — His  visits  to  Ham- 
burg— The  Duke  of  Weimar — His  letter  and  present — Journey  of  the 
Hereditary  Prince  of  Denmark  to  Paris — Butler,  the  English  spy — 
Travelling  clerks — Louis  Bonaparte  and  the  Berlin  decree — Creation 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony — Veneration  of  Germany  for  the  King  of 
Saxony — The  Emperor's  imcertainty  respecting  Poland — Fetes  and 
reviews  at  Warsaw — The  French  Government  at  the  Emperor's  head- 
quarters— Ministerial  portfolios  sent  to  Warsaw — Military  prepara- 
tions during  the  month  of  January — Difference  of  our  situation  during 
the  campaigns  of  Vienna  and  Prussia — News  received  and  sent — 
Conduct  of  the  Cabinet  of  Austria  similar  to  that  of  the  Cabinet  of 
Berlin — Battle  of  Eylau — Unjust  accusation  against  Bernadotte — 
Death  of  General  d'Hautpoult — Te  Dcwn  chanted  by  the  Russians — 
Gardanne's  mission  to  Persia 89-106 


CHAPTER    XI. 

1807. 

Abuse  of  military  power — Defence  of  diplomatic  rights — Marshal  Brune. 
— Army  supplies — English  cloth  and  leather^ — Arrest  on  a  charge  of 
libel — Despatch  from  M.  de  Talleyrand— A  page  of  Napoleon's  glory 
— Interview  between  the  two  Emperors  at  Tilsit — Silesia  restored  to 
the  Queen  of  Prussia — Unfortunate  situation  of  Prussia — Impossibil- 
ity of  re-establishing  Poland  in  1807 — Foundation  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Westphalia — The  Duchy  of  Warsaw  and  the  King  of  Saxony  107-116 


CHAPTER    Xn. 

1807. 

Effect  produced  at  Altona  by  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit— The  Duke  of  Mecklen- 
burg-Schwerin's  departure  from  Hamburg — English  squadron  in  the 
Sound — Bombardment  of  Copenhagen — Perfidy  of  England — Remark 


CONTENTS. 


of  Bonaparte  to  M.  Lemercier — Prussia  erased  from  the  map — Napo- 
leon's return  to  Paris — Suppression  of  the  Tribunate — Confiscation  of 
English  merchandise — Nine  millions  gained  to  France — M.  Caulain- 
courfc  Ambassador  to  Russia — Repugnance  of  England  to  the  inter- 
vention of  Russia — Affairs  of  Portugal — Junot  appointed  to  com- 
mand the  army — The  Prince  Regent's  departure  for  the  Brazils — The 
Code  Napoleon— Introduction  of  the  French  laws  into  Germany — 
Leniency  of  Hamburg  juries — The  stolen  cloak  and  the  Syndic  Door- 
mann 117-1~3 


CHAPTER    Xm. 

1807-1808. 

Disturbed  state  of  Spain — Godoy,  Prince  of  the  Peace — Reciprocal  accu- 
sations between  the  King  of  Spain  and  his  son — False  promise  of  Na- 
poleon— Dissatisfaction  occasioned  by  the  presence  of  the  French 
troops — Abdication  of  Charles  IV. — The  Prince  of  the  Peace  made 
prisoner — Murat  at  Madrid — Important  news  transmitted  by  a  com- 
mercial letter — Murat's  ambition — His  protection  of  Godoy  —Charles 
IV.  denies  his  voluntary  abdication — The  crown  of  Spain  destined  for 
Joseph — General  disapprobation  of  Napoleon's  conduct — The  Bourbim 
cause  apparently  lost — Louis  XVIII.  after  his  departure  from  France 
— As  Comte  de  Provence  at  Coblentz — He  seeks  refuge  in  Turin  and 
Verona — Death  of  Louis  XVII. — Louis  XVm.  refused  an  asylum  in 
Austria,  Saxony,  and  Prussia — His  residence  at  Mittau  and  Warsaw — 
Alexander  and  Louis  XVIII. — The  King's  departure  from  Milan  and 
arrival  at  Yarmouth — Determination  of  the  King  of  England — M. 
Lemercier's  prophecy  to  Bonaparte— Fouche's  inquiries  respecting 
Comte  de  Rochteren — Note  from  Josephine — New  demands  on  the 
Hanse  Towns — Order  to  raise  3000  sailors  in  Hamburg 127-140 


CHAPTER     XIV. 

1808. 

Departure  of  the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo — Prediction  and  superstition — 
Stoppage  of  letters  addressed  to  the  Spanish  troops — La  Romana  and 
Romanillos — Illegible  notifications — Eagerness  of  the  German  Princes 
to  join  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine — Attack  upon  me  on  account 
of  M.  Hue — Bemadotte's  successor  in  Hamburg — Exactions  and 
tyrannical  conduct  of  General  Dupas — Disturbance  in  Hamburg — 
Plates  broken  in  a  fit  of  rage — My  letter  to  Bernadotte— His  reply — 
Bemadotte's  return  to  Hamburg,  and  departure  of  Dupas  for  Liibeck 
— Noble  conduct  of  the  aide  de  camp  Barral 141-150 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEE    XV. 
1808. 

Promulgation  of  the  Code  of  Commerce — Conquests  by  Senatus-consiilte 
— Three  events  in  one  day — Recollections — Application  of  a  line  of 
Voltaire — Creation  of  the  Imperial  nobility — Restoration  of  the  uni- 
versity— Aggrandisement  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  at  the  expense  of 
Rome — Cardinal  Caprara's  departure  from  Paris — The  interview  at 
Erfurt 151-159 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

1808. 


The  Spanish  troops  in  Hamburg — Romana's  siesta — His  departure  for 
Funen — Celebration  of  Napoleon's  birthday — Romana's  defection — 
English  agents  and  the  Dutch  troops — Facility  of  communication  be- 
tween England  and  the  Continent — Delay  of  couriers  from  Russia — 
Alarm  and  complaints — The  people  of  Hamburg — Montesquieu  and 
the  Minister  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany — Invitations  at  six  months 
— Napoleon's  journey  to  Italy — Adoption  of  Eugene — Lucien's  daugh- 
ter and  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias — M.  Auguste  de  Stael's  interview 
with  Napoleon 160-176 


CHAPTER    XVn. 

1808. 

The  Republic  of  Batavia — The  crown  of  Holland  offered  to  Louis — Offer 
and  refusal  of  the  crown  of  Spain — Napoleon's  attempt  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Brabant — Napoleon  before  and  after  Erfurt — A  remarkable 
letter  to  Louis — Louis  summoned  to  Paris — His  honesty  and  courage 
— His  bold  language — Louis'  return  to  Holland,  and  his  letter  to 
Napoleon — Harsh  letter  from  Napoleon  to  Louis — Affray  at  Amster- 
dam— Napoleon's  displeasure  and  last  letter  to  his  brother — Louis' 
abdication  in  favour  of  his  son — Union  of  Holland  to  the  French 
Empire — Protest  of  Louis  against  that  measure— Letter  from  M. 
Otto  to  Louis 177-180 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XVm. 

1809. 

Demands  for  contingents  from  some  of  the  small  States  of  Germany — M. 
Metternich — Position  of  Russia  with  respect  to  Prance — Union  of 
Austria  and  Russia — Picturn  of  the  English  to  Spain — Soult  King  of 
Portugal,  and  Murat  successor  to  the  Emperor — First  levy  of  the 
landwehr  in  Austria — Agents  of  the  Hamburg  Corre^iondant — 
Declaration  of  Prince  Charles — Napoleon's  march  to  Germany — His 
proclamation — Bernadotte's  departure  for  the  army — Napoleon's  dis- 
like of  Bernadotte — Prince  Charles'  plan  of  campaign — The  Englich 
at  Cuxhaven — Fruitlessness  of  the  plots  of  England — Napoleon 
wounded — Napoleon's  prediction  realised — Major  Schill — Hamburg 
threatened  and  saved — Schill  in  Liibeck- — His  death,  and  destruction 
of  his  band — Schill  imitated  by  the  Duke  of  Brunswick-CEls — De- 
parture of  the  English  from  Cuxhaven 191-203 


CHAPTER    XIX 

1809. 

The  castle  of  Diemstein — Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  and  Marshal  Lannes — 
The  Emperor  at  the  gates  of  Vienna — The  xVrchduchess  Maria  Louisa 
— Facility  of  correspondence  with  England — Smuggling  in  Hamburg 
— Brown  sugar  and  sand — Hearses  filled  with  sugar  and  cofFee — Em- 
bargo on  the  publication  of  news — Supervision  of  the  Hamburg  Cor- 
rexi^ondant — Festival  of  Saint  Napoleon — Ecclesiastical  adulation — 
The  King  of  Westphalia's  journey  through  his  States — Attempt  to 
raise  a  loan — Jerome's  present  to  me — The  present  returned — Bona- 
parte's unfounded  suspicions 204-210 


CHAPTER    XX. 

1809. 

Visit  to  the  field  of  Wagram— Marshal  Macdonald— Union  of  the  Papal 
States  with  the  Empire— The  battle  of  Talavera — Sir  Arthur  Welles- 
ley — English  expedition  to  Holland — Attempt  to  assassinate  the 
Emperor  at  Schcenbrunn — Staps  interrogated  by  Napoleon — Pardon 
oflPered  and  rejected — Fanaticism  and  patriotism — Corvisart's  exam- 
ination of  Staps — Second  interrogatory — Tirade  against  the  illumi- 


CONTENTS. 


nati — Accusation  of  the  Courts  of  Berlin  and  Weimar — Firmness  and 
resignation  of  iStaps — Particulars  respecting  his  death — Influence  of 
the  attempt  of  Staps  on  the  conclusion  of  peace — M.  de  Cham- 
pagny 311-219 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

1809. 

The  Princess  Royal  of  Denmark — Destruction  of  the  German  Empire — 
Napoleon's  visit  to  the  Courts  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg — His  return 
to  France — First  mention  of  the  divorce — Intelligence  of  Napoleon's 
marriage  with  Maria  Louisa — Napoleon's  quarrel  with  Louis — Journey 
of  the  Emperor  and  Empress  into  Holland — Refusal  of  the  Hanse 
Towns  to  pay  the  French  troops — Decree  for  burning  English  mer- 
chandise— M.  de  Vergennes — Plan  for  turning  an  inevitable  evil  to  the 
best  account — Fall  on  the  exchange  of  St  Petersburg — Annex  220-233 


CHAPTER    XXII. 

1809-1810. 

Bernadotfce  elected  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden — Count  Wrede's  overtures  to 
Bernadotte — Bernadotte's  three  days'  visit  to  Hamburg — Particulars 
respecting  the  battle  of  Wagram — Secret  Order  of  the  day — Last  in- 
tercourse of  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  with  Napoleon — My  advice 
to  Bernadotte  respecting  the  Continental  system— Annex  . .  233-344 

CHAPTER    XXm. 

1810. 

Bernadotte's  departure  from  Hamburg— The  Duke  of  Hoi  stein- Augusten- 
burg — Arrival  of  the  Crovra  Prince  in  Sweden— Misunderstandings 
between  him  and  Napoleon— Letter  from  Bernadotte  to  the  Emper- 
or—Plot  for  kidnapping  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden— Invasion  of 
Swedish  Pomerania — Forced  alliance  of  Sweden  with  England  and 
Russia — Napoleon's  overtures  to  Sweden — Bernadotte's  letters  of  ex- 
planation to  the  Emperor— The  Princess  Royal  of  Svi-eden- My  recall 
to  Paris— Union  of  the  Hanse  Towns  with  France— Dissatisfaction  of 
Russia — Extraordinary  demand  made  upon  me  by  Bonaparte — Fidel- 
ity of  my  old  friends- Duroc  and  Rapp— Visit  to  Malmaison,  and 
conversation  with  Josephine 245-259 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEK  XXIV. 

1811. 

Arrest  of  La  Sahla — My  visit  to  him — His  confinement  at  Vincennes — 
Subsequent  history  of  La  Sahla — His  second  journey  to  France — De- 
tonating powder — Plot  hatched  against  me  by  the  Prince  of  Eckmuhl 
— Friendly  offices  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo — Bugbears  of  the  police — 
Savary,  Minister  of  Police 260-209 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

1811. 

M.  CzernischelT — Dissimulation  of  Napoleon — Napoleon  and  Alexander — 
Josephine's  foresight  respecting  the  affairs  of  Spain — My  visits  to 
Malmaison — Grief  of  Josephine — Tears  and  the  toilet — Vast  extent  of 
the  Empire — List  of  persons  condemned  to  death  and  banishment  in 
Piedmont — Observation  of  Alfieri  respecting  the  Spaniards — Success 
in  Spain — Check  of  Massena  in  Portugal — Money  lavished  by  the 
English — Bertrand  sent  to  Illyria,  and  Marmont  to  Portugal — Situa- 
tion of  the  French  army — Assembling  of  the  Cortes — Europe  sacrificed 
to  the  Continental  system — Conversation  with  Murat  in  the  Champs 
Elysees — New  titles  and  old  names — Napoleon's  dislike  of  literary 
men — Odes,  etc.,  on  the  marriage  of  Napoleon — Chateaubriand  and 
Leraercier — Death  of  Chenier — Chateaubriand  elected  his  successor — 
His  discourse  read  by  Napoleon — Bonaparte  compared  to  Nero — Sup- 
pression of  the  Mcrcure — M.  de  Chateaubriand  ordered  to  leave  Paris 
— MM.  Lemercier  and  Esmenard  presented  to  the  Emperor — Birth  of 
the  King  of  Rome— France  in  1811 270-288 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

1811. 

My  return  to  Hamburg — Government  Committee  established  there — An- 
ecdote of  the  Corate  de  Chaban — Napoleon's  misunderstanding  with 
the  Poje — Cardinal  Fesch — Convention  of  a  Council — Declaration 
requited  from  the  Bishops — Spain  in  1811 — Certainty  of  war  with 
Russia — Lauriston  supersedes  Caulaincourt  at  St.  Petersburg — The 
war  in  .Spain  neglected — Troops  of  all  nations  at  the  disposal  of  Bona- 
parte— Levy  of  the  National  Guard — Treaties  with  Prussia  and  Austria 
— Capitulation  renewed  with  Switzerland — Intrigues  with  Czernischeflf 


CONTENTS. 


— Attacks  of  my  enemies — Memorial  to  the  Emperor — Ogier  de  la 
Saussaye  and  the  mysterious  box — Removal  of  the  Pope  to  Pontaire- 
bleau — Anecdote  of  His  Holiness  and  M.  Donon — Departure  of  Na- 
poleon and  Maria  Louisa  for  Dresden — Situation  of  affairs  in  ^pain 
and  Portugal — Rapp's  account  of  the  Emperor's  journey  to  Dantzio 
— Mutual  wish  for  war  on  the  part  of  Napoleon  and  Alexander— Swe- 
tlen  and  Turkey — Napoleon's  vain  attempt  to  detach  Sweden  from 
her  alliance  with  Russia 2S9-y06 


CHAPTER    XXVn. 

1813. 

Changeableness  of  Bonaparte's  plans  and  opinions — Articles  for  the 
Moniteiir  dictated  by  the  First  Consul— The  Protocol  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Chatillon — Conversations  with  Davoust  at  Hamburg — Prom- 
ise of  the  Viceroyalty  of  Poland— Hope  and  disappointment  of  the 
Poles — Influence  of  illusion  on  Bonaparte — The  French  in  Moscow — 
Disasters  of  the  reti-eat — Mallet's  conspiracy — Intelligence  of  the 
affair  communicated  to  Napoleon  at  Smolensko — Circumstances  de- 
tailed by  Rapp — Real  motives  of  Napoleon's  return  to  Paris — I\Iurat, 
Ney,  and  Eugene — Power  of  the  Italians  to  endure  cold — Napoleon's 
exertions  to  repair  his  losses — Defection  of  General  York — Convoca- 
tion of  a  Privy  Council — War  resolved  on — Wavering  of  the  Pope 
— Useless  negotiations  v/ith  Vienna — Maria  Louisa  appointed  Re- 
gent    307-319 


CHAPTER    XXVIH. 

1813. 

Riots  in  Hamburg  and  Liibeck — Attempted  suicide  of  M.  Konning — Evac- 
uation of  Hamburg — Dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of  General  St. 
Cyr — The  Cabinets  of  Vienna  and  the  Tuileries — First  appearance  of 
the  Cossacks — Colonel  Tettenborn  invited  to  occupy  Hamburg — 
Cordial  reception  of  the  Russians — Depredations — Levies  of  troops 
— Testimonials  of  gratitude  to  Tettenborn — Napoleon's  new  army — 
Death  of  General  Morand — Remarks  of  Napoleon  on  Vandamme — 
Bonaparte  and  Gustavus  Adolphus — Junction  of  the  corps  of  Da- 
voust and  Vandamme — Reoccupation  of  Hamburg  by  the  French — 
General  Hogendorff  appointed  Governor  of  Hamburg — Exactions 
and  vexatious  contributions  levied  upon  Hamburg  and  Liibeck — 
Hostages 320-334 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 


1813. 


y 


Napoleon's  second  visit  to  Dresden — Battle  of  Bautzen — The  Congress  at 
Prague — Napoleon  ill  advised  —Battle  of  Vittoria — General  Tiloreau — 
Rupture  of  the  conferences  at  Pi-ague — Defection  of  Jomini — Battles 
of  Dresden  and  Leipsic — Account  of  the  death  of  Duroc — An  inter- 
rupted conversation  resumed  a  year  after — Particulars  respecting 
Poniatowski — His  extraordinary  courage  and  death — His  monument 
at  Leipsic  and  tomb  in  the  cathedral  of  Warsaw So5-847 


CHAPTER    XXX. 

1813.    / 

Amount  of  the  Allied  forces  against  Napoleon — Their  advance  towards 
the  Rhine — Levy  of  280,000  men — Dreadful  situation  of  tlie  French 
at  ISIaycnce — Declaration  of  the  Allies  at  Frankfort — Diplomatic  cor- 
respondence— The  Due  de  Bassano  succeeded  by  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
— The  conditions  of  the  Allies  vaguely  accepted — Caulaincourt  sent 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  Allies — Manifesto  of  the  Allied  powers  to 
the  French  people — Gift  of  30,000,000  from  the  Emperor's  privy  purse 
— Wish  to  recall  M.  de  Talleyrand — Singular  advice  relative  to  Wel- 
lington— The  French  army  recalled  from  Spain — The  throne  resigned 
by  Joseph — Absurd  accusation  against  M.  Laine — Adjournment  of 
the  Legislative  Body — Napoleon's  Speech  to  the  Legislative  Body — 
Remarks  of  Napoleon  reported  by  Cambaccris 318-360 


CHAPTER    XXXI. 

1813. 

The  flag  of  the  army  of  Italy  and  the  eagles  of  1813 — Entrance  of  the 
Allies  into  Switzerland — Summons  to  the  Minister  of  Police — My  re- 
fusal to  accept  a  mission  to  Switzerland — Interviews  with  M.  de 
Talleyrand  and  the  Due  de  Vicenza — Offer  of  a  Dukedom  and  the 
Grand  Cordon  of  the  Legion  of  Honour — Definitive  refusal — The 
Due  de  Vicenza's  message  to  me  in  181.5 — Commencement  of  the 
siege  of  Hamburg — A  bridge  two  leagues  long — Executions  at  Lflbeck 
— Scarcity  of  provisions  in  Hamburg — Banishm'^-nt  of  the  inhabitants 
— Men  bastinadoed  and  women  whipped — Hospitality  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Altona 361-370 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

1813-1814. 

Prince  Eugbne  and  the  affairs  of  Italy — The  army  of  Italy  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Austria — -Eugene's  regret  at  the  defection  of  the  Bavarians — 
Murat's  dissimulation  and  perfidy — His  treaty  with  Austria — Hostil- 
ities followed  by  a  declaration  of  war — Murat  abandoned  by  the 
French  generals — Proclamation  from  Paris — Murat's  success — Gigan- 
tic scheme  of  Napoleon — Napoleon  advised  to  join  the  Jacobins — His 
refusal — Armament  of  the  National  Guard — The  Emperor's  farewell 
to  the  officers — The  Congress  of  Chatillon — Refusal  of  an  armistice — 
Napoleon's  character  displayed  in  his  negotiations — Opening  of  the 
Congress — Discussions — Rupture  of  the  Conferences 371-388 


CHAPTER    XXXni. 

1814. 

Curious  conversation  between  General  Reynier  and  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander— Napoleon  repulses  the  Prussians— The  Russians  at  Fontaine- 
bleau — Battle  of  Brienne — Sketch  of  the  campaign  of  France — Supper 
after  the  battle  of  Champ  Anbert — Intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Due  d'Angouleme  and  the  Comte  d'Artois  in  France — The  battle  of 
the  ravens  and  the  eagle — Battle  of  Craonne — Departure  of  the  Pope 
and  the  Spanish  Priices— Capture  of  a  convoy — Macdonald  at  the 
Emperor's  headquarters — The  inverted  cipher — Annex 389-400 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 

1814. 

The  men  of  the  Revolution  and  the  men  of  the  Empire — The  Council  of 
Regency — Departure  of  the  Empress  from  Paris — Marmont  and  Mor- 
tier— Joseph's  flight — Meeting  at  Marmont's  hotel — Capitulation  of 
Paris — Marmont's  interview  with  the  Emperor  at  Fontainebleau — 
Colonels  Fabvier  and  Denys— The  Royalist  cavalcade— Meeting  at  the 
hotel  of  the  Comte  de  Morfontaine— M.  de  Cliauteaubriand  and  his 
pamphlet— Deputation  to  the  Emperor  Alexander— Entrance  of  the 
Allied  sovereigns  into  Paris— Alexander  lodged  in  M.  Talleyrand's 
hotel — Meetings  held  there— The  Emperor  Alexander's  declaration — 
My  appointment  as  Postmaster-General — Composition  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government — Mistake  respecting  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor  of 


CONTENTS. 


Austria — Caulaincourt's  mission  from  Napoleon — His  interview  with 
the  Emperor  Alexander — Alexander's  address  to  the  deputation  of  the 
Senate — M.  de  CauJaincourt  ordered  to  quit  the  capital 401-419 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

1814. 

Situation  of  Bonaparte  during  the  events  of  the  oOth  and  31st  of  March — 
His  arrival  at  Fontainebleau — Plan  of  attacking  Paris — Arrival  of 
troops  at  Fontainebleau — The  Emperor's  address  to  the  Guard — For- 
feiture pronounced  by  the  Senate — Letters  to  Marmont — Correspond- 
ence between  Marmont  and  Schwartzenberg — Macdonald  informed  of 
the  occupation  of  Paris — Conversation  between  the  Emperor  and 
Macdonald  at  Fontainebleau — Beurnonville's  letter — Abdication  on 
condition  of  a  Regency — Napoleon's  wish  to  retract  his  act  of  abdica- 
tion— Macdonald,  Ney,  and  Caulaincourt  sent  to  Paris — Marmont 
released  from  his  promise  by  Prince  Schwartzenberg 420-4:j3 


CHAPTER     XXXVL 

1814. 

Unexpected  receipts  in  the  Post-office  Department — Arrival  of  Napoleon's 
Commissioners  at  M.  de  Talleyrand's — Conference  of  the  Marshals 
with  Alexander — Alarming  news  from  Essonne — Marmont's  courage 
— The  white  cockade  and  the  tri-coloured  cockade — A  successful 
stratagem — Three  Governments  in  France— The  Due  de  Cadore  sent 
by  Maria  Louisa  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria — Maria  Louisa's  procla- 
mation to  the  French  people — Interview  between  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  and  the  Due  de  Cadore — The  Emperor's  protestation  of 
friendship  for  Napoleon — M.  Mettemich  and  M.  Stadion — Maria 
Louisa's  departure  for  Orleans — Blucher's  visit  to  me — Audience  of 
the  King  of  Prussia — His  Majesty's  reception  of  Berthier,  Clarke,  and 
myself — Bernadotte  in  Paris — Cross  of  the  Polar  Star  presented  to  me 
by  Bernadotte 433-451 


APPENDIX. 

Remarks  on  the  FoKEGOiNa  Map  ....  452-455 

The  Preparations  for  the  Russian  Campaign  .  4.56-459 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTEATIOI^S. 

TO  FACE 

I.  Napoleon  (Second  Portrait)        .  •     .        .        ,  Title 

II.  Maeshal  Ney  (First  Portrait)     ....  10 

III.  Caulaincourt,  Duke  of  Vicenza        ...  70 

TV.  Maeshal  Davoust 86 

V.  The  Chakge  of  the  Cuirassieks  at  Eylau      .  104 

VI.  General  Junot 122 

VII.  Maeshal  Soult 194 

VIII.  The  Empress  Maria  Louisa  (First  Portrait)     .  228 

IX.  General  Lasalle 242 

X  Marshal  Massena 274 

XI.  Coloured  Map  of  Europe  to  Illustrate  the 

Dominion  of  Napoi*eon 452 


MEMOIES 


NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 


CHAPTER  I.        K-  3 

1805. 

Abolition  of  the  Republican  calendar — Warlike  preparations  in  Austria — 
Plan  for  re-organising  the  National  Guard — Napoleon  in  Strasburg — 
General  Mack — Proclamation — Captain  Bernard's  reconnoitring  mis- 
sion— The  Emperor's  pretended  anger  and  real  satisfaction — Informa- 
tion respecting  Ragusa  communicated  by  Bernard — Rapid  and  de- 
served promotion — General  Bernard's  retirement  to  the  United  States 
of  America. 

I  HAD  been  three  months  at  Hamburg  when  I  learned  that 
the  Emperor  had  at  last  resolved  to  abolish  the  only  re- 
maining memorial  of  the  Republic,  namely,  the  revolution- 
ary calendar."  That  calendar  was  indeed  an  absurd  inno- 
vation, for  the  new  denominations  of  the  months  were  not 
applicable  in  all  places,  even  in  France  ;  the  corn  of  Pro- 
vence did  not  wait  to  be  ripened  by  the  sun  of  the  month 
of  Messidor.  On  the  9th  of  September  a  Smatus-consuUe 
decreed  that  on  the  1st  of  January  following  the  months 
and  days  should  resume  their  own  names.  I  read  with 
much  interest  Laplace's  report  to  the  Senate,  and  must 
confess  I  was  very  glad  to  see  the  Gregorian  calendar  again 
acknowledged  by  law,  as  it  had  already  been  acknowledged 
in  fact.  Frenchmen  in  foreign  countries  experienced  par- 
ticular inconvenience  from  the  adoption  of  a  system  dif- 
ferent from  all  the  rest  of  the  world. 

'  See  the  end  of  the  second  volume. 

Vol.  III.— 1 


2  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

A  few  Jays  after  the  revival  of  the  old  calendar  the  Em- 
peror departed  for  the  army.  When  at  Hamburg  it  may 
well  be  supposed  that  I  was  anxious  to  obtain  news,  and  I 
received  plenty  from  the  interior  of  Germany  and  from 
some  friends  in  Paris.  This  correspondence  enables  me 
to  present  to  my  readers  a  comprehensive  and  accurate 
picture  of  the  state  of  public  affairs  up  to  the  time  when 
Napoleon  took  the  field.  I  have  already  mentioned  how 
artfull}'  he  always  made  it  appear  that  he  was  anxious  for 
peace,  and  that  he  was  always  the  party  attacked  ;  his  con- 
duct previous  to  the  first  conquest  of  Vienna  affords  a  strik- 
ing example  of  this  artifice.  It  was  jDretty  evident  that  the 
transformation  of  the  Cisalpine  Republic  into  the  kingdom 
of  Italy,  and  the  union  of  Genoa  to  France  were  infractions 
of  treaties  ;  yet  the  Emperor,  nevertheless,  pretended  that 
all  the  infractions  were  committed  by  Austria.  The  truth 
is,  that  Austria  was  raising  levies  as  secretly  as  possible, 
and  collecting  her  trooj^s  on  the  frontiers  of  Bavaria.  An 
Austrian  corps  even  penetrated  into  some  provinces  of  the 
Electoi'ate  ;  all  this  afforded  Napoleon  a  pretext  for  going 
to  the  aid  of  his  allies. 

In  the  memorable  sitting  preceding  his  departure  the 
Emperor  presented  a  project  of  a  Senatus-consuUe  relative 
to  the  re -organisation  of  the  National  Guard.  The  Minis- 
ter for  Foreign  Affairs  read  an  explanation  of  the  recipro- 
cal conduct  of  France  and  Austria  since  the  peace  of  Lune- 
ville,  in  which  the  offences  of  France  were  concealed  with 
wonderful  skill.  Before  the  sitting  broke  up  the  Emperor 
addressed  the  members,  stating  that  he  was  about  to  leave 
the  capital  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army  to  afford 
prompt  succour  to  his  allies,  and  defend  the  dearest  inter- 
ests of  his  people.  He  boasted  of  his  wish  to  preserve 
peace,  which  Austria  and  Russia,  as  he  alleged,  had, 
through  the  influence  of  England,  been  induced  to  dis- 
turb. 

This   address  produced  a  very  powerful  impression  in 


1805.       ENTHUSIASM  IN  THE  FRENCH  ARMY.  3 

Hamburg.  For  my  part,  I  recognised  in  it  Napoleon's 
usual  boasting  strain  ;  but  on  this  occasion  events  seemed 
bent  on  justifying  it.  The  Emperor  may  certainly  have 
performed  more  scientific  campaigns  than  that  of  Auster- 
litz,  but  never  any  more  glorious  in  results.  Everything 
seemed  to  partake  of  the  marvellous,  and  I  have  often 
thought  of  the  secret  joy  which  Bonaparte  must  have  felt 
on  seeing  himself  at  last  on  the  point  of  commencing  a 
great  vrar  in  Germany,  for  which  he  had  so  often  ex- 
pressed an  ardent  desire.  He  proceeded  first  to  Stras- 
burg,  whither  Josephine  accompanied  him. 

All  the  reports  that  I  received  agreed  with  the  state- 
ments of  my  private  correspondence  in  describing  the  in- 
credible enthusiasm  which  prevailed  in  the  army  on  learn- 
ing that  it  was  to  march  into  Germany.  For  the  first  time 
Najjoleon  had  recourse  to  an  expeditious  mode  of  trans- 
port, and  20,000  carriages  conveyed  his  army,  as  if  by  en- 
chantment, from  the  shores  of  the  Channel  to  the  banks 
of  the  Rhine.'  The  idea  of  an  active  campaign  fii'ed  the 
ambition  of  the  junior  part  of  the  army.  All  dreamed  of 
glory,  and  of  speedy  promotion,  and  all  hoped  to  distin- 
guish themselves  before  the  eyes  of  a  chief  who  was  idol- 
ised by  his  troops.  Thus  during  his  short  stay  at  Stras- 
burg  the  Emperor  might  with  reason  prophesy  the  suc- 
cess which  crowned  his  efforts  vmder  the  walls  of  Vienna. 

1  Much  has  been  said  about  the  part  of  the  army  being  conveyed  "  en  poste,"  but 
it  is  obvious  tliut  no  very  large  boily  of  men  could  really  have  been  conveyed  in  tl.at 
manner  at  a  time  when  all  ordinary  means  of  transport  were  required  lor  the  usual 
accompaniments  of  an  enormous  army.  Segur  {Meinoires,  tome  ii.  p.  S5i!)  repre- 
sents Napoleon  as  saying  to  the  Mayor  of  Lflle,  "Feast  my  divisions  on  their  march, 
and  organise  chariots  to  double  their  marches.  Allow  for  25,000  men,  let  them  go  by 
post :  you  will  thus  give  the  movement  a  first,  great,  and  useful  example."  It  is  ob- 
vious that  a  few  carriages  takini;  weak  and  tired  men  would  hasten  the  march  of  the 
regiments  without  actually  carrying  many.  Compare  the  instructions,  only  ordi- 
nary details,  criven  to  Marmont  (Eafjuse,  tome  ii.  p.  2S7).  Jomini  (tome  ii.)  makes 
no  mention  of  any  such  measure. 

In  1793,  after  the  capitulation  of  Maj-ence,  the  garrison,  about  20,000  men,  were 
ordered  to  be  sent  by  post  carriages  to  La  Vendee  (Thiers'  Revolution,  tome  iii.  p. 
120).  Miot  de  Melito  (tome  i.  p.  3.5)  says  that  he  organised  this  transport  under 
Bouchotte.  then  the  Minister  of  War,  but  the  exact  numbers  are  not  given,  and  the 
movement  was  across  I'rance  itself. 


4  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

Rapp,  who  accompanied  liim,  informed  me  that  on  leaving 
Strasburg  he  observed,  in  the  presence  of  several  per- 
sons, "  It  will  be  said  that  I  made  Mack's  plan  of  cam- 
paign for  him.  The  Caudine  Forks  are  at  Uhn."  '  Ex- 
perience proved  that  Bonaparte  was  not  deceived  ;  bnt  I 
ought  on  this  occasion  to  contradict  a  calumnious  report 
circulated  at  that  time,  and  since  maliciously  repeated.  It 
has  been  said  that  there  existed  an  understanding  between 
Mack  and  Bonaparte,  and  that  the  general  was  bought 
over  to  deliver  up  the  gates  of  XJlm.  I  have  received  posi- 
tive proof  that  this  assertion  is  a  scandalous  falsehood  ; 
and  the  only  thing  that  could  give  it  weight  was  Napo- 
leon's intercession  after  the  campaign  that  Mack  might 
not  be  put  on  his  trial.  In  this  intercession  Napoleon 
was  actuated  only  by  humanity. 

On  taking  the  field  Napoleon  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  Bavarians,*  with  whom  he  opposed  the  enemy's 
army  before  the  arrival  of  his  own  troops.  As  soon  as 
they  were  assembled  he  published  the  following  proclama- 
tion, which  still  farther  excited  the  ardour  of  the  troops. 

Soldiers — The  war  of  the  third  coalition  is  commenced.  The 
Austrian  army  has  passed  the  Inn,  violated  treaties,  attacked  and 
driven  onr  ally  from  his  capital.  You  yourselves  have  been  obliged 
to  hasten,  by  forced  marches,  to  the  defence  of  our  frontiers.  But 
you  have  now  passed  the  Rhine  ;  and  we  will  not  stop  till  we  have 
secured  the  independence  of  the  Germanic  body,  succoured  our  al- 
lies, and  humbled  the  pride  of  our  unjust  assailants.  We  will  not 
again  make  peace  witliout  a  sufficient  guarantee  !  Our  generosity 
shall  not  again  wrong  our  policy,  Soldiers,  your  Emperor  is  among 
you !  You  are  but  the  advanced  guard  of  the  great  people.  If  it 
be  necessary  they  will  all  rise  at  my  call  to  confound  and  dissolve 


>  This  allusion  to  the  Caudine  Forks  was  always  in  Napoleon's  mouth  when  he  saw 
an  enemy's  army  concentratod  on  a  point,  and  foresaw  its  defeat. — Bonrrienne. 

'^  This,  as  Erreurs  (tome  i.  p.  7)  points  out,  is  a  mistake.  The  first  combats  in 
1805  fell  to  M\:iat,  Ney,  anil  Sonlt,  none  of  whom  had  any  Bavarians  under  them. 
It  was  in  1809  that  Napoleon,  on  the  plateau  in  front  of  Abensberg,  only  escorted 
by  Bavarian  cavalry,  harangued  the  troops  of  Bavaria  and  Wurtemburg  which  de- 
filed before  him  {Tliiers,  tome  x.  p.  143). 


1805.  CAPTAIN  BERNARD'S  MISSION.  5 

this  uew  league,  which  has  been  created  by  the  malice  and  the  gold 
of  England.  But,  soldiers,  we  shall  have  forced  marches  to  make, 
fatigues  and  privations  of  every  kind  to  endure.  Still,  whatever 
obstacles  may  be  opposed  to  us,  we  will  conquer  them  ;  and  we 
will  never  rest  until  we  have  planted  our  eagles  on  the  territory  of 
our  enemies  1 

In  the  confidential  notes  of  his  diplomatic  agents,  in  his 
speeches,  and  in  his  proclamations,  Napoleon  always  de- 
scribed himself  as  the  attacked  party,  and  j^erhaj^s  his  very 
earnestness  in  so  doing  sufficed  to  reveal  the  truth  to  all 
those  who  had  learned  to  read  his  thoughts  differently 
from  what  his  words  expressed  tbem. 

At  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  of  Austerlitz  a 
circumstance  occurred  from  which  is  to  be  dated  the  fort- 
une of  a  very  meritorious  man.  While  the  Emperor  was 
at  Strasburg  he  asked  General  Marescot,  the  commander- 
in-chief  of  the  engineers,  whether  he  could  recommend 
from  his  corps  a  brave,  prudent,  and  intelligent  young  of- 
ficer, capable  of  being  entrusted  with  an  important  recon- 
noitring mission.  The  officer  selected  by  General  Mares- 
cot was  a  captain  in  the  engineers,  named  Bernard,  who 
had  been  educated  in  the  Polytechnic  School.  He  set  off 
on  his  mission,  advanced  almost  to  Vienna,  and  returned  to 
the  headquarters  of  the  Emperor  at  the  capitulation  of 
Ulm. 

Bonaparte  interrogated  him  himself,  and.was  well  satis- 
fied with  his  replies  ;  but,  not  content  with  answering 
verbally  the  questions  put  by  Napoleon,  Captain  Bernard 
had  drawn  vip  a  report  of  what  he  observed,  and  the  dif- 
ferent routes  which  might  be  taken.  Among  other  things 
he  observed  that  it  would  be  a  great  advantage  to  direct 
the  whole  army  uponVienna,  without  regard  to  the  fortified 
places  ;  for  that,  once  master  of  the  capital  of  Austria,  the 
Emperor  might  dictate  laws  to  all  the  Austrian  monarchy. 
"I  was  present,"  said  Rapp  to  me,  "  at  this  young  officer's 
interview  with  the  Emperor.     After  reading  the  report. 


6  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805. 

would  you  believe  that  the  Emperor  flew  into  a  furious 
passion  ?  '  How  ! '  cried  he,  '  you  are  very  bold,  very  pre- 
sumptuous !  A  young  officer  to  take  the  liberty  of  tracing 
out  a  plan  of  campaign  for  me  !  Begone,  and  await  my 
orders.'  " 

This,  and  some  other  circumstances  which  I  shall  have 
to  add  respecting  Captain  Bernard,  completely  reveal  Na- 
poleon's character.  Rapp  told  me  that  as  soon  as  the 
young  officer  had  left  the  Emperor  all  at  once  changed  his 
tone.  "  That,"  said  he,  "  is  a  clever  young  man  ;  he  has 
taken  a  proi:)er  view  of  things.  I  shall  not  expose  him  to 
the  chance  of  being  shot.  Perhaps  I  shall  sometime  want 
his  services.  Tell  Berthier  to  desj^atch  an  order  for  his 
departure  for  Illyria." 

This  order  was  despatched,  and  Captain  Bernard,  who, 
like  his  comrades,  was  ardently  looking  forward  to  the 
approaching  campaign,  regarded  as  a  punishment  what 
was,  on  the  Emperor's  part,  a  j^recaution  to  preserve  a 
young  man  whose  merit  he  appreciated.  At  the  close  of 
the  campaign,  when  the  Emperor  promoted  those  officers 
who  had  distinguished  themselves,  Bernard,  who  was 
thought  to  be  in  disgrace,  was  not  included  in  Berthier's 
list  among  the  captains  of  engineers  whom  he  recommended 
to  the  rank  of  chef  de  hataiUon  ;  but  Napoleon  himself  in- 
scribed Bernard's  name  before  all  the  rest.  However,  the 
Emperor  forgot  him  for  some  time  ;  and  it  was  only  an 
accidental  circumstance  that  brought  him  to  his  recollec- 
tion. I  never  had  any  personal  acquaintance  with  Bernard, 
but  I  learned  from  Eapp,  how  he  afterwards  became  his 
colleague  as  aide  de  camp  to  the  Emperor  ;  a  circumstance 
which  I  shall  now  relate,  though  it  refers  to  a  later 
period. 

Before  the  Emperor  left  Paris  for  the  campaign  of  1812 
he  wished  to  gain  precise  information  respecting  Ragusa 
and  Illyria.  He  sent  for  Marmont,  but  was  not  satisfied 
with  his  answers.     He   then   interrogated  several  other 


1805.  UNEXPECTED  PROMOTION.    '  7 

generals,  but  the  result  of  his  inquiries  always  was,  "  This 
is  all  very  well  ;  but  it  is  not  what  I  want.  I  do  not  know 
Ragusa."  He  then  sent  for  General  Dejean,  wlio  had 
succeeded  M.  de  Marescot  as  first  inspector  of  the 
Engineers, 

"Have  you  any  one  among  your  officers,"  he  asked, 
"  who  is  well  acquainted  with  Eagusa  ?  "  Dejean,  after  a 
little  reflection,  replied,  "Sire,  there  is  a  chef  de  balailloii 
who  has  been  a  long  time  forgotten,  but  who  knows  Illyria 
perfectly." — "  What's  his  name  ?  "  —  "  Bernard." — "  Ah ! 
stop  .  .  .  Bernard !  I  remember  that  name.  Where 
is  he?" — "At  Antwerj),  Sire,  employed  on  the  fortifica- 
tions."— "Let  a  telegraphic  despatch'  be  immediately 
ti'ansmitted,  desiring  him  to  mount  his  horse  and  come 
with  all  speed  to  Pai'is." 

The  promptitude  with  which  the  Emperor's  orders  were 
always  executed  is  well  known.  A  few  days  after  C;q)tain 
Bernard  was  in  the  Emperor's  cabinet  in  Paris.  Napoleon 
received  him  very  graciously.  The  first  thing  he  said  was, 
"Talk  to  me  about  Ragusa."  This  was  a  favourite  mode 
of  interrogation  with  him  in  similar  cases,  and  I  have  heard 
him  say  that  it  was  a  sure  way  of  drawing  out  all  that  a 
man  had  observed  in  any  country  that  he  had  visited.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  he  Avas  perfectly  satisfied  with  M.  Bernard's 
information  respecting  Illyria  ;  and  when  the  chef  de 
hataillon  had  finished  speaking  Napoleon  said,  "  Colonel 
Bernard,  I  am  now  acquainted  with  Ragusa."  The  Em- 
peror afterwards '  conversed  familiarly  with  him,  entered 
into  details  respecting  the  system  of  fortification  adopted 
at  Antwerp,  referred  to  the  plan  of  the  works,  criticised  it, 
and  showed  how  he  would,  if  he  besieged  the  town,  render 
the  means  of  defence  unavailing.  The  new  Colonel  ex- 
plained so  well  how  he  would  defend  the  town  against  the 
Emperor's  attack  that  Bonaparte  was  delighted,  and  im- 
mediately bestowed  upon  the  young  officer  a  mark  of  dis- 

'  i.e.  by  semaphore  anna. 


8  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805. 

tinction  whicli,  as  far  as  I  know,  he  never  granted  but  upon 
that  single  occasion.  The  Emperor  was  going  to  preside 
at  the  Council  of  State,  and  desired  Colonel  Bernard  to 
accompany  him,  and  many  times  during  the  sittings  he 
asked  him  for  his  opinion  upon  the  points  which  were 
under  discussion.  On  leaving  the  Council  Napoleon  said, 
"Bernard,  you  are  in  future  niy  aide  de  camp."  After  the 
campaign  he  was  made  General  of  Brigade,  soon  after 
General  of  Division,  and  now  he  is  acknowledged  to  be 
one  of  the  ablest  engineer  officers  in  existence.  Clarke's 
silly  conduct  deprived  France  of  this  distinguished  man, 
wl]o  refused  the  brilliant  offers  of  several  sovereigns  of 
Europe  for  the  sake  of  retiring  to  the  United  States  of 
America,  where  he  commands  the  Engineers,  and  has  con- 
structed fortifications  on  the  coast  of  the  Floridas  which 
are  considered  by  engineers  to  be  masterpieces  of  military 
art. 


1805. 


CHAPTER    IL 

1805. 

Rapidity  of  Napoleon's  victories — Murat  at  Wertingen — Conquest  of 
Ney's  duchy — Tiie  French  army  before  Ulm — ThePiinceof  Liechten- 
stein at  the  Imperial  headquarters — His  interview  with  Napoleon  de- 
scribed by  Rapp — Capitulation  of  Ulm  signed  by  Earthier  and  Mack 
— Napoleon  before  and  after  a  victory — His  address  to  the  captive 
generals — The  Emperor's  proclamation — Ten  thousand  prisoners 
taken  by  Murat — Battle  of  Caldiero  in  Italy — Letter  from  Duroc — 
Attempts  to  retard  the  Emperor's  progress — Fruitless  mission  of  M. 
de  Giulay — The  first  French  eagles  taken  by  the  Russians — Bold  ad- 
venture of  Lannes  and  Mura^ — The  French  enter  Vienna — Savary's 
mission  to  the  Emperor  Alexander. 

To  convey  an  idea  of  the  brilliant  campaign  of  1805  from 
an  abstract  of  the  reports  and  letters  I  received  at  Ham- 
burg I  should,  like  the  almanac- makers,  be  obliged  to 
note  down  a  victory  for  every  day.  Was  not  the  rapidity 
of  the  Emperor's  first  operations  a  thing  hitherto  un- 
precedented ?  He  departed  from  Paris  on  the  24th  of 
September,  and  hostilities  commenced  on  the  2d  of 
October.  On  the  6th  and  7th  the  French  j^assed  the 
Danube,  and  turned  the  enemy's  army.  On  the  8th 
_Murat,  at  the  battle  of  Wertingen,  on  the  Danube,  took 
2000  Austrian  prisoners,  amongst  whom,  besides  other 
general  officers,  was  Count  Aufferaberg.  Next  day  the 
Austrians  fell  back  upon  Gunsburg,  retreating  before  our 
victorious  legions,  who,  pursuing  their  triumphal  course, 
entered  Augsburg  on  the  10th,  and  Munich  on  the  12th. 
When  I  received  my  despatches  I  could  have  fancied  I  was 
reading  a  fabulous  narrative.  Two  days  after  the  French 
entered  Munich — that  is  to  sav,  on  the  14th — an  Austrian 


10  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805. 

corps  of  6000  men  surrendered  to  Mai-shal  Soult  fit 
Memingen,  whilst  Ney  conquered,  sword  in  hand,  his 
future  Duchy  of  Elchiugen.  Finally,  on  the  17th  of 
October,  came  the  famous  capitulation  of  General  Mack 
at  Ulm,'  and  on  the  same  day  hostilities  commenced  in 

'  Prince  Mam-ice  Liechtenstein  was  sent  by  General  Mack  as  a  flag  of  truce  to 
the  Imperial  headquarters  before  Ulm.  He  was,  according  to  custom,  led  blind- 
fold on  horseback.  Rapi),  who  was  present,  together  with  several  of  Napoleon's 
aides  de  camp,  afterwards  spoke  to  me  of  the  Prince's  interview  with  the  Emperor. 
I  think  he  told  me  that  Berthier  was  present  likewise.  "  Picture  to  yourself,"  said 
Rapp,  "  the  astonishment,  or  rather  confusion,  of  tlie  poor  Prince  when  the  bandage 
was  removed  from  his  eyes.  He  knew  nothing  of  what  had  been  going  on,  and  did 
not  even  su.spect  that  the  Emperor  had  yet  joined  the  array.  When  he  understood 
that  he  was  in  the  presence  of  Napoleon  he  could  not  suppress  an  exclamation  of 
surprise,  which  did  not  escape  the  Emperor,  and  he  ingenuously  acknowledged  that 
General  Mack  had  no  idea  he  was  before  the  walls  of  Ulm."  Prince  Liechtenstein 
proposed  to  capitulate  on  condition  that  the  garrison  of  Ulm  should  be  allowed  to 
return  into  Austria.  This  proposal,  in  the  situation  in  which  the  garrison  stood, 
Rapp  said,  made  the  Emperor  smile.  "  How  can  you  expect,"  said  Napoleon,  "  that 
lean  accede  to  such  a  proposition?  What  shall  I  gain  by  it?  Eight  days.  In 
eight  days  you  will  be  in  my  power  without  any  condition.  Do  you  suppose  I  am 
not  acquainted  with  everything?  .  .  .  You  expect  the  Russians?  ...  At 
the  nearest  they  are  in  Bohemia.  Were  I  to  allow  you  to  march  out,  what  security 
can  I  have  that  you  will  not  join  them,  and  afterwards  fight  against  me  ?  Your 
generals  have  deceived  me  often  enough,  and  I  will  no  longer  be  duped.  At  Marengo 
I  was  weak  enough  to  allow  the  troops  of  Melas  to  march  out  of  Alessandria.  Uc 
promised  to  treat  for  peace.  What  happened  ?  Two  months  after  Moreau  had  to 
fight  with  the  garrison  of  Alessandria.  Besides,  this  war  is  not  an  ordinary  war. 
After  the  conduct  of  your  Government  I  am  not  bound  to  keep  any  terms  with  it. 
I  have  no  faith  in  its  promises.  You  have  attacked  me.  If  I  should  agree  to  what 
you  ask  Mack  would  pledge  his  word,  I  know.  But  even  relying  on  his  good  faith, 
would  he  be  able  to  keep  his  promise?  As  far  as  regards  himself— yes  ;  but  as  re- 
gards his  army— no.  If  the  Archduke  Ferdinand  were  still  with  you  I  coull  rely 
upon  his  word,  because  he  would  be  responsible  for  the  conditions,  and  he  would 
not  disgrace  himself ;  but  I  know  he  has  quitted  Ulm  and  passed  the  Danube.  I 
know  how  to  reach  him,  however." 

Rapp  said  it  was  impossible  to  imagine  the  embarrassment  of  Prince  Liechten- 
stein whilst  the  Emperor  was  speaking.  He,  however,  somewhat  regained  his  self- 
possession,  and  observed  that,  unless  the  conditions  which  he  proposed  were  granted 
the  army  would  not  oipitulate.  "  If  that  be  the  case,"  said  Napoleon,  "you  may  as 
well  go  back  to  Mack,  for  I  will  never  gr.mt  such  conditions.  Are  you  jesting  with 
me  ?  stay  ;  here  is  the  capitulation  of  Memingen — show  it  to  your  General — let  him 
surrender  on  the  same  conditions — I  will  consent  to  no  others.  Your  officers  may 
return  to  Austria,  but  the  soldiers  must  be  prisoners.  Tell  him  to  be  speedy,  for  I 
have  no  time  to  lose.  The  more  he  delays  the  worse  he  will  render  his  own  condition 
and  yours.  To-morrow  I  shall  have  here  the  corps  to  which  Memingen  capitulated, 
and  then  we  shall  see  what  is  to  be  done.  Make  Mack  clearly  understand  that  ha 
has  no  alternative  but  to  conform  to  my  will.'' 

The  imperious  tones  which  Napoleon  employed  towards  his  enemies  almost  always 
succeeded,  and  it  produced  the  accustomed  effect  upon  Mack.    On  the  same  day  that 


PRIIICE   DE  LA  MOSKOWA 


1805.  BEFORE  AND  AFTER   VICTORY.  n 

Italy  between  the  French  and  Austrian  s,  the  former  com- 
manded by  Massena  and  the  latter  by  Prince  Charles. 

Napoleon,  who  was  so  violently  irritated  by  any  obstacle 
which  opposed  him,  and  who  treated  with  so  much 
hauteur  everybody  who  ventured  to  resist  his  inflexible 
will,  was  no  longer  the  same  man  when,  as  a  conqueror, 
he  received  the  vanquished  generals  at  Ulm.  He  condoled 
with  them  on  their  misfortune  ;  and  this,  I  can  affirm,  was 
not  the  result  of  a  feeling  of  pride  concealed  beneath  a 
feigned  generosity.  Although  he  profited  by  their  defeat 
he  pitied  them  sincerely.  How  frequently  has  he  observed 
to  me,  "How  much  to  be  pitied  is  a  general  on  the  day 
after  a  lost  battle."  He  had  himself  experienced  this  mis- 
fortune when  he  was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of  St. 
Jean  d'Acre.  At  that  moment  he  Avould,  I  believe,  have 
strangled  Djezzar  ;  but  if  Djezzar  had  surrendered,  he 
would  have  treated  him  with  the  same  attention  which  he 
showed  to  Mack  and  the  other  generals  of  the  garrison  of 
Ulm.  These  generals  were  seventeen  in  number,  and 
among  them  was  Prince  Liechtenstein.  There  were  also 
General  Klenau  (Baron  de  Giulay),  Avho  had  acquired 
considerable  militaiy  reputation  in  the  preceding  wars, 
and  General  Fresnel,  who  stood  in  a  more  critical  situation 
than  his  companions  in  misfortune,  for  he  was  a  French- 
man, and  an  emigrant. 

Rapp  told  me  that  it  was  really  painful  to  see  these 
generals.  They  bowed  respectfully  to  the  Emperor, 
having  Mack  at  their  head.  They  preserved  a  mournful 
silence,  and  Napoleon  was  the  first  to  speak,  which  he  did 
in  the  following  terms :  "  Gentlemen,  I  feel  sorry  that  such 
brave  men  as  you  are  should  be  the  victims  of  the  follies 

Prince  Liechtenstein  had  been  at  our  headquarters  Mack  wrote  to  the  Emperor, 
stating  that  he  would  not  have  treated  with  any  other  on  such  terms;  but  that  he 
yielded  to  tlie  ascendency  of  Napoleon's  fortune  ;  and  on  the  following  day  Berthier 
was  sent  into  Ulm,  from  whence  he  returned  with  the  capitulation  signed.  Thus 
Napoleon  was  not  mistaken  respecting  the  Caudine  Forks  of  the  Austrian  army. 
The  garrison  of  TJlm  marched  out  with  what  are  called  the  honours  of  war,  and 
were  led  prisoners  into  France. — Boiirrienne. 


12  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

of  a  Cabinet  which  cherishes  iusane  projects,  and  which 
does  not  hesitate  to  commit  the  dignity  of  the  Austrian 
nation  by  trafficking  with  the  services  of  its  generals. 
Your  names  are  known  to  me— they  are  honourably 
known  wherever  you  have  fought.  Examine  the  conduct 
of  those  who  have  committed  you.  What  could  be  more 
iniquitous  than  to  attack  me  without  a  declaration  of  war  ? 
Is  it  not  criminal  to  bring  foreign  invasion  upon  a 
country  ?  Is  it  not  betraying  Europe  to  introduce  Asiatic 
barbarities  into  her  disputes  ?  If  good  policy  had  been 
followed  the  Aulic  Council,  instead  of  attacking  me,  would 
have  sought  my  alliance  in  order  to  drive  back  the 
Russians  to  the  north.  The  alliance  which  your  Cabinet 
has  formed  will  appear  monstrous  in  history.  It  is  the 
alliance  of  dogs,  shejDherds,  and  wolves  against  sheep — 
such  a  scheme  could  never  have  been  planned  in  the  mind 
of  a  statesman.  It  is  fortunate  for  you  that  I  have  not 
been  defeated  in  the  unjust  struggle  to  which  I  have  been 
provoked  ;  if  I  had,  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  would  have  soon 
perceived  its  error,  for  which,  perhaps,  it  will  yet  one  day 
pay  dearly." 

What  a  change  fifteen  da3'S  of  success,  crowned  by  the 
capture  of  Dim,  had  made  in  affairs  !  At  Hamburg  I 
knew  through  my  agents  to  what  a  degree  of  folly  the 
hopes  of  Napoleon's  enemies  had  risen  before  he  began 
the  campaign.  The  security  of  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna 
was  really  inexplicable  ;  not  only  did  they  not  dream  of 
the  series  of  victories  which  made  Napoleon  master  of  all 
the  Austrian  monarchy,  but  the  assistants  of  Drake  and 
all  tlie  intriguers  of  that  sort  treated  France  already  as  a 
conquered  country,  and  disposed  of  some  of  our  provinces. 
In  the  excess  of  their  folly,  to  only  give  one  instance,  they 
promised  the  town  of  Lyons  to  the  King  of  Sardinia,  to  re- 
compense him  for  the  temporary  occupation  of  Piedmont.' 

'  In  the  treaties  and  declarations  (see  Martens  and  Thiers,  tome  v.  p.  355)  there 
is  rather  a  tendency  to  sell  the  skin  of  the  bear  before  killing  him. 


1805.      PROCLAMATION  TO   THE   GRAND  ARMY.         13 

While  Napoleon  flattered  his  prisoBers  at  the  expense 
of  their  Government  he  wished  to  express  satisfaction  at 
the  conduct  of  his  own  army,  and  with  this  view  he  pub- 
lished a  remarkable  proclamation,  which  in  some  meas- 
ure presented  an  abstract  of  all  that  had  taken  place 
since  the  opening  of  the  campaign. 

This  proclamation  was  as  follows  : — 

Soldiers  of  the  Guaxd  Army — In  a  fortnight  we  have  fin- 
ished an  entire  campaign.  What  we  proposed  to  do  has  been  done. 
We  have  driven  the  Austrian  troops  from  Bavaria,  and  restored  our 
allj  to  the  sovereignty  of  liis  dominions. 

That  army,  which,  witli  equal  i)resumption  and  imprudence, 
marclied  upon  our  frontiers,  is  annihilated. 

But  what  does  this  signify  to  England  ?  She  has  gained  her 
object.  We  are  no  longer  at  Boulogne,  and  her  subsidy  will 
be  neither  more  nor  less. 

Of  a  hundred  thousand  men  who  composed  that  army,  sixty 
thousand  are  prisoners.  They  will  replace  our  conscripts  in  tlie 
labours  of  agriculture. 

Two  hundred  pieces  of  cannon,  the  whole  park  of  artillery,  ninety 
flags,  and  all  their  generals  are  in  our  power.  Fifteen  thousand 
men  only  have  escaped. 

Soldiers  !  I  announced  to  you  the  result  of  a  great  battle ;  but, 
thanks  to  the  ill-devised  schemes  of  the  enemy,  I  was  enabled  to 
secure  the  wished  for  result  withoiit  incurring  any  danger,  and, 
what  is  unexampled  in  tlie  history  of  nations,  that  result  has  been 
gained  at  the  sacrifice  of  scarcely  fifteen  hundred  men  killed  and 
wounded. 

Soldiers  !  this  success  is  due  to  your  unlimited  confidence  in  j'our 
Emperor,  to  your  patience  in  enduring  fatigues  and  privations  of 
every  kind,  and  to  your  singular  courage  and  intrepidity. 

But  w^  will  not  stop  here.  You  are  impatient  to  commence 
another  campaign ! 

The  Russian  army,  which  English  gold  has  brought  from  the 
extremities  of  the  universe,  shall  experience  the  same  fate  as  that 
which  we  have  just  defeated. 

In  the  conflict  in  which  we  are  about  to  engage  the  honour  of 
the  French  infantry  is  especially  concerned.  We  shall  now  see 
another  decision  of  tlie  question  which  has  already  been  deter- 
mined in  Switzerland  and  Holland  ;  namely,  whether  the  French 
infantry  is  the  first  or  the  second  in  Europe. 


14  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

Among  the  Russians  there  are  no  generals  in  contending  against 
whom  I  can  acquire  any  glorj.  All  I  wish  is  to  obtain  the  victory 
with  the  least  possible  bloodshed.     My  soldiers  are  my  children. 

This  proclamation  always  appeared  to  me  a  masterpiece 
of  military  eloquence.  While  he  lavished  praises  on  his 
troops,  he  excited  their  emulation  by  hinting  that  the 
Russians  were  capable  of  disputing  with  them  the  first 
rank  among  the  infantry  of  Europe,  and  he  concluded  his 
address  by  calling  them  his  children. 

The  second  campaign,  to  which  Napoleon  alleged  they 
so  eagerly  looked  forward,  speedily  ensued,  and  hostili- 
ties were  carried  on  with  a  degree  of  vigour  which  fired 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  army.  Heaven  knows  what  ac- 
counts were  circulated  of  the  Russians,  who,  as  Bona- 
parte solemnly  stated  in  his  proclamation,  had  come  from 
the  extremity  of  the  world.  They  were  represented  as 
half-naked  savages,  pillaging,  destroying  and  burning 
wherever  they  went.  It  was  even  asserted  that  they 
were  cannibals,  and  had  been  seen  to  eat  children.'  In 
short,  at  that  period  was  introduced  the  denomination  of 
northern  barbarians  which  has  since  been  so  generally 
applied  to  the  Russians.  Two  days  after  the  capitulation 
of  Ulm  Murat  obtained  the  capitulation  of  Trochtelfingen 

'  The  Russian  army  of  that  time  must  not  be  judged  by  what  it  became  after  its 
rough  teaching  from  Napoleon.  Puyuinigi'e  {Souvenirs,  p.  5-1),  who  served  with  it 
in  the  army  of  Gondii  in  1791),  says,  "  The  Russian  army  was  not  then  what  we  saw 
it  afterwards  ;  it  was  only  emerging  from  barbarism.  It  was  in  long  combating 
with  or  against  Napoleon  that  foreigners  learned  the  art  of  war.  When  we  were 
incorporated  with  the  Russian  army  iod  orders  and  mancEuvres  all  belonged  to 
another  epoch.  In  a  work  translated  into  French  for  our  use,  the  manoeuvres  of 
the  C/.ar  Peter  at  Pultowa  were  brought  to  our  memories,  and  certainly  there 
had  been  many  changes  since  then.  ...  I  saw  tliese  same  Russians  fifteen 
years  afterwards,  and  I  did  not  recognise  them.  Everything  was  well  organised  ; 
their  equipment  was  perfect,  and  their  artillery  was  especially  remarkable  for  the 
lightness  of  the  waggons  and  gun-can-iages  and  the  superb  quality  of  the  horses." 
See  also  Cathcart  [War  in  Rtisnia,  p.  28),  where  he  ranlis  the  Russians,  in  1813,  as 
the  best  in  marching,  and  remarks  on  the  care  taken  by  the  Emperor  Alexander  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  proper  distances  between  the  regiments.  "  Up  to  ISOG "'  (says 
Suvdvy,  tome  ii.  p.  221)  "  we  saw  the  Russian  infantry  lay  their  knapsacks  on  the 
ground  before  commencing  to  fire,  .so  that  if  they  were  repulsed  they  lost  all  their 
packs." 


1805.  THE  FRENCH  IN   VIENNA.  15 

from  General  Warneclc,  and  made  10,000  prisoners,  so 
that,  without  counting  killed  and  wounded,  the  Austrian 
army  had  sustained  a  diminution  of  50,000  men  after  a 
campaign  of  twenty  days.  On  the  27th  of  October  the 
French  army  crossed  the  Inn,  and  thus  penetrated  into 
the  Austrian  territory.  Salzburg  and  Braunau  were  im- 
mediately taken.  The  army  of  Italy,  under  the  command 
of  Massena,  was  also  obtaining  great  advantages.  On  the 
30th  of  October,  that  is  to  say,  the  very  day  on  which  the 
Grand  Army  took  the  above-mentioned  fortresses,  the 
army  of  Italy,  having  crossed  the  Adige,  fought  a  san- 
guinary battle  at  Cakliero,  and  took  5000  Austrian 
prisoners. 

In  the  extraordinary  campaign,  which  has  been  distin- 
guished by  the  name  of  "  the  Campaign  of  Austerlitz,"  the 
exploits  of  our  troops  succeeded  each  other  with  the 
rapidity  of  thought.  I  confess  I  was  equally  astonished 
and  delighted  when  I  received  a  note  from  Duroc,  sent  by 
an  extraordinary  courier,  and  commencing  laconically  with 
the  words,  "  We  are  in  Vienna  ;  the  Emperor  is  well." 

Duroc's  letter  was  dated  the  13th  November,  and  the 
"wordg,  "  We  are  in  Vienna,"  seemed  to  me  the  result  of  a 
dream.  The  caj)ital  of  Austria,  which  from  time  imme- 
morial had  not  been  occupied  by  foreigners — the  city 
which  Sobieskihad  saved  from  Ottoman  violence,  had  be- 
come the  prey  of  the  Imperial  eagle  of  France,  which, 
after  a  lapse  of  three  centuries,  avenged  the  humiliations 
formerly  imposed  upon  Francis  I.  by  the  Aqnila  Grifagna 
of  Charles  V.'  Duroc  had  left  the  Emperor  before  the 
camp  of  Boulogne  was  raised  ;  his  mission  to  Berlin  being 
terminated,  he  rejoined  the  Emperor  at  Lintz. 

1  "  Aquila  Grifagna,  che  due  becchi  porta  per  meglio  divorar." 

The  eagle  in   the  Austrian  arms  has  two  heads   and   necks. — Editor  of  1SC6 

Edition. 

As  soon  as  Bonaparte  became  Emperor  ho  constituted  himself  the  avenger  of  all 

the  insults  given  to  the  sovereigns,  whom  he  styled  his  predecessors.   All  that  related 

to  the  honour  of  France  was  sacrod  to  him.     Thus  he  removed  the  column  of  Ilos- 

bach  from  the  Prussian  territory. — Bovrrieiine. 


16  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805 


Before  I  noticed  the  singular  mission  of  M.  Haugwifcz 
to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  the  result  of  that  mission, 
which  circumstances  rendered  diametrically  the  reverse  of 
its  object,  I  will  relate  what  came  to  my  knowledge  re- 
specting some  other  negotiations  on  the  part  of  Austria, 
the  evident  intent  of  which  was  to  retard  Napoleon's 
progress,  and  thereby  to  dupe  him.  M.  de  Giulay,  one  of 
the  generals  included  in  the  capitulation  of  Ulm,  had  re- 
turned home  to  acquaint  his  sovereign  with  the  disasti'ous 
event.  He  did  not  conceal,  either  from  the  Emperor 
Francis  or  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  the  destruction  of  the 
Austrian  army,  and  the  impossibility  of  arresting  the 
rapid  advance  of  the  French.  M.  de  Giulay  was  sent  with 
a  flag  of  truce  to  the  headquarters  of  Napoleon,  to  assure 
him  of  the  pacific  intentions  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria, 
and  to  solicit  an  armistice.  The  snare  was  too  clumsy  not 
to  be  immediately  discovered  by  so  crafty  a  man  as  Na- 
poleon.' He  had  always  pretended  a  love  for  peace, 
though  he  was  overjoyed  at  the  idea  of  continuing  a  war 
so  successfully  commenced,  and  he  directed  General  Giu- 
lay to  assure  the  Emperor  of  Austria  that  he  was  not  less 
anxious  for  peace  than  he,  and  that  he  was  read}^  to  treat 
for  it,  but  without  suspending  the  course  of  his  operations. 
Bonaparte,  indeed,  could  not,  without  a  degree  of  impru- 
dence of  which  he  was  incapable,  consent  to  an  armistice  ; 
for  M.  de  Giulay,  though  entrusted  with  powers  from 
Austria,  had  received  none  from  Russia.  Russia,  there- 
fore, might  disavow  the  armistice  and  arrive  in  time  to 
defend  Vienna,  the  occupation  of  which  was  so  important 
to  the  French  army.  The  Russians,  indeed,  were  advanc- 
ing to  opjDose  us,  and  the  coi'ps  of  our  army,  commanded 
by  Mortier  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Danube,  experienced  in 
the  first  engagement  a  check  at  Dirnstein,  which  not  a 

'  Metternich  (tome  ii.  p.  346,  compare  French  edition,  tome  ii.  p.  287)  says,  "Let 
lis  hold  always  the  sword  in  one  hand  and  the  olive  branch  in  the  other  ;  always 
ready  to  negotiate,   but  only  negotiating  while  advancing.     Here  is  Napoleon's 

eystem." 


1805.        TEMERITY  OF  LANNE8  AND  MURAT.  17 

little  vexed  the  Emperor.  This  was  the  first  reverse  of 
fortune  we  had  sustained  throughout  the  campaign.  It 
was  trivial,  to  be  sure,  but  the  capture  by  the  Russians  of 
three  French  eagles,  the  first  that  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  was  very  mortifying  to  Napoleon,  and 
caused  him  to  prolong  for  some  days  his  stay  at  St.  Polten, 
where  he  then  was. 

The  rapid  occupation  of  Vienna  was  due  to  the  success- 
ful temerity  of  Lannes  and  Murat,  two  men  alike  distin- 
guished for  courage  and  daring  spirit.  A  bold  artifice  of 
these  generals  prevented  the  destruction  of  the  Thabor 
bridge  at  Vienna,  without  which  our  army  would  have  ex- 
perienced considerable  difficulty  in  penetrating  into  the 
Austrian  capital.  This  act  of  courage  and  presence  of 
mind,  which  had  so  great  an  influence  on  the  events  of  the 
campaign,  was  described  to  me  by  Lannes,  who  told  the 
story  with  an  air  of  gaiety,  unaccompanied  by  any  self- 
complacency,  and  seemed  rather  pleased  with  the  trick 
played  upon  the  Austrians  than  proud  of  the  brilliant  ac- 
tion which  had  been  performed.  Bold  enterprises  were 
so  natural  to  Lannes  that  he  was  frequently  the  only  per- 
son who  saw  nothing  extraordinary  in  his  own  exploits. 
Alas !  what  men  were  sacrificed  to  Napoleon's  ambition ! 

The  following  is  the  story  of  the  Bridge  of  Thabor  as  I 
heard  it  from  Lannes  : — 

I  was  oue  day  walking  witli  Murat,  on  tlie  riglit  bank  of  the 
Danube,  and  we  observed  on  the  left  bank,  which  was  occupied 
by  the  Austrians,  some  works  going  on,  the  evident  object  of  which 
was  to  blow  up  the  bridge  on  the  approach  of  our  troops.  The 
fools  had  the  impudence  to  make  these  preparations  under  our 
very  noses  ;  but  we  gave  them  a  good  lesson.  Having  arranged 
our  plan,  we  returned  to  give  orders,  and  I  entrusted  the  com- 
mand of  my  column  of  grenadiers  to  an  officer  on  whose  courage 
and  intelligence  I  could  rely.  I  then  returned  to  the  bridge, 
accompanied  by  Murat  and  two  or  three  other  officers.  We  ad- 
vanced, unconcernedly,  and  entered  into  conversation  with  the 
commander  of  a  post  in  the  middle  of  the  bridge.  We  spoke  to 
Vol.  III.— 2 


18  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805. 


him  about  an  armistice  wliicli  was  to  be  speedily  concluded. 
While  conversing  with  the  Austrian  officers  we  contrived  to  make 
them  turn  their  eyes  towards  the  left  bank,  and  then,  agreeably 
to  the  orders  we  had  given,  my  column  of  grenadiers  advanced 
on  the  bridge.  The  Austrian  cannoneers,  on  the  left  bank,  see- 
ing their  officers  in  the  midst  of  us,  did  not  dare  to  fire,  and  my 
column  advanced  at  a  quick  step.  Murat  and  I,  at  the  head  of 
it,  gained  the  left  bank.  All  the  combustibles  prepared  for  blow- 
ing up  the  bridge  were  thrown  into  the  river,  and  my  men  took 
possession  of  the  batteries  erected  for  the  defence  of  the  bridge 
head.  The  poor  devils  of  Austrian  officers  were  perfectly  astounded 
when  I  told  them  they  were  my  prisoners. 

Such,  as  well  as  I  can  recollect,  was  the  account  given 
by  Lannes,  who  laughed  immoderately  in  describing  the 
consternation  of  the  Austrian  officers  when  they  discov- 
ered the  trick  that  had  been  played  upon  them.  When 
Lannes  performed  this  exploit  he  had  little  idea  of  the 
important  consequences  which  would  attend  it.  He  had 
not  only  secured  to  the  remainder  of  the  French  army  a 
sure  and  easy  entrance  to  Vienna,  but,  without  being 
aware  of  it,  he  created  an  insurmountable  impediment  to 
the  junction  of  the  Russian  army  with  the  Austrian  corps, 
commanded  by  Prince  Charles,  who,  being  pressed  by 
Massuna,  hastily  advanced  into  the  heart  of  the  Heredi- 
tary States,  where  he  fully  expected  a  great  battle  would 
take  place.' 

As  soon  as  the  corps  of  Murat  and  Lannes  had  taken 
possession  of  Vienna  the  Emperor  ordered  all  the  divi- 
sions of  the  army  to  march  upon  that  capital.     Napoleon 

'  The  story  is  told  in  much  the  same  way  in  Thiers  (tome  vi.  p.  260),  Rapp  (p.  57), 
and  Savary  (tome  ii.  p.  162),  but  as  Erreurs  (tome  i.  p.  314)  points  out,  Bourrienne 
makes  an  odd  mistake  in  believing  the  Thabor  Bridge  gave  the  French  access  to 
Vienna.  The  capital  is  on  tlie  right  bank,  and  was  already  in  their  power.  The 
possession  of  the  bridge  enabled  them  to  pass  over  to  the  left  bank,  and  to  ad- 
vance towards  Austerlitz  before  the  Archduke  Charles,  coming  fiom  Italy,  could 
make  his  junction  with  the  allied  army.  See  plan  48  of  Thiers'  Atlas,  or  58  of 
Alison's.  The  Immediate  result  of  the  success  of  this  rather  doubtful  artifice 
would  have  been  the  destruction  of  the  corps  of  KutusofC ;  but  Mnrat  in  his  turn 
was  deceived  by  Bagration  into  belief  in  an  armistice.  In  fact,  both  sides  at  this 
time  fell  into  curious  errors  ;  see  Joniini,  tome  ii.  p.  15'.)  and  'J'hiers,  tome  vi.  p.  272. 


1805.  MISSIOI^  TO   THE  EMPEROR  ALEXANDER.         19 

established  his  headquarters  at  Schcenbrunn,  where  he 
planned  his  operations  for  compelling  the  corps  of  Prince 
Charles  to  retire  to  Hungary,  and  also  for  advancing  his 
own  forces  to  meet  the  Russians.  Murat  and  Lannes  al- 
ways commanded  the  advanced  guard  dui'ing  the  forced 
marches  ordered  by  Napoleon,  which  were  executed  in  a 
way  truly  miraculous. 

To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  wishing  to  conclude  peace 
as  soon  as  reasonable  propositions  should  be  made  to  him, 
Napoleon  sent  for  his  Minister  for  foreign  Affairs,  who 
speedily  arrived  at  Vienna,  and  General  Savary  was  sent 
on  a  mission  to  the  Emperor  Alexander.  The  details  of 
this  mission  I  have  learned  only  from  the  account  of  it 
given  by  the  Due  de  Rovigo  in  his  apologetic  Memoirs. 
In  spite  of  the  Duke's  eagerness  to  induce  a  belief  in 
Napoleon's  pacific  disposition,  the  very  facts  on  which  he 
supports  his  argument  lead  to  the  contrary  conclusion. 
Napoleon  wished  to  dictate  his  conditions  before  the  issue 
of  a  battle  the  success  of  which  might  appear  doubtful  to 
the  young  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  these  conditions  were 
such  as  he  might  impose  when  victory  should  be  declared 
in  favour  of  our  eagles.  It  mvist  be  clear  to  every  reflect- 
ing person  that  by  always  proposing  what  he  knew  could 
not  be  honourably  acceded  to,  he  kept  up  the  apjDearance 
of  being  a  pacificator,  while  at  the  same  time  he  ensured 
to  himself  the  pleasure  of  carrying  on  the  war. 


30  1805. 


CHAPTER    m. 
1805. 

My  functions  at  Hamburg — The  King  of  Sweden  at  Stralsund — My  bul- 
letin describing  the  situation  of  the  Russian  armies — Diiroc's  recall 
from  Berlin— General  Dumouriez — Recruiting  of  the  Englisli  in 
Hanover — The  daughter  of  M.  de  Marbeuf  and  Napoleon — Treachery 
of  the  King  of  Naples — The  Sun  of  Austerlitz — Prince  Dolgorouki 
— Rapp's  account  of  the  battle  of  Austerlitz — Gerard's  picture — 
Eugvne's  marriage. 

I  MUST  uow  relate  how,  iu  conformity  with  my  instruc- 
tions, I  was  employed  iu  Hamburg  in  aiding  the  success  of 
the  French  army.  I  had  sent  an  agent  to  observe  the 
Russian  troops,  which  were  advancing  by  forced  marches 
on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe.  This  agent  transmitted  to  me 
from  Gadbusch  an  account  of  the  routes  taken  b}^  the 
different  columns.  It  was  then  supposed  that  they  would 
march  upon  Holland  by  the  way  of  Bremen  and  Olden- 
burg. On  the  receipt  of  this  intelligence  the  Electorate 
of  Hanover  was  evacuated  by  the  French,  and  General 
Barbou,  who  had  commanded  there,  concentrated  his 
forces  in  Hamelin. 

On  the  2d  of  November  1805  the  King  of  Sweden 
arrived  at  Stralsund.  I  immediately  intimated  to  our 
Government  that  this  circumstance  would  probably  give 
a  new  turn  to  the  oj)erations  of  the  combined  army,  for 
hitherto  the  uncertainty  of  its  movements  and  the  succes- 
sive counter-orders  afforded  no  possibility  of  ascertaining 
any  determined  plan.  The  intention  seemed  to  be,  that 
all  the  Swedo-Russian  troops  should  cross  the  Elbe  at  the 
same  point,  viz.,  Lauenburg,  six  miles  from  Hamburg. 


1805.        DUROG  AND    THE  KING    OF  PRUSSIA.  21 


Thei'e  was  not  on  the  5th  of  November  a  single  Kussiau  on 
the  southern  bank  of  the  Elbe. 

The  first  column  of  the  grand  Russian  army  passed 
through  Warsaw  on  the  1st  of  November,  and  on  the  2d 
the  Grand-Duke  Constantine  was  expected  with  the 
Guards.  This  column,  which  amounted  to  6000  men, 
was  the  first  that  passed  through  Prussian  Poland. 

At  this  time  we  momentarily  expected  to  see  the  Han- 
overian army  landed  on  the  banks  of  the  "Weser  or  tha 
Elbe,  augmented  by  some  thousands  of  English.  Their 
design  apparently  was  either  to  attack  Holland,  or  to  at- 
tempt some  operation  on  the  rear  of  our  Grand  Army. 

Tlje  French  Government  was  very  anxious  to  receive 
accurate  accounts  of  the  march  of  the  Swedo-Russian 
troops  through  Hanover,  and  of  the  Russian  army  through 
Poland.  My  agents  at  Warsaw  and  Stralsund,  who  were 
exceedingly  active  and  intelligent,  enabled  me  to  send  off 
a  bulletin  describing  the  state  of  Hanover,  the  movements 
of  the  Russians  and  Swedes,  together  with  information  of 
the  arrival  of  English  troops  in  the  Elbe,  and  a  statement 
of  the  force  of  the  combined  army  in  Hanover,  which  con- 
sisted of  15,000  Russians,  8000  Swedes,  and  12,000  Eng- 
lish ;  making  in  all  35,000  men. 

It  was  probably  on  account  of  this  bulletin  that  Napo- 
leon expressed  to  Duroc  his  satisfaction  with  my  services. 
The  Emperor  on  recalling  Duroc  from  Berlin  did  not 
manifest  the  least  apprehension  respecting  Prussia.  Duroc 
wrote  to  me  the  following  letter  on  the  occasion  of  his 
recall : — 

My  dear  Bourrienke— The  Emperor  having  thought  my  ser- 
vices necessary  to  the  army  has  recalled  me.  I  yesterday  had  a 
farewell  audience  of  the  King  and  Queen,  who  treated  me  very  gra- 
ciously.   His  Majesty  presented  me  with  his  portrait  set  in  diamonds. 

The  Emperor  Alexander  will  probably  depart  tomorrow,  and  the 
Archduke  Anthony  very  speedily.  We  cannot  but  hope  that  their 
presence  here  will  facilitate  a  good  understanding. 

(.Signed)         DuROC. 


32  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

Whenever  foreign  armies  were  opposing  France  the 
hopes  of  the  emigrants  revived.  They  falsely  imagined 
that  the  powers  coalesced  against  Napoleon  were  labour- 
ing in  their  cause  ;  and  many  of  them  entered  the  Kus- 
sian  and  Austrian  armies.  Of  this  number  was  General 
Dumouriez,  I  received  information  that  he  had  landed 
at  Stade  on  the  21st  of  November ;  but  whither  he  in- 
tended to  proceed  was  not  known.  A  man  named  St. 
Martin,  whose  wife  lived  with  Dumouriez,  and  who  had 
accompanied  the  general  from  England  to  Stade,  came  to 
Hamburg,  where  he  observed  great  precautions  for  con- 
cealment, and  bought  two  carriages,  which  were  immedi- 
ately forwarded  to  Stade.  St.  Martin  himself  immediately 
proceeded  to  the  latter  place.  I  was  blamed  for  not 
having  arrested  this  man  ;  but  he  had  a  commission  attest- 
ing that  he  was  in  the  English  service,  and,  as  I  have 
before  mentioned,  a  foreign  commission  was  a^  safeguard, 
and  the  only  one  which  could  not  be  violated  in  Ham- 
burg. 

In  December  1805  the  English  recruiting  in  Hanover  was 
kept  up  without  interruption,  and  attended  with  extraor- 
dinary success.  Sometimes  a  hundred  men  were  raised  in 
a  day.  The  misery  prevailing  in  Germany,  which  had  been 
ravaged  by  the  war,  the  hatred  against  the  French,  and  the 
high  bounty  that  was  offered  enabled  the  English  to  procure 
as  many  men  as  they  wished. 

The  King  of  Sweden,  meditating  on  the  stir  he  should 
make  in  Hanover,  took  with  him  a  camp  printing-press  to 
publish  the  bulletins  of  the  grand  Swedish  army.  The 
first  of  these  bulletins  announced  to  Europe  that  his 
Swedish  Majesty  was  about  to  leave  Stralsund,  and  that 
his  army  would  take  up  its  position  partly  between  Nelsen 
and  Haarburg,  and  partly  between  Domitz  and  the  fron- 
tiers of  Hamburg, 

Among  the  anecdotes  of  Napoleon  connected  with  this 
campaign  I  find  in  my  notes  the  following,  which  was 


1805.  ORATITUDE  OF  NAPOLEON.  23 

related  to  me  by  Rapp.  Some  daj^s  before  his  entrance 
into  Vienna  Napoleon,  who  was  riding  on  horseback  along 
the  road,  dressed  in  his  usual  uniform  of  the  chasseurs  of 
the  Guard,  met  an  open  carriage,  in  which  were  seated  a 
lady  and  a  priest.  The  lady  was  in  tears,  and  Napoleon 
could  not  refrain  from  stopping  to  ask  her  what  was  the 
cause  of  her  distress.  "  Sir,"  she  replied,  for  she  did  not 
know  the  Emperoi',  "  I  have  been  pillaged  at  my  estate, 
two  leagues  from  hence,  by  a  party  of  soldiers,  who  have 
murdered  my  gardener.  I  am  going  to  seek  your  Em- 
peror, who  knows  my  family,  to  whom  he  was  once  under 
great  obUgations."  "What  is  your  name?"  inquired 
Napoleon. — "  De  Bunny,"  replied  the  lady.  "I  am  the 
daughter  of  M.  de  Marbeuf,  formerly  Governor  of  Corsica." 
— "Madame,"  exclaimed  Napoleon,  "I  am  the  Emperor. 
I  am  delighted  to  have  the  opportunity  of  serving  you." 
— "  You  cannot  conceive,"  continued  Rapp,  "  the  attention 
which  the  Emperor  showed  Madame  de  Bunny.  He  con- 
soled her,  pitied  her,  almost  apologised  for  the  misfort- 
une she  had  sustained.  '  Will  you  have  the  goodness, . 
Madame,'  said  he,  '  to  go  and  wait  for  me  at  my  head- 
quarters ?  I  will  join  you  speedily  ;  every  member  of  M. 
de  Marbeuf 's  family  has  a  claim  on  my  respect.'  The 
Emperor  immediately  gave  her  a  jDicquet  of  chasseurs  of 
his  guard  to  escort  her.  He  saw  her  again  during  the 
day,  when  he  loaded  her  with  attentions,  and  liberally 
indemnified  her  for  the  losses  she  had  sustained."  ' 

1  This  incident  is  related  in  the  Memoirs  of  Rapp,  p.  54,  giving  some  colour  to 
the  remark  of  Erreiirs,  tome  i.  p.  315,  on  a  similar  reference.  The  whole  family  of 
the  Bonapartes  certainly  owed  much  to  the  Comte  (Louis  Charles  Rene),  later  the 
Marquis  de  Marbeuf,  who  had  been  Governor  of  Corsica,  and  who  had  obtained 
permission  for  Napoleon  to  enter  the  military  school  of  Brienne,  and  generally 
acted  as  their  protector.  The  Comte  had  stood  as  godfather  to  Louis  Bonaparte. 
See  lung's  Bonaiiarte,  tome  i.,  especially  p.  91.  He  died  in  1786.  When  the  young 
Napoleon,  put  in  the  cells  at  Brienne  for  some  quarrel,  makes  a  spirited  appeal  to  M. 
de  Marbeuf  to  withdraw  him  from  Brienne,  he  then  says,  "As  for  the  kindnesses  you 
shower  on  me,  they  shall  alwnys  bo  present  to  my  memory."  They  were  present, 
and  Napoleon  had  full  right  to  say  to  Madame  Junot  that  all  sovereigns  were  not 
ungrateful  (Ju)iot,  tome  ii.  p.  510), 


24  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

For  some  time  previous  to  the  battle  of  Austerlitz  tlie 
different  corps  of  the  army  intersected  every  part  of  Ger- 
many and  Italy,  all  tending  towards  Vienna  as  a  central 
point.  At  the  beginning  of  November  the  corps  com- 
manded b}'  Marshal  Bernadotte  arrived  at  Saltzburg  at 
the  moment  when  the  Emperor  had  advanced  his  head- 
quarters to  Braunau,  where  there  were  numerous  mag- 
azines of  artillery  and  a  vast  quantity  of  provisions  of 
every  kind.  The  junction  of  the  corps  commanded  by 
Bernadotte  in  Hanover  with  the  Grand  Army  was  a  point 
of  such  high  importance  that  Bonaparte  had  directed  the 
Marshal  to  come  up  with  him  as  speedily  as  possible,  and 
to  take  the  shortest  road.  This  order  obliged  Bernadotte 
to  pass  through  the  territory  of  the  two  Margravates. 

At  that  time  we  were  at  peace  with  Naples.  In  Septem- 
ber the  Emperor  had  concluded  with  Ferdinand  TV.  a 
treaty  of  neutrality.  This  treaty  enabled  Carra  St.  Cyr, 
who  occupied  Naples,  to  evacuate  that  city  and  to  join 
Massena  in  Upper  Italy  ;  both  reached  the  Grand  Army 
on  the  28th  of  November.  But  no  sooner  had  the  troops 
commanded  by  Carra  St.  Cyr  quitted  the  Neapolitan 
territory  than  the  King  of  Naples,  influenced  by  hia 
Ministers,  and  above  all  by  Queen  Caroline,  broke  the 
treaty  of  neutrality,  ordered  hostile  preparations  against 
France,  opened  his  porta  to  the  enemies  of  the  Emperor, 
and  received  into  his  States  12,000  Eussians  and  8000 
English.'  It  was  on  the  receipt  of  this  news  that  Bona- 
parte, in  one  of  his  most  violent  bulletins,  styled  the 
Queen  of  Naples  a  second  Fredegonda.  The  victory  of 
Austerlitz  having  given  powerful  support  to  his  threats, 
the  fall  of  Naples  was  decided,  and  shortly  after  his 
brother  Joseph  was  seated  on  the  Neapolitan  throne. 

At  length  came  the  grand  day  when,  to  use  Napoleon's 

'  This  has  been  called  treachery  on  the  part  of  King  Ferdinand,  but  it  should  be 
remembered  that  it  was  only  by  a  system  of  treachery  and  violence  that  the  French 
had  obtained  a  footing  in  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  and  forced  Ferdinand  into  a  most 
disadvantageous  treaty. — Editor  of  1836  edition. 


1805.  THE  SUN   OF  AU8TERLITZ.  25 


expression,  the  Sun  of  Austerlitz  rose.  All  our  forces  were 
concentrated  on  one  point,  at  about  40  leagues  beyond 
Vienna.  There  remained  nothing  but  the  wreck  of  the 
Austrian  army,  the  corps  of  Prince  Charles  being  by  scien- 
tific manoeuvres  kept  at  a  distance  from  the  line  of  op- 
erations ;  but  the  Russians  alone  were  superior  to  us  in 
numbers,  and  their  army  was  almost  entirely  composed 
of  fresh  troops.  The  most  extraordinary  illusion  prevailed 
in  the  enemy's  camp.  The  north  of  Europe  has  its 
Gascons  as  well  as  the  south  of  France,  and  the  junior 
portion  of  the  Russian  army  at  this  period  assumed  an 
absurd  braggadocio  tone.  On  the  very  eve  of  the  battle 
the  Emperor  Alexander  sent  one  of  his  aides  de  camp, 
Prince  Dolgorouki,  as  a  flag  of  truce  to  Napoleon.  The 
Prince  could  not  repress  his  self-sufficiency  even  in  the 
presence  of  the  Emperor,  and  Rapp  informed  me  that  on 
dismissing  him  the  Emperor  said,  "  If  you  were  on  the 
heights  of  Moutmartre, '  I  would  answer  such  impertinence 
only  by  cannon-balls."  This  observation  was  very  re- 
markable, inasmuch  as  subsequent  events  rendered  it  a 
prophecy. 

As  to  the  battle  itself,  I  can  describe  it  almost  as  well 
as  if  I  had  witnessed  it,  for  some  time  after  I  had  the 
pleasure  of  seeing  my  friend  RajDp,  who  was  sent  on  a 
mission  to  Prussia.     He  gave  me  the  following  account : — 

"  When  we  arrived  at  Austerlitz  the  Russians  were  not 
aware  of  the  scientific  plans  which  the  Emperor  had  laid 
for  drawing  them  upon  the  ground  he  had  marked  out ; 
and  seeing  our  advanced  guards  fall  back  before  theirs 
they  already  considered  themselves  conquerors.  They 
supposed  that  their  Guard  alone  would  secure  an  easy 
triumph.  But  the  action  commenced,  and  they  expe- 
rienced an  energetic  resistance  on  all  points.  At  one 
o'clock  the  victory  was  yet  uncertain,  for  they  fought  ad- 

'  Overlooking  Faris,  where,  nine  years  later,  the  Russians  stood  as  conquerors. -• 
Editor  of  the  IS-^G  edition. 


26  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 


mirably.  They  wished  to  make  a  last  effort  by  directing 
close  masses  against  our  centre.  Their  Imperial  Guard 
deployed  ;  their  artiller}',  cavalry,  and  infantry  marched 
upon  a  bridge  which  they  attacked,  and  this  movement, 
which  was  concealed  by  the  rising  and  falling  of  the 
ground,  was  not  observed  by  Napoleon.  I  was  at  that 
moment  neai'  the  Emperor,  awaiting  his  orders.  We 
heard  a  well-maintained  firing  of  musketry.  The  Russians 
were  repulsing  one  of  our  brigades.  The  Empei'or  or- 
dered me  to  take  some  of  the  Mamelukes,  two  squadrons 
of  chasseurs,  and  one  of  grenadiers  of  the  Guard,  and  to 
go  and  reconnoitre  the  state  of  things.  I  set  off  at  full 
gallop,  and  soon  discovered  the  disaster.  The  Russian 
cavalry  had  penetrated  our  squares,  and  was  sabring 
our  men.  I  perceived  in  the  distance  some  masses 
of  cavalry  and  infantry,  which  formed  the  reserve  of  the 
Russians.  At  that  moment  the  enemy  advanced  to  meet 
us,  bringing  with  him  four  pieces  of  artillery,  and  ranged 
himself  in  order  of  battle.  I  had  the  brave  Morland  on 
my  left,  and  General  D'Allemagne  on  my  right,  'For- 
ward, my  lads ! '  exclaimed  I  to  my  troop.  '  See  how 
your  brothers  and  friends  are  being  cut  to  pieces.  Avenge 
them !  avenge  our  flag  !  Forward  ! '  These  few  words 
roused  my  men.  We  advanced  as  swiftly  as  our  horses 
could  carry  us  upon  the  artillery,  which  was  taken.  The 
enemy's  cavalry,  which  awaited  us  firmly,  was  repulsed  by 
the  same  shock,  and  fled  in  disorder,  galloping  as  we  did 
over  the  wrecks  of  our  squares.  The  Russians  x-allied  ; 
but  a  squadi'on  of  horse  grenadiers  came  up  to  reinforce 
me,  and  thus  enabled  me  to  hold  ground  against  the  re- 
serves of  the  Russian  Guard.  We  charged  again,  and  this 
charge  was  terrible.  The  brave  Morland  was  killed  by 
my  side.  It  was  downright  butchery.  We  were  opposed 
man  to  man,  and  were  so  mingled  together  that  the  in- 
fantry of  neither  one  nor  the  other  side  could  venture  to 
fire  for  fear  of  killing  its  own  men.     At  length  the  intra- 


1805.  RAPPS  ACCOUNT  OF  AUSTERLITZ.  21 

pidity  of  our  troops  overcame  every  obstacle,  and  the 
Eussians  fled  in  disorder,  in  sight  of  the  two  Emperors  of 
Russia  and  Austria,  who  had  stationed  themselves  on  a 
height  in  order  to  witness  the  battle.  They  saw  a  des- 
perate one,"  said  Rapp,  "  and  I  trust  they  were  satisfied. 
For  my  part,  my  dear  friend,  I  never  spent  so  glorious  a 
day.  What  a  reception  the  Emperor  gave  me  when  I  re- 
turned to  inform  him  that  we  had  won  the  battle !  My 
sword  was  broken,  and  a  wound  which  I  received  on  my 
head  was  bleeding  copiously,  so  that  I  was  covered  with 
blood  !  He  made  me  a  General  of  Division.  The  Rus- 
sians did  not  return  to  the  charge  ;  we  had  taken  all  their 
cannon  and  baggage,  and  Prince  Repnin  was  among  the 
prisoners."  ' 

Thus  it  was  that  Rapp  related  to  me  this  famous  battle 
of  which  he  was  the  hero,  as  Kellerman  had  been  the  hero 
of  Marengo.  What  now  remains  of  Austerlitz  ?  The  rec- 
ollection, the  glory,  and  the  magnificent  picture  of  Ge- 
rard, the  idea  of  which  was  suggested  to  the  Emperor  by 
the  sight  of  Rapp  with  the  blood  streaming  from  his 
wound. 

I  cannot  forbear  relating  here  a  few  particulars  which  I 
learned  from  Rapp  respecting  his  mission  after  the  cure  of 

'  There  is  something  strange  about  the  position  and  behaviour  of  the  Russian 
army  after  Austerlitz.  See  Savary  (tome  ii.  chap,  xvii.),  in  which  he  hints  that  the 
Russians  only  escaped  worse  defeat  the  day  after  the  battle  by  bad  faith.  Jomini 
says  nothing  on  the  subject,  but  he  owed  much  to  Alexander  when  he  wrote.  On 
the  battle  itself  Jomini  puts  the  following  in  the  mouth  of  Napoleon.  "  Such  was 
the  famous  day  of  Austerlitz, — of  all  the  pitched  fights  I  have  won  that  of  which  I 
am  the  proudest,  as  much  on  account  of  the  enemy  over  whom  I  triumphed  as  on 
account  of  the  circumstances  which  made  all  my  combinations  succeed  as  if  I  had 
commanded  both  armies  and  as  if  we  had  agreed  upon  the  manoeuvres.  Ulm,  Ma- 
ren'^o,  Jena,  Ratisbon,  were  as  brilliant  victories,  but  they  were  the  result  of  strate- 
gical manoeuvres  and  of  a  series  of  combats.  The  most  remarkable  tactical  battles 
are  Austerlitz,  Rivoli,  and  Dresden"  (Jomini,  tome  ii.  p.  193).  See  Thiers'  vivid 
account,  tome  vi.  livre  xxiii.  Also  Hamley's  Operations^  pp.  379  and  409.  Jomini's 
opinion  must  be  that  of  every  soldier,  but  he  does  not  do  justice  to  the  calculated 
daring  by  which  Napoleon  disregarded  the  Prussian  advance  and  crushed  the  allies 
before  Prussia  could  bring  her  power  to  bear.  One  undoubted  result  of  Austerlitz 
was  the  death  of  the  great  English  patriot,  William  Pitt,  who  is  said  to  have  been  as 
much  kUled  by  it  as  if  actually  shot  on  the  field.     See  Alison,  chap.  xl.  para.  167. 


28  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.     1805. 

his  wound,  and  the  marriage  of  Prince  Eugene  to  the  PriH- 
cess  Augusta  of  Bavaria,  The  friendship  which  Rapp 
cherished  for  me  was  of  the  most  sincere  kind.  During 
my  disgrace  he  did  not  even  conceal  it  from  Napoleon  ; 
and  whoever  knows  anything  of  the  Emperor's  Court  will 
acknowledge  that  that  was  a  greater  mark  of  courage  than 
the  carrying  of  a  redoubt  or  making  the  most  brilliant 
charge  of  cavalry.  Rapp  possessed  courage  of  every  kind, 
an  excellent  heart,  and  a  downright  frankness,  which  for 
a  time  brought  him  into  disgrace  with  Napoleon.  The  only 
thing  for  which  Rapp  could  be  reproached  was  his  ex- 
treme prejudice  against  the  nobility,  which  I  am  con- 
vinced was  the  sole  reason  why  he  was  not  created  a 
Duke/  The  Emperor  made  him  a  Count  because  he 
wished  that  all  his  aides  de  camp  should  have  titles. 

"  He  had  been,  a  fortnight  at  Schoenbrunn,"  said  Rapp 
to  me,  "  and  I  had  not  yet  resumed  my  duties,  when  the 
Emperor  sent  for  me.  He  asked  me  whether  I  was  able 
to  travel,  and  on  my  replying  in  the  affirmative,  he  said. 
'  Go  then,  and  give  an  account  of  the  battle  of  Austerlitz 
to  Marmont,  and  vex  him  for  not  having  been  at  it.'  I  set 
off,  and  in  conformity  with  the  instructions  I  had  received 
from  the  Emperor  I  proceeded  to  Gratz,  where  I  found 
Marmont,  who  was  indeed  deeply  mortified  at  not  having 
had  a  share  in  the  great  battle.  I  told  him,  as  the  Em- 
peror had  directed  me,  that  the  negotiations  were  com- 
menced, but  that  nothing  was  yet  concluded,  and  that 
therefore,  at  all  events,  he  must  hold  himself  in  readiness. 
I  ascertained  the  situation  of  his  army  in  Styria,  and  the 
amount  of  the  enemy's  force  before  him.  The  Emperor 
wished  him  to  send  a  number  of  spies  into  Hungary,  and 
to  transmit  to  him  a  detailed  report  from  their  communi- 
cations. I  next  proceeded  to  Laybach,  where  I  found 
Massena  at  the  head  of  the  eighth  corps,  and  I  informed 
him  that  the  Emperor  wished  him  to  march  in  all  haste 

1  Or  vice  versA  ? — Rkadek. 


1805.  MARRIAGE  OF  EUGENE.  39 

upon  Vienna,  in  case  he  should  hear  of  the  rupture  of  the 
negotiations.  I  continued  the  itinerary  marked  out  for 
me  until  I  reached  Venice,  and  thence  till  I  met  the 
troops  of  Carra  St.  Cyr, '  who  had  received  orders  to  march 
back  upon  Naples  as  soon  as  the  Emperor  heard  of  the 
treachery  of  the  King  of  Naples  and  the  landing  of  the 
English  and  Eussians.  Having  fulfilled  these  diffex-ent 
missions  I  proceeded  to  Klagenfurth,  where  I  saw  Marshal 
Ney,  and  I  afterwards  rejoined  the  Emperor  at  Munich. 
There  I  had  the  pleasvu-e  of  finding  our  friends  assembled, 
and  among  them  Josephine,  still  as  afi'able  and  amiable  as 
ever.  How  delighted  I  was  when,  on  my  arrival,  I  learned 
that  the  Emperor  had  adopted  Eugene.  I  was  present  at 
his  maiTiage  with  the  Princess  Augusta  of  Bavaria.  As  to 
me,  you  know  I  am  not  very  fond  oiftles,  and  the  Emperor 
might  have  dispensed  with  my  performing  the  duties  of 
Chamberlain ;  Eugene  had  no  idea  of  what  was  going  on 
when  the  Emperor  sent  to  desire  his  presence  at  Munich 
with  all  possible  speed.  He,  too,  remains  unchanged  ;  he 
is  still  our  old  comrade.  At  first  he  was  not  much 
pleased  with  the  idea  of  a  political  maiTiage  ;  but  when 
he  saw  his  bride  he  was  quite  enchanted  ;  and  no  wonder, 
for  I  assure  you  she  is  a  very  charming  woman." 

'  Gouvion,  not  Carra,  St.  Cyr  (Erreurs,  tome  ii.  p.  1-18). 


30  1805 


CHAPTER    IV. 
1805. 

Depreciation  of  the  Bank  paper — Ouvrard — His  great  discretion — Bona- 
parte's opinion  of  the  rich — Ouvrard's  imprisonment — His  partnership 
with  the  King  of  Spain — His  connection  with  VVanlerberghe  and 
Desprez — Bonaparte's  return  to  Paris  after  the  campaign  of  Vienna — ■ 
Hasty  dismissal  of  M.  Barbe  Marbois. 

At  the  moment  when  the  Emperor  had  reason  to  hope 
that  the  news  of  his  extraordinary  success  would  animate 
public  si^irit  he  was  informed  that  considerable  disquie- 
tude prevailed,  and  that  the  Bank  of  France  was  assailed 
by  demands  for  the  payment  of  its  paper,  which  had  fallen 
more  than  5  per  cent.  I  was  not  ignorant  of  the  cause  of 
this  decline.  I  had  been  made  acquainted,  through  the 
commercial  correspondence  between  Hamburg  and  Paris, 
with  a  great  financial  operation,  planned  by  M.  Ouvrard, 
in  consequence  of  which  he  was  to  obtain  piastres  from 
Spanish  America  at  a  price  much  below  the  real  value  ; 
and  I  had  learned  that  he  was  obliged  to  support  this  en- 
terprise by  the  funds  which  he  and  his  partners  j)reviously 
employed  in  victualling  the  forces.  A  fresh  investment 
of  capital  was  therefore  necessary  for  this  service,  which, 
when  on  a  large  scale,  requires  extensive  advances,  and 
the  tardy  payment  of  the  Treasury  at  that  period  was  well 
known. 

I  was  well  acquainted  with  M.  Ouvrard,  and  in  what  I 
am  about  to  say  I  do  not  think  there  will  be  found  any- 
thing offensive  or  disagreeable  to  him.  I  observed  the 
greater  number  of  the  facts  to  which  I  shall  refer  in  their 
origin,  and  the  rest  I  learned  from  M.  Ouvrard  himself, 


1805.  THE  FINANGTER  OUVRARD.  31 


who,  when  he  yisited  Hamburg  in  1808,  communicated  to 
me  a  variety  of  details  repecting  his  immense  transaction 
with  the  King  of  Spain.  Among  other  things  I  recollect 
he  told  me  that  before  the  18th  Brumaire  he  was  possessed 
of  00,000,000,  without  owing  a  franc  to  any  person. 

This  celebrated  financier  has  been  the  object  of  great 
public  attention.'  The  prodigious  variations  of  fortune 
which  he  has  experienced,  the  activity  of  his  life,  the  im- 
mense commercial  operations  in  which  he  has  been  en- 
gaged, the  extent  and  the  boldness  of  his  enterprises,  ren- 
der it  necessary,  in  forming  a  judgment  of  M.  Ouvrard,  to 
examine  his  conduct  with  due  care  and  deliberation.  The 
son  of  a  stationer,  who  was  able  merely  through  his  own 
resources  to  play  so  remarkable  a  part,  could  be  no  ordi- 
nary man.  It  may  be  said  of  M.  Ouvrard  what  Beau- 
marchais  said  of  himself,  that  his  life  was  really  a  combat. 
I  have  known  him  long,  and  I  saw  much  of  him  in  his 
relations  with  Josephine.  He  always  appeared  to  me  to 
possess  great  knowledge  of  the  world,  accompanied  by 
honourable  principles,  and  a  high  degree  of  generosity, 
which  added  greatly  to  the  value  of  his  prudence  and 
discretion.  No  human  power,  no  consideration,  not  even 
the  ingratitude  of  those  whom  he  had  obliged,  could  in- 


i  Bourriennc  goes  at  great  length  into  the  curious  but  well- known  Ouvrard  affair  of 
which  he  could  not  have  had  much  special  knowledge  at  the  time.  The  company  of 
"  N6gociants  I'uunis,"  composed  of  Ouvrard,  Besprez,  and  Wanlerberghe,  had  under 
taken  enormous  contracts  for  the  French  and  Spanish  Governments.  The  French 
Treasury  became  mixed  up  with  their  affairs,  and  the  large  advances  which  had  to 
be  made  to  the  company  shook  the  public  credit.  This  matter  hung  like  a  cloud  over 
Napoleon  during  the  Austerlitz  campaign  ;  see  his  Correspondence  with  Joseph  in 
1805,  tome  i.  On  the  return  of  the  Emperor,  after  the  peace  of  Presburg,  he  dis- 
missed M.  Barbe  Marbois,  the  Ministre  du  Tresor,  but  only  for  injudicious  conduct, 
paying  a  compliment  to  his  personal  character  at  the  time.  The  main  wrath  of  the 
Emperor,  who  rightly  or  wrongly  looked  on  himself  as  robbed,  fell  on  Ouvrard,  who 
was  imprisoned  for  some  years,  and  the  fortune  of  himself  and  his  associates  appro- 
priated to  refunding  the  deficiency  of  the  Treasury.  Ouvrard  afterwards  pursued 
the  same  extraordinary  and  varied  career :  sometimes  rich,  and  sometimes  ruined. 
In  1823  he  undertook  the  supply  of  the  French  army  in  Spain,  and  in  1830  was  mixed 
up  with  the  Spanish  pretenders.  He  died  in  1847.  See  the  account  of  this  affair  by 
Thiers,  tome  vi.  livres  xxii.  and  xxiii. 


3S  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

duce  him  to  disclose  any  sacrifice  which  he  had  made  at 
the  time  when,  under  the  Directory,  the  public  revenue 
may  be  said  to  have  been  always  at  the  disposal  of  the 
highest  bidder,  and  when  no  business  could  be  brought 
to  a  conclusion  except  by  him  who  set  about  it  with  his 
hands  full  of  money.  To  this  security,  with  which  M. 
Ouvi'ard  impressed  all  ofiicial  persons  who  rendered  him 
services,  I  attribute  the  facility  with  which  he  obtained 
the  direction  of  the  numerous  enterjirises  in  which  he 
engaged,  and  which  produced  so  many  changes  in  his 
fortune.  The  discretion  of  M,  Ouvrard  was  not  quite 
agreeable  to  the  First  Consul,  who  found  it  impossible  to 
extract  from  him  the  information  he  wanted.  He  tried 
every  method  to  obtain  from  him  the  names  of  persons  to 
whom  he  had  given  those  kind  of  subsidies  which  in  vul- 
gar language  are  called  soj)s  in  the  pan,  and  by  ladies  pin- 
money.  Often  have  I  seen  Bonaparte  resort  to  every  pos- 
sible contrivance  to  gain  his  object.  He  would  sometimes 
endeavour  to  alarm  M.  Ouvi'ard  by  menaces,  and  at  other 
times  to  flatter  him  by  promises,  but  he  was  in  no  instance 
successful. 

While  we  were  at  the  Luxembourg,  on,  as  I  recollect,  the 
25th  of  January  1800,  Bonaparte  said  to  me  during  break- 
fast, "  Boitrrienne,  my  resolution  is  taken.  I  shall  have 
Ouvrard  arrested." — "General,  have  you  proofs  against 
him?" — "Proofs,  indeed !  He  is  a  money-dealer,  a  monop- 
oliser ;  we  must  make  him  disgorge.  All  the  contractors, 
all  the  provision  agents,  are  rogues.  How  have  they  got 
their  fortunes?  At  the  expense  of  the  country,  to  be  sure. 
I  will  not  suffer  such  doings.  They  possess  millions,  they 
roll  in  an  insolent  luxury,  while  my  soldiers  have  neither 
bread  nor  shoes !  I  will  have  no  more  of  that !  I  intend 
to  speak  on  the  business  to-day  in  the  Council,  and  we  shall 
see  what  can  be  done." 

I  waited  with  impatience  for  his  return  from  the  Council 
to  know  what  had  passed.   "  Well,  General ?"  said  I.   "The 


1805.  OCVBAIWS  DISCRETION.  33 

order  is  given."  On  hearing  this  I  became  anxious  about 
the  fate  of  M.  Ouvrard,  who  was  thus  to  be  treated  more 
like  a  subject  of  the  Grand  Turk  than  a  citizen  of  the  Re- 
public ;  but  I  soon  learned  that  the  order  had  not  been 
executed  because  he  could  not  be  found. 

Next  day  I  learned  that  a  person,  whom  I  shall  not  name, 
who  was  present  at  the  Council,  and  who  probably  was  under 
obligations  to  Ou\T.'ard,  wrote  him  a  note  in  pencil  to  inform 
him  of  the  vote  for  his  arrest  carried  by  the  First  Consul. 
This  individual  stepped  out  for  a  moment  and  despatched 
his  servant  with  the  note  to  Ouvrard.  Having  thus  escaped 
the  writ  of  arrest,  Ouvrard,  after  a  few  days  had  passed 
over,  reappeared,  and  surrendered  himself  prisoner.  Bona- 
parte was  at  first  furious  on  learning  that  he  had  got  out 
of  the  way  ;  but  on  hearing  that  Ouvrard  had  surrendered 
himself  he  said  to  me,  "  The  fool!  he  does  not  know  what 
is  awaiting  him !  He  wishes  to  make  the  public  believe 
that  he  has  nothing  to  fear;  that  his  hands  are  clean.  But 
he  is  playing  a  bad  game  ;  he  will  gain  nothing  in  that  way 
with  me.  All  talking  is  nonsense.  You  may  be  sure, 
Bourrieune,  that  when  a  man  has  so  much  money  he  can- 
not have  got  it  honestly,  and  then  all  those  fellows  are 
dangerous  with  their  fortunes.  In  times  of  revolution  no 
man  ought  to  have  more  than  3,000,000  francs,  and  that  is 
a  great  deal  too  much." 

Before  going  to  prison  Ouvrard  took  care  to  secure 
against  all  the  searches  of  the  police  any  of  his  papers  which 
might  have  committed  persons  with  whom  he  had  deal- 
ings ;  and  I  believe  that  there  were  individuals  connected 
with  the  police  itself  who  had  good  reason  for  not  regret- 
ting the  opportunity  which  M.  Ouvrard  had  taken  for  ex- 
ercising this  precaution.  Seals,  however,  were  put  upon 
his  papers  ;  but  on  examining  them  none  of  the  informa- 
tion Bonaparte  so  much  desired  to  obtain  was  found. 
Nevertheless  on  one  point  his  curiosity  was  satisfied,  for 
on  looking  over  the  documents  he  found  from  some  of 
Vol.  III.— 3 


34  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

them  that  Madame  Bonaparte  had  been  borrowing  money 
from  Ouvrard. 

As  Ouvi-ard  had  a  great  number  of  fiiends  they  bestin-ed 
themselves  to  get  some  person  of  influence  to  speak  to  the 
First  Consul  in  his  favour.  But  this  was  a  commission  no 
one  was  willing  to  undertake  ;  because,  prejudiced  as  Bona- 
parte was,  the  least  hint  of  the  kind  would  have  ajDpeared  to 
him  to  be  dictated  by  private  interest.  Berthier  was  very 
earnestly  urged  to  interfere,  but  he  replied,  "That  is  im- 
possible. He  would  say  that  it  was  underhand  work  to  get 
money  for  Madame  Visconti." 

I  do  not  recollect  to  what  circumstance  Ouvrard  was  in- 
debted for  his  liberty,  but  it  is  certain  that  his  captivity 
did  not  last  long.  Sometime  after  he  had  left  his  jDrison 
Bonaparte  asked  him  for  12,000,000,  which  M.  Ouvi-ard 
refused. 

On  his  accession  to  the  Consulate  Bonaparte  found  M. 
Ouvrard  contractor  for  supplying  the  Spanish  fleet  under 
the  command  of  Admiral  Massaredo.  This  business  in- 
troduced him  to  a  correspondence  with  the  famous  Godoy, 
Prince  of  the  Peace.  The  contract  lasted  three  years,  and 
M.  Ouvrard  gained  by  it  a  net  profit  of  15,000,000.  The 
money  was  payable  in  piastres,  at  the  rate  of  3  francs  and 
some  centimes  each,  though  the  piastre  was  really  worth 
5  francs  40  centimes.  But  to  recover  it  at  this  value  it 
was  necessary  for  M.  Ouvrard  to  go  and  get  the  money  in 
Mexico.  This  he  was  much  inclined  to  do,  but  he  appre- 
hended some  obstacle  on  the  part  of  the  First  Consul,  and, 
notwithstanding  his  habitual  shrewdness,  he  became  the 
victim  of  his  over-precaution.  On  his  application  M.  de 
Talleyrand  undertook  to  ask  the  First  Consul  for  authority 
to  give  him  a  passport.  I  was  in  the  cabinet  at  the  time, 
and  I  think  I  still  hear  the  dry  and  decided  "No,"  which 
was  all  the  answer  M.  de  Talleyrand  obtained.  When  we 
were  alone  the  First  Consul  said  to  me,  "  Do  you  not  see, 
Bourrienne,  this  Ouvrard  must  have  made  a  good  thing  of 


1805.  OUVRARD'S  IMPORTS  OF  GRAIN.  35 

Ms  business  with  the  Prince  of  the  Peace  ?  But  the  fool ! 
Why  did  he  get  Talleyrand  to  ask  me  for  a  passport  ? 
That  is  the  very  thing  that  raised  my  suspicion.  Why  did 
he  not  apply  for  a  passport  as  evei-y  one  else  does  ?  Have 
I  the  giving  of  them  ?  He  is  an  ass  ;  so  much  the  worse 
for  him." 

I  was  sorry  for  Ouvi'ard's  disappointment,  and  I  own 
none  the  less  so  because  he  had  intimated  his  willingness 
to  give  me  a  share  in  the  business  he  was  to  transact  in 
Spain  ;  and  which  was  likely  to  be  very  profitable.  His 
brother  went  to  Mexico  in  his  stead. 

In  1802  a  dreadful  scarcity  afflicted  France.  M.  Ouvrard 
took  upon  himself,  in  concert  with  Wanlerberghe,  the  task 
of  importing  foreign  grain  to  prevent  the  troubles  which 
might  otherwise  have  been  expected.  In  payment  of  the 
grain  the  foreign  houses  who  sent  it  drew  upon  Ouvrard 
and  Wanlerberghe  for  26,000,000  francs  in  Treasury  bills, 
which,  according  to  the  agreement  with  the  Government, 
were  to  be  paid.  But  when  the  bills  of  the  foreign  houses 
became  due  there  was  no  money  in  the  Ti*easury,  and  pay- 
ment was  refused.  After  six  months  had  elapsed  payment 
was  offered,  but  on  condition  that  the  Government  should 
retain  half  the  profit  of  the  commission  !  This  Ouvrard 
and  Wanlerberghe  refused,  upon  which  the  Treasury 
thought  it  most  economical  to  pay  nothing,  and  the  debt 
remained  unsettled.  Notwithstanding  this  transaction 
Ouvrard  and  Wanlerberghe  engaged  to  victual  the  navy, 
which  they  supplied  for  six  years  and  three  months.  After 
the  completion  of  these  different  services  the  debt  due  to 
them  amounted  to  68,000,000. 

In  consequence  of  the  long  delay  of  payment  by  the 
Treasury  the  disbui'sements  for  supplies  of  grain  amounted 
at  least  to  more  than  40,000,000  ;  and  the  difficulties  which 
arose  had  a  serious  effect  on  the  credit  of  the  principal 
dealers  with  those  persons  who  supplied  them.  The  dis- 
credit spread  and  gradually  reached   the   Treasury,  the 


36  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805. 

embarrassments  of  wliicli  augumented  with  the  general 
alarm.  Ouvrard,  Wanlerberghe,  and  Seguin  were  the 
persons  whose  capital  and  credit  rendered  them  most 
capable  of  relieving  the  Treasury,  and  they  agreed  to  ad- 
vance for  that  purpose  102,000,000,  in  return  for  which 
they  were  allowed  bonds  of  the  Receivers-General  to  the 
amount  of  150,000,000.  M.  Desprez  undertook  to  be  the 
medium  through  which  the  102,000,000  were  to  be  paid 
into  the  Treasury,  and  the  three  partners  transferred  the 
bonds  to  him. 

Spain  had  concluded  a  treaty  with  France,  by  which  she 
was  bound  to  pay  a  subsidy  of  72,000,000  francs,  and 
32,000,000  had  become  due  without  any  payment  being 
made.  It  was  thought  advisable  that  Ouvrard  should  be 
sent  to  Madrid  to  obtain  a  settlement,  but  he  was  afraid 
that  his  business  in  Paris  would  suffer  during  his  absence, 
and  especially  the  transaction  in  which  he  was  engaged 
with  Desprez.  Tlie  Treasury  satisfied  him  on  this  point 
by  agreeing  to  sanction  the  bargain  with  Desprez,  and 
Ouvrard  proceeded  to  Madrid.  It  was  on  this  occasion  he 
entered  into  the  immense  speculation  for  trading  with 
Spanish  America. 

Spain  wished  to  pay  the  32,000,000  which  were  due  to 
France  as  soon  as  possible,  but  her  coffers  were  empty, 
and  goodwill  does  not  ensure  ability  ;  besides,  in  addition 
to  the  distress  of  the  Government,  there  was  a  dreadful 
famine  in  Spain.  In  this  state  of  things  Ouvrard  proposed 
to  the  Spanish  Government  to  pay  the  debt  due  to  France, 
to  import  a  supply  of  corn,  and  to  advance  funds  for  the 
relief  of  the  Spanish  Treasury.  For  this  he  required  two 
conditions.  (1.)  The  exclusive  right  of  trading  with  Am- 
erica. (2.)  The  right  of  bringing  from  America  on  his 
own  account  all  the  specie  belonging  to  the  Crown,  with 
the  power  of  making  loans  guaranteed  and  payable  by  the 
Spanish  Treasuries. 

About  the  end  of  July  1805  the  embarrassment  which 


1805.  A  ROTAL  PARTNER.  37 


sometime  before  had  begun  to  be  felt  in  the  finances  of 
Europe  was  alarmingly  augmented.  Under  these  circum- 
stances it  was  obviously  the  interest  of  Ouvrard  to  procure 
payment  as  soon  as  possible  of  the  32,000,000  which  he  had 
advanced  for  Spain  to  the  French  Treasury.  He  therefore 
redoubled  his  efforts  to  bring  his  negotiation  to  a  favour- 
able issue,  and  at  last  succeeded  in  getting  a  deed  of  part- 
nership between  himself  and  Charles  IV.  which  contained 
the  following  stipulation  : — "Ouvrard  and  Company  are 
authorised  to  introduce  into  the  ports  of  the  New  World 
every  kind  of  merchandise  and  production  necessary  for 
the  consumption  of  those  countries,  and  to  export  from 
the  Spanish  Colonies,  during  the  continuance  of  the  war 
with  England,  all  the  productions  and  all  specie  derivable 
from  them."  This  treaty  was  only  to  be  in  force  during 
the  war  with  England,  and  it  was  stipulated  that  the  prof- 
its arising  from  the  transactions  of  the  Company  should  be 
equally  divided  between  Charles  IV.  and  the  rest  of  the 
Company  ;  that  is  to  say,  one-half  to  the  King  and  the  other 
half  to  his  partners. 

The  consequences  of  this  extraordinary  partnershijD 
between  a  King  and  a  private  individual  remain  to  be 
stated.  On  the  signing  of  the  deed  Ouvrard  received 
drafts  from  the  Treasury  of  Madrid  to  the  extent  of 
52,500,000  piastres  ;  making  262,500,000  francs  ;  but  the 
piastres  were  to  be  brought  from  America,  while  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  required  that  the  urgent  wants  of  the  Span- 
ish Government  should  be  immediately  supplied,  and, 
above  all,  the  progress  of  the  famine  checked.  To  accom- 
plish this  object  fresh  advances  to  an  enormous  amount 
were  necessary,  for  M.  Ouvrard  had  to  begin  by  furnishing 
2,000,000  of  quintals  of  grain  at  the  rate  of  26  francs  the 
quintal.  Besides  all  this,  before  he  could  realise  a  profit 
and  be  reimbursed  for  the  advances  he  had  made  to  the 
Treasury  of  Paris,  he  had  to  get  the  piastres  conveyed 
from  America  to  Europe.    After  some  difficulty  the  English 


38  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.         1805. 

Government  consented  to  facilitate  the  execution  of  the 
transaction  by  furnishing  four  frigates  for  the  conveyance 
of  the  piastres. 

Ouvrard  had  scarcely  completed  the  outline  of  his  ex- 
traordinary enterprise  when  the  Emperor  suddenly  broke 
up  his  camp  at  Boulogne  to  march  to  Germany.  It  will 
readily  be  conceived  that  Ouvrard's  interests  then  impera- 
tively required  his  presence  at  Madrid  ;  but  he  was  re- 
called to  Paris  by  the  Minister  of  the  Treasury,  who 
wished  to  adjust  his  accounts.  The  Emperor  wanted 
money  for  the  war  on  which  he  was  entering,  and  to 
procure  it  for  the  Treasury  Ouvrard  was  sent  to  Am- 
sterdam to  negotiate  with  the  House  of  Hope.  He  suc- 
ceeded, and  Mr.  David  Parish  became  the  Company's 
agent. 

Having  concluded  this  business  Ouvrard  returned  in  all 
haste  to  Madrid  ;  but  in  the  midst  of  the  most  flattering 
hopes  and  most  gigantic  enterprises  he  suddenly  found 
himself  threatened  with  a  dreadful  crisis.  M.  Desj^rez,  as 
has  been  stated,  had,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Treas- 
ury, been  allowed  to  take  upon  himself  all  the  risk  of  exe- 
cutingthe  treaty,  by  which  150,000,000  wei'e  to  be  advanced 
for  the  year  1804,  and  400,000,000  for  the  year  1805. 
Under  the  circumstances  which  had  arisen  the  Minister  of 
the  Treasury  considered  himself  entitled  to  call  ujDon  Ou- 
vrard to  place  at  his  disposal  10,000,000  of  the  piastres 
which  he  had  received  from  Spain.  The  Minister  at  the 
same  time  informed  him  that  he  had  made  arrangements 
on  the  faith  of  this  advance,  which  he  thought  could  not 
be  refused  at  so  urgent  a  moment. 

The  embarrassment  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  well-known 
integrity  of  the  Minister,  M.  de  Barbe  Marbois,  induced 
Ouvrard  to  remit  the  10,000,000  piastres.  But  a  few  days 
after  he  had  forwarded  the  money  a  Commissioner  of  the 
Treasury  arrived  at  Madrid  with  a  ministerial  despatch, 
in  which  Ouvrard  was  requested  to  deliver  to  the  Commis- 


1805.  THE  FINANCIAL   CRISIS.  39 

sioner  all  the  assets  he  could  command,  and  to  return  im- 
mediately to  Paris. 

The  Treasury  was  then  in  the  greatest  difi&culty,  and  a 
general  alarm  prevailed.  This  serious  financial  distress 
was  occasioned  by  the  following  circumstances.  The 
Treasury  had,  by  a  cii'cular,  notified  to  the  Eeceivers- 
General  that  Desprez  was  the  holder  of  their  bonds.  They 
were  also  authorised  to  transmit  to  him  all  their  dispos- 
able funds,  to  be  placed  to  theii*  credit  in  an  account  cur- 
rent. Perhaps  the  giving  of  this  authority  was  a  great 
error  ;  but,  Be  that  as  it  may,  Desprez,  encouraged  by  the 
complaisance  of  the  Treasury,  desii-ed  the  Receivers-Gen- 
eral to  transmit  to  him  all  the  sums  they  could  procure 
for  payment  of  interest  under  8  per  cent.,  promising  to 
allow  them  a  higher  rate  of  interest.  As  the  credit  of  the 
house  of  Desprez  stood  high,  it  may  be  easily  conceived 
that  on  such  conditions  the  Eeceivers-General,  who  were 
besides  secured  by  the  authority  of  the  Treasury,  would 
enter  eagerly  into  the  proposed  plan.  In  short,  the  Re- 
ceivers-General soon  transmitted  ver}'  considerable  sums. 
Chests  of  money  arrived  daily  from  every  point  of  France, 
Intoxicated  by  this  success,  Desprez  engaged  in  specula- 
tions which  in  his  situation  were  extremely  imprudent.  He 
lent  more  than  50,000,000  to  the  merchants  of  Paris,  which 
left  him  no  command  of  specie.  Being  obHged  to  raise 
money,  he  deposited  with  the  Bank  the  bonds  of  the 
Receivers-General  which  had  been  consigned  to  him,  but 
which  were  already  discharged  by  the  sums  transmitted 
to  their  credit  in  the  account  current.  The  Bank,  wishing 
to  be  reimbursed  for  the  money  advanced  to  Desprez, 
applied  to  the  Receivers-General  whose  bonds  were  held 
in  security.  This  proceeding  had  become  necessary  on 
the  part  of  the  Bank,  as  Desprez,  instead  of  making  his 
payments  in  specie,  sent  in  his  acceptances.  The  Directors 
of  the  Bank,  who  conducted  that  establishment  with  great 
integi-ity  and  discretion,  began  to  be  alarmed,  and  required 


40  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPAUTE.       1805. 

Desprez  to  explain  the  state  of  his  affairs.  The  suspicions 
of  the  Directors  became  daily  stronger,  and  were  soon 
shared  by  the  public.  At  last  the  Bank  was  obliged  to 
stop  payment,  and  its  notes  were  soon  at  a  discount  of  12 
per  cent. 

The  Minister  of  the  Treasury,  dismayed,  as  well  may  be 
supposed,  at  such  a  state  of  tilings  during  the  Emperor's 
absence,  convoked  a  Council,  at  which  Joseph  Bonaparte 
presided,  and  to  which  Desprez  and  Wanlerberghe  were 
summoned.  Ouvrard  being  informed  of  this  financial 
convulsion  made  all  possible  haste  from  Madrid,  and  on 
his  arrival  at  Paris  sought  assistance  from  Amsterdam. 
Hope's  house  offered  to  take  15,000,000  piastres  at  the 
rate  of  3  francs  75  centimes  each.  Ouvrard  having  en- 
gaged to  pay  the  Spanish  Government  only  3  francs,  would 
\evy  willingly  have  parted  with  them  at  that  rate,  but  his 
hasty  departure  from  Madrid,  and  the  financial  events  at 
Paris,  affected  his  relations  with  the  Spanish  Treasury, 
and  rendered  it  impossible  for  him  to  afford  any  support 
to  the  Treasury  of  France  ;  thus  the  alarm  continued, 
until  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Austerlitz  and  the  conse- 
quent hope  of  peace  trauquillised  the  public  mind.  The 
bankruptcy  of  Desprez  was  dreadful ;  it  was  followed  by 
the  failure  of  many  houses,  the  credit  of  which  was  pre- 
viously undoubted. 

To  temper  the  exultation  which  victory  was  calculated 
to  excite,  the  news  of  the  desperate  situation  of  the  Treas- 
ury and  the  Bank  reached  the  Emperor  on  the  daj'  after 
the  battle  of  Austerlitz.  The  alarming  accounts  which  he 
received  hastened  his  return  to  France  ;  and  on  the  very 
evening  on  which  he  arrived  in  Paris  he  pronounced, 
while  ascending  the  stairs  of  the  Tuileries,  the  dismissal 
of  M.  de  Barbe  Marbois.  This  Minister  had  made  nu- 
merous enemies  by  the  strict  discharge  of  his  duty,  and 
yet,  notwithstanding  his  rigid  probity,  he  sunk  under  the 
accusation  of  having  endangered  the  safety  of  the  State  by 


1805.  "^   SHAM  GATO."  41 

weakness  of  character.  At  this  period  even  Madame  de 
Staiil  said,  in  a  party  where  the  firmness  of  M.  Barbe 
Marbois  was  the  topic  of  conversation — "What,  he  inflex- 
ible ?  he  is  only  a  reed  bronzed  ! "  But  whatever  may  be 
the  opinion  entertained  of  the  character  of  this  Minister,  it 
is  certain  that  Napoleon's  rage  against  him  was  unbounded. 
Such  was  the  financial  catastrophe  which  occurred  during 
the  campaign  of  Vienna  ;  but  all  was  not  over  with  Ou- 
vrard,  and  in  so  great  a  confusion  of  affairs  it  was  not  to 
be  expected  that  the  Imperial  hand,  which  w"as  not  always 
the  hand  of  justice,  should  not  make  itself  somewhere 
felt. 

In  the  course  of  the  month  of  February  1806  the  Em- 
peror issued  two  decrees,  in  which  he  declared  Ouvrard, 
Wanlerberghe,  and  Michel,  contractors  for  the  service  of 
1804,  and  Desprez  their  agent,  debtors  to  the  amount  of 
87,000,000,  which  they  had  misapplied  in  pi-ivate  specula- 
tions, and  in  transactions  with  Spain  "for  their  personal 
interests."  "Who  would  not  suppose  from  this  phrase  that 
Napoleon  had  taken  no  part  whatever  in  the  great  finan- 
cial operation  between  Spain  and  South  America  ?  He 
was,  however,  intimately  acquainted  with  it,  and  was 
himself  really  and  personally  interested.  But  whenever 
.any  enterprise  was  unsuccessful  he  always  wished  to  deny 
all  connection  with  it.  Possessed  of  title-deeds  made  up 
by  himself — that  is  to  say,  his  own  decrees — the  Emperor 
seized  all  the  piastres  and  other  property  belonging  to  the 
Company,  and  derived  from  the  transaction  great  pecun- 
iary advantage, — though  such  advantage  never  could  be 
regarded  by  a  sovereign  as  any  compensation  for  the 
dreadful  state  into  which  the  public  credit  had  been 
brought. ' 

*  Boumenne's  statement  is  of  course  an  ex  parte  one,  and  comes  from  an  inter- 
ested quarter  ;  and  the  Editor  has  been  unable  to  i-efer  to  the  decrees  in  question, 
which  probably  would  contain  further  details  of  the  ground  of  this  action. 


42  1805- 


CHAPTEE    V. 
1805-1806. 

Declaration  of  Lonis  XVIII. — Diimonriez  watched — News  of  a  spy — Re- 
markable trait  of  courage  and  presence  of  mind — Necessity  of  vigi- 
lance at  Hamburg — The  King  of  Sweden — His  bulletins — Doctor  Gall 
— Prussia  covets  Hamburg — Projects  on  Holland — Negotiations  for 
peace — Mr.  Fox  at  the  head  of  the  British  Cabinet — Intended  assas- 
sination of  Napoleon — Propositions  made  through  Lord  Yarmouth — 
Proposed  protection  of  the  Hanse  towns — Their  state — Aggrandise- 
ment of  the  Imperial  family — Neither  peace  nor  war — Sebastiani's 
mission  to  Constantinople — Lord  Lauderdale  at  Paris,  and  failure  of 
the  negotiations — Austria  despoiled — Emigrant  pensions — Dumou- 
riez's  intrigues — Prince  of  Meckleuburg-Schwerin — Loizeau. 

I  HAVE  been  somewhat  diffuse  respecting  the  vast  enter- 
prises of  M.  Ouvrard,  and  on  the  disastrous  state  of  the 
finances  during  the  campaign  of  Vienna.  Now,  if  I  may 
so  express  myself,  I  shall  I'eturn  to  the  Minister  Plenipo- 
tentiary's cabinet,  where  several  curious  transactions  oc- 
curred. The  facts  will  not  always  be  given  in  a  connected 
series,  because  there  was  no  more  relation  between  the 
reports  which  I  received  on  a  great  variety  of  subjects 
than  there  is  in  the  pleading  of  the  barristers  who  succeed 
each  other  in  a  coui"t  of  justice. 

On  the  2d  of  January  1806  I  learned  that  many  houses 
in  Hamburg  had  received  by  jDOst  packets,  each  containing 
four  copies  of  a  declaration  of  Louis  XVIII.  Dumouriez 
had  his  carriage  filled  with  copies  of  this  declaration  when 
he  passed  through  Brunswick  ;  and  in  that  small  town 
alone  more  than  3000  were  distributed.  The  size  of  this 
declaration  rendered  its  transmission  by  post  very  easy 
even  in  France. 


1806.  COURAGE  OF  A  SPY.  43 

All  my  letters  from  the  Minister  recommended  that  I 
should  keep  a  strict  watch  over  the  motions  of  Dumouriez  ; 
but  his  name  was  now  as  seldom  mentioned  as  if  he  had 
ceased  to  exist.  The  i^art  he  acted  seemed  to  be  lim- 
ited to  disseminating  pamphlets  more  or  less  insignifi- 
cant. 

It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  great  courage  and  presence 
of  mind  sometimes  found  in  men  so  degraded  as  are  the 
wretches  who  fill  the  office  of  spies.  I  had  an  agent 
amongst  the  Swedo-Russians,  named  Chefueux,  whom  I 
had  always  found  extremely  clever  and  correct.  Having 
for  a  long  time  received  no  intelligence  from  him  I  be- 
came very  anxious, — an  anxiety  which  was  not  without 
foundation.  He  had,  in  fact,  been  arrested  at  Lauenburg, 
and  conducted,  bound,  tied  hand  and  foot,  by  some  Cos- 
sacks to  Luneburg.  There  was  found  on  him  a  bulletin 
which  he  was  about  to  transmit  to  me,  and  he  only 
escaped  certain  death  by  having  in  his  possession  a  letter 
of  recommendation  from  a  Hamburg  merchant  well  known 
to  M.  Alopoeus,  the  Eussian  Minister  in  that  city.  This 
precaution,  which  I  had  taken  before  he  set  out,  saved  his 
Hfe.  M.  Alopoeus  replied  to  the  merchant  that,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  recommendaiion  the  spy  should  be  sent 
back  safe  and  sovmd,  but  that  another  time  neither  the 
recommended  nor  the  recommender  should  escape  so 
easily.  Notwithstanding  this,  Chefneux  would  certainly 
have  paid  with  his  head  for  the  dangerous  business  in 
which  he  was  embarked  but  for  the  inconceivable  cool- 
ness he  displayed  under  the  most  trying  circumstances. 
Though  the  bulletin  which  was  found  upon  him  was 
addressed  to  M.  Schramm,  merchant,  they  strongly  sus- 
pected that  it  was  intended  for  me.  They  demanded 
of  the  prisoner  whether  he  knew  me  ;  to  which  he  bold- 
ly replied  that  he  had  never  seen  me.  They  endeav- 
oured, by  every  possible  means,  to  extort  a  confession 
from  him,  but  without  sviccess.      His  repeated  denials, 


44  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.     1805- 

joined  to  the  name  of  M.  Schramm,  created  doubts  in  the 
minds  of  his  interrogators  ;  they  hesitated  lest  they  should 
condemn  an  innocent  man.  They,  however,  resolved  to 
make  a  last  effort  to  discover  the  truth,  and  Chefneux, 
condemned  to  be  shot,  was  conducted  to  the  plain  of 
Luneburg.  His  eyes  were  bandaged,  and  he  heard  the 
command  of  preparation  given  to  the  platoon,  which  was 
to  fire  upon  him ;  at  that  moment  a  man  approaching  him 
whispered  in  his  ear,  in  a  tone  of  friendship  and  compas- 
sion, "  They  are  going  to  fire  ;  but  I  am  your  friend  ;  only 
acknowledge  that  you  know  M.  de  Bourrienne  and  you  are 
safe." — "No,"  replied  Chefneux  in  a  firm  tone  ;  "if  I  said 
so  I  should  tell  a  falsehood."  Immediately  the  bandage 
was  removed  from  his  eyes,  and  he  was  set  at  liberty.  It 
would  be  difficult  to  cite  a  more  extraordinary  instance  of 
presence  of  mind. 

Much  as  I  execrate  the  system  of  espionage  I  am  never- 
theless compelled  to  admit  that  the  Emperor  was  under 
the  necessity  of  maintaining  the  most  unremitting  vigilance 
amidst  the  intrigues  which  were  going  forward  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Hamburg,  especially  when  the  English, 
Swedes,  and  Russians  were  in  arms,  and  there  were  the 
strongest  grounds  for  suspecting  the  sincerity  of  Prus- 
sia. 

On  the  5th  of  January  1806  the  King  of  Sweden  arrived 
before  the  gates  of  Hamburg.  The  Senate  of  that  city, 
surrounded  on  all  sides  by  English,  Swedish,  and  Russian 
troops,  determined  to  send  a  deputation  to  congratulate 
the  Swedish  monarch,  who,  however,  hesitated  so  long 
about  receiving  this  homage  that  fears  were  entertained 
lest  his  refusal  should  be  followed  by  some  act  of  aggres- 
sion. At  length,  however,  the  deputies  were  admitted, 
and  they  returned  sufficiently  well  satisfied  with  their 
reception. 

The  King  of  Sweden  then  officially  declared,  "  That  all 
the  arrangements  entered  into  with  relation  to  Hanover 


1806.        HAMBURG  MENACED  BY  TWO  KINGS.  45 

had  no  reference  to  him,  as  the  Swedish  army  was  under 
the  immediate  command  of  its  august  sovereign."  ' 

The  King,  with  his  6000  men,  seemed  inclined  to  play 
the  part  of  the  restorer  of  Germany,  and  to  make  himself 
the  Don  Quixote  of  the  treaty  of  Westphalia.  He  threat- 
ened the  Senate  of  Hambiu-g  with  the  whole  weight  of  his 
anger,  because  on  my  application  the  colours  which  used 
to  be  suspended  over  the  door  of  the  house  for  receiving 
Austrian  recruits  had  been  removed.  The  poor  Senate  of 
Hamburg  was  kej^t  in  constant  alarm  by  so  dangerous  a 
neighbour. 

The  King  of  Sweden  had  his  headquarters  at  Boetzen- 
burg,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  Elbe.  In  order  to 
amuse  himself  he  sent  for  Dr.  Gall,  who  was  at  Hamburg, 
where  he  delivered  lectures  on  his  system  of  phrenology, 
which  was  rejected  in  the  beginning  by  false  science  and 
prejudice,  and  afterwards  adopted  in  consequence  of  argu- 
ments, in  my  opinion,  unanswerable.  I  had  the  j^leasure 
of  living  some  time  with  Dr.  Gall,  and  I  owe  to  the  inti- 
macy which  subsisted  between  us  the  honour  he  conferred 
on  me  by  the  dedication  of  one  of  his  works.  I  said  to 
him,  when  he  departed  for  the  headquarters  of  the  King 
of  Sweden,  "My  dear  doctor,  you  will  certainly  discover 
the  bump  of  vanity'."  The  truth  is,  that  had  the  doctor 
at  that  period  been  permitted  to  examine  the  heads  of  the 
sovereigns  of  Europe  they  woiald  have  afforded  very  cim- 
ous  craniological  studies. 

It  was  not  the  King  of  Sweden  alone  who  gave  uneasi- 
ness to  Hamburg  ;  the  King  of  Prussia  threatened  to  seize 
upon  that  city,  and  his  Minister  publicly  declared  that  it 
would  very  soon  belong  to  his  master.  The  Hamburgers 
were  deeply  afflicted  at  this  threat  ;  in  fact,  next  to  the 
loss  of  their  independence,  their  greatest  misfortune  would 
have  been  to  fall  under  the  dominion  of  Prussia,  as  the 

'  The  cession  ot  Hanover  to  the  King  of  Prussia  for  the  two  Margravates  is  what 
be  alluded  to. — Botcrrienne. 


46  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805^ 

uiggardly  fiscal  sj^stem  of  the  Prussian  Government  at  that 
time  would  have  proved  extremely  detrimental  to  a  com- 
mercial city.  Hanover,  being  evacuated  by  the  French 
troops,  had  become  a  kind  of  recruiting  mart  for  the  Brit- 
ish army,  where  every  man  who  presented  himself  was  en- 
rolled, to  complete  the  Hanoverian  legion  which  was  then 
about  to  be  embodied.  The  English  scattered  gold  by 
handfuls.  One  hundred  and  fifty  carriages,  each  with  six 
horses,  were  employed  in  this  service,  which  confirmed  me 
in  the  belief  I  had  previously  entertained,  that  the  English 
were  to  join  with  the  Russians  in  an  expedition  against 
Holland.  The  aim  of  the  Anglo-Russians  was  to  make  a 
diversion  which  might  disconcert  the  movements  of  the 
French  armies  in  Germany,  the  allies  being  at  that  time 
unacquainted  with  the  peace  concluded  at  Presburg. 
Not  a  moment  was  therefore  to  be  lost  in  uniting  the 
whole  of  our  disposable  force  for  the  defence  of  Holland  ; 
but  it  is  not  of  this  expedition  that  I  mean  to  speak  at 
present.  I  only  mention  it  to  afford  some  idea  of  our 
situation  at  Hamburg,  surrounded,  as  we  then  were,  by 
Swedish,  English,  and  Russian  troops.  At  this  period  the 
Russian  Minister  at  Hamburg,  M.  Forshmanu,  became 
completely  insane  ;  his  conduct  had  been  more  injurious 
than  advantageous  to  his  Government.  He  was  replaced 
by  M.  Alopoeus,  the  Russian  Minister  at  Berlin  ;  and  they 
could  not  have  exchanged  a  fool  for  a  more  judicious  and 
able  diplomatist. 

I  often  received  from  the  Minister  of  Marine  letters  and 
packets  to  transmit  to  the  Isle  of  France,'  of  which  the 
Emperor  was  extremely  anxious  to  retain  possession  ;  and 
I  had  much  trouble  in  finding  any  vessels  prepared  for 
that  colony  by  which  I  could  forward  the  Minister's  com- 
munications.    The  death  of  Pitt  and  the  appointment  of 

1  The  He  de  France  (or  Mauritius),  taken  by  the  English  in  1810,  and  retained  it, 
1814  ;  while  the  He  Bourbon  (or  Reunion),  taken  at  the  same  time,  was  restored  to 
France. 


1806.  FRIENDSHIP    WITH  FOX.  47 

Fox  as  his  successor  had  created  a  hope  of  peace.  It  was 
universally  known  that  Mr.  Fox,  in  succeeding  to  his  of- 
fice, did  not  inherit  the  furious  hatred  of  the  deceased 
Minister  against  France  and  her  Emperor.  There  more- 
over existed  between  NajDoleou  and  IVIi-.  Fox  a  reciprocal 
esteem,  and  the  latter  had  shown  himself  really  disposed 
to  treat.  The  possibility  of  concluding  a  peace  had  always 
been  maintained  by  that  statesman  when  he  was  in  oppo- 
sition to  Mr.  Pitt ;  and  Bonaparte  himself  might  have  been 
induced,  from  the  high  esteem  he  felt  for  IVIi-.  Fox,  to 
make  concessions  from  which  he  would  before  have  re- 
coiled. But  there  were  two  obstacles,  I  may  say  almost 
insurmountable  ones.  The  first  was  the  conviction  on  the 
part  of  England  that  any  peace  Avhich  might  be  made 
would  only  be  a  truce,  and  that  Bonaparte  tvould  never 
seriously  relinquish  his  desire  of  universal  dominion.  On 
the  other  side,  it  was  believed  that  Napoleon  had  formed 
the  design  of  invading  England.  Had  he  been  able  to  do 
so  it  would  have  been  less  with  the  view  of  striking  a  blow 
at  her  commerce  and  destroying  her  maritime  power,  than 
of  annihilating  the  liberty  of  the  i^ress,  which  he  had  ex- 
tinguished in  his  own  dominions.  The  spectacle  of  a  free 
people,  separated  only  by  six  leagues  of  sea,  was,  accord- 
ing to  him,  a  seductive  example  to  the  French,  especially 
to  those  among  them  who  bent  unwillingly  under  his 
yoke. 

At  an  early  period  of  J\Ii-.  Fox's  ministry  a  Frenchman 
made  the  proposition  to  him  of  assassinating  the  Em- 
peror, of  which  information  was  immediately  transmitted 
to  M.  de  Talleyrand.  In  this  despatch  the  Minister  said 
that,  though  the  laws  of  England  did  not  authorise  the 
permanent  detention  of  any  individual  not  convicted  of  a 
crime,  he  had  on  this  occasion  taken  it  on  himself  to 
secure  the  miscreant  till  such  time  as  the  French  Govern- 
ment could  be  put  on  its  guard  against  his  attempts. 
Mr.  Fox  said  in  his  letter  that  he  had  at  first  done  this 


18  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805- 

individual  "  the  honour  to  take  him  for  a  spy,"  a  phrase 
which  sufficiently  indicated  the  disgust  with  which  the 
British  Minister  viewed  him. 

This  information  was  the  key  which  opened  the  door 
to  new  negotiations.  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  ordered  to 
exj)ress,  in  reply  to  the  communication  of  Mr.  Fox,  that 
the  Emperor  was  sensibly  aifected  at  the  index  it  affi)rded 
of  the  principles  by  which  the  British  Cabinet  was  actu- 
ated. Napoleon  did  not  limit  himself  to  this  diplomatic 
courtesy ;  he  deemed  it  a  favourable  occasion  to  create  a 
belief  that  he  was  actuated  by  a  sincere  love  of  peace. 
He  summoned  to  Paris  Lord  Yarmouth,  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  amongst  the  English  who  had  been  so  un- 
justly detained  prisoners  at  Verdun  on  the  rupture  of  the 
peace  of  Amiens.  He  gave  his  lordship  instructions  to 
propose  to  the  British  Government  a  new  form  of  nego- 
tiations, offering  to  guarantee  to  England  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hoj^e  and  Malta.  Some  have  been  inclined  from 
this  concession  to  praise  the  moderation  of  Bonaparte ; 
others  to  blame  him  for  offering  to  resign  these  two 
places,  as  if  the  Cape  and  Malta  could  be  put  in  compe- 
tition with  the  title  of  Emperor,  the  foundation  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Italy,  the  acquisition  of  Genoa  and  of  all  the 
Venetian  States,  the  dethronement  of  the  King  of  Naples 
and  the  gift  of  his  kingdom  to  Joseph,  and  finally,  the 
new  partition  of  Germany.  These  transactions,  of  which 
Bonaparte  said  not  a  word,  and  from  which  he  certainly 
had  no  intention  of  departing,  were  all  long  after  the 
treaty  of  Amiens. 

Every  day  brought  with  it  fresh  proofs  of  insatiable 
ambition.  In  fact,  Napoleon  longed  to  obtain  possession 
of  the  Hanse  Towns.  I  was,  however,  in  the  first  place, 
merely  charged  to  make  overtures  to  the  Senates  of  each 
of  these  towns,  and  to  point  out  the  advantages  they 
would  derive  from  the  protection  of  Napoleon  in  ex- 
change for  the  small  sacrifice  of  6,000,000  francs  in  his 


1806.     COMMERCIAL  IMPORTANCE  OF  HAMBURG.      49 

favour.  I  had  on  this  subject  numerous  conferences 
with  the  magistrates  :  they  thought  the  sum  too  great, 
representing  to  me  that  the  city  was  not  so  rich  as  for- 
merly, because  their  commerce  had  been  much  curtailed  by 
the  war ;  in  short,  the  Senate  declared  that,  with  the  utmost 
goodwill,  their  circumstances  would  not  permit  them  to 
accept  the  "generous  proposal"  of  the  Emperor. 

I  was  myself,  indeed,  at  a  loss  to  conceive  how  the  ab- 
surdity of  employing  me  to  make  such  a  proposition  was 
overlooked,  for  I  had  really  no  advantage  to  offer  in 
return  to  the  Hanse  Towns.  Against  whom  did  Bona- 
parte propose  to  protect  them  ?  The  truth  is,  Napoleon 
then  wished  to  seize  these  towns  by  direct  aggression, 
which,  however,  he  was  not  able  to  accomplish  until  four 
years  afterwards. 

During  five  years  I  witnessed  the  commercial  impor- 
tance of  these  cities,  and  especially  of  Hamburg.  Its  geo- 
graphical situation,  on  a  great  river  navigable  by  large 
vessels  to  the  city,  thirty  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the 
Elbe ;  the  complete  independence  it  enjoyed  ;  its  munici- 
pal regulations  and  paternal  government,  were  a  few 
amongst  the  many  causes  which  had  raised  Hamburg  to 
its  enviable  height  of  prosperity.*  "What,  in  fact,  was  the 
population  of  these  remnants  of  the  gi-and  Hanseatic 
League  of  the  Middle  Ages  ?  The  poj^ulation  of  Ham- 
burg when  I  was  there  amounted  to  90,000,  and  that  of 
its  small  surrounding  territory  to  25,000.  Bremen  had 
36,000  inhabitants,  and  9000  in  its  territory ;  the  city  of 
Lubeck,  which  is  smaller  and  its  territory  a  little  more 
extensive  than  that  of  Bremen,  contained  a  population  of 
24,000  souls  within  and  16,000  without  the  walls.  Thus 
the  total  population  of  the  Hanse  Towns  amounted  to  only 

•  Amongst  the  wreck  of  so  many  States  these  three  towns,  the  survivors  of  the 
great  League,  once  consisting  of  eighty  towns,  still  figure  among  the  States  of  the 
German  Empire  with  populations  (in  1S8(I)  as  follows  : — Hamburg.  453,869  :  Bremen, 
156,723  ;  Liibeck,  63,5'il ;  total,  674,163  (Almcmac/i  de  Gotha,  1884,  p.  395).  At  the 
present  day,  however,  Antwerp  bids  fair  to  become  the  Hamburg  of  the  Continent. 

Vol.  III.— 4 


50  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1805- 

200,000  individuals ;  and  yet  this  handful  of  men  carried 
on  an  extensive  commerce,  and  their  ships  ploughed  every 
sea,  from  the  shores  of  India  to  the  frozen  regions  of 
Greenland. 

The  Emperor  arrived  at  Paris  towards  the  end  of  Janu- 
ary 1806.  Having  created  kings  in  Germany  he  deemed 
the  moment  favourable  for  surrounding  his  throne  with 
new  princes.  It  was  at  this  period  that  he  created  Murat, 
Grand  Duke  of  Cleves  and  Berg  ;  Bernadotte,  Prince  of 
Ponte-Corvo  ;  M.  de  Talleyrand,  Duke  of  Benevento  ;  and 
his  two  former  colleagues,  Cambaceres  and  Lebrun,  Dukes 
of  Parma  and  Piacenza.'  He  also  gave  to  his  sister  Pauline, 
a  short  time  after  her  second  marriage  with  the  Prince 
Borghese,  the  title  of  Duchess  of  Guastalla.  Strange 
events  !  who  could  then  have  foreseen  that  the  duchy  of 
Cambaceres  would  become  the  i-efuge  of  a  Princess  of 
of  Austria,  the  widowed  wife  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte  ?  "  "^ 

In  the  midst  of  the  prosperity  of  the  Imperial  family, 

»  For  a  list  of  the  chief  titles  created  by  Napoleon  see  the  Memoirs  of  Madame 
Junot,  1883,  English  edition,  vol.  iii.  p.  512. 

'•'  Maria  Louisa,  who  has  the  limited  sovereignty  of  Parma  and  Piacenza,  has, 
since  1815,  principally  resided  at  Parma.  Ponte-Corvo  and  Benevento,  which  gave 
titles  to  Bernadotte  and  Talleyrand,  are  two  towns  in  the  interior  of  the  kingdom 
of  Naples  which  previously  to  the  Revolution  belonged  to  the  Pope,  and  were 
governed  by  his  Cardinal-Legate.  There  is  a  slip  of  territory  attached  to  each  of 
them,  that  of  Benevento  being  not  inconsiderable.  The  city  of  Benevento  contains 
about  18,000  inhabitants,  and  is  ancient  and  exceedingly  interesting.  There  are  the 
remains  of  a  Roman  amphitheatre  and  a  bridge,  a  granite  obelisk  of  the  time 
of  Domitian,  and  a  magnificent  triumphal  arch  of  the  Emperor  Trajan.  This 
arch,  which  is  one  of  the  finest  in  existence,  is  of  Parian  marble,  and  very  little  in- 
jiired  by  time  or  violence.  The  town  is  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  beautiful  country, 
and  two  important  rivers,  the  Galore  and  the  Sebato,  sweep  by  it.  It  is  due  to  that  re- 
markable personage  to  state  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  a  kind  and  generous  master, 
and  that  his  regime  was  exceedingly  popular  at  Benevento.  His  subjects,  or  vas- 
sals, were  exempted  from  the  barbarous  conscription  law.  We  were  there  in  1816, 
a  short  time  after  the  State  had  been  restored  to  the  Roman  See,  which  still  holds  it, 
and  we  heard  all  parties  speak  well  of  M.  de  Talleyrand. 

By  creating  this  new  order  of  nobility  Bonaparte  effaced  the  last  traces  of  the  rev- 
olutionary republican  organisation.  The  princedoms  and  dukedoms  he  conferred 
were  all  accompanied  with  grants  of  extensive  estates  and  territories  in  the  countries 
he  had  conquered— in  Germany,  Italy,  etc.;  and  the  great  feudatories  of  the  new 
Empire,  it  will  be  observed,  bore  foreign,  and  not  French  titles.  This  showed  dis- 
tinctly that  Napoleon  wanted  "to  sink  the  memory  of  the  Bourbon  monarchy,  and 
revive  the  imaee  of  Charlemagne,  Emperor  of  the  West." — Editor  o/"  18-36  edition. 


1806.        SEBASTIANI'S  MISSION  TO   THE  EAST.  51 


when  the  eldest  of  the  Emperor's  brothers  had  ascended 
the  throne  of  Naples,  when  Holland  was  on  the  eve  of 
being  offered  to  Louis,  and  Jerome  had  exchanged  his 
legitimate  wife  for  the  illegitimate  throne  of  Westphalia, 
the  Imperial  j^illow  was  still  far  from  being  free  from  anx- 
iety. Hostilities  did  not  actually  exist  with  the  Conti- 
nental powers  ;  but  this  momentar}'  state  of  repose  lacked 
the  tranquillity  of  peace,  France  was  at  war  with  Russia 
and  England,  and  the  aspect  of  the  Continent  presented 
great  uncertainty,  while  the  treaty  of  Vienna  had  only 
been  executed  in  part. 

In  the  meantime  Napoleon  turned  his  eyes  towards  the 
East.  General  Sebastiani  was  sent  to  Constantinople.  The 
measures  he  pursued  and  his  judicious  conduct  justified 
the  choice  of  the  Emj^eror.  He  was  adroit  and  conciliat- 
ing, and  peace  with  Turkey  was  the  result  of  his  mission. 
The  negotiations  with  England  did  not  terminate  so 
happily,  although,  after  the  first  overtures  made  to  Lord 
Yarmouth,  the  Earl  of  Laudei'dale  had  been  sent  to  Paris 
by  Mr.  Fox.     In  fact,  these  negotiations  wholly  failed. 

The  Emperor  had  drawn  enormous  sums  from  Austria, 
without  counting  the  vases,  statues,  and  pictures  with 
which  he  decorated  the  Louvre,  and  the  bronze  with 
which  he  clothed  the  column  of  the  Place  Vendome,' — in 
my  opinion  the  finest  monument  of  his  reign  and  the  most 

■  other  countries  were  even  more  despoiled  than  Austria,  and  the  French  occu- 
pations and  exactions  in  Italy  gave  rise  to  many  bitter  pasquinades  ;  among  them 
the  following  may  be  found  in  Mr.  Story's  charming  work,  Roba  di  Roma  : — 

"  I  FraiichcBi  son  tutti  Ittdri  I  "The  French  are  all  thieves— 

Non  tutti — ma  Buona  jiarte."  I      Or  at  all  events  the  best  part  of  them." 

A  clever  epigram  was  made  on  Canova's  statue  of  Italy,  which  was  represented  as 
draped  :  — 

"  Questa  volta  Canova  I'ha  sbajjliata  1  "  For  onc-e  Canova  surely  has  tripped, 

Ha  ritalia  veatita  ed  ^  flpogliftta."  1      Italy  is  not  draped,  but  stripped." 

One  also  referring  to  the  institution  of  the  Legion  of  Honour  is  admirable  in  its 
wit:— 

"  In  tempi  men  leggiadri  e  piu  feroci  1  "  In  times  less  pleasant,  more  fierce  of  old, 

S'appicavano  i  ladri  in  an  le  Croce.  !      The  thieves  were  hung  upon  the  cross,  we're  told  ; 

In  tempi  men  feroci  e  piu  ieggiadri  i      In  times  less  fierce,  more  pleasant  like  to-day, 

S'appicano  le  Croci  in  su  i  ladri."  |      Crosses  are  hung  apon  the  thieves — theysay." 


62  MEMOIRS  OP  HAPOLEON  BONArARTE.      1805^ 

beautiful  one  in  Paris.  As  Austria  was  exhausted  all  the 
contributions  imiDosed  on  her  could  not  be  paid  in  cash, 
and  they  gave  the  Emperor  bills  in  payment.  I  received 
one  for  about  7,000,000  on  Hamburg  on  account  of  the 
stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  Presburg.' 

The  affairs  of  the  Bourbon  Princes  became  more  and 
more  unfavourable,  and  their  finances,  as  well  as  their 
chances  of  success,  were  so  much  diminished  that  about 
this  period  it  was  notified  to  the  emigrants  in  Bi'unswick 
that  the  jDretender  (Louis  XVIII.)  had  no  longer  the 
means  of  continuing  their  pensions."  This  produced  great 
consternation  amongst  those  emigrants,  many  of  whom 
had  no  other  means  of  existence  ;  and  notwithstanding 
their  devotion  to  the  cause  of  royalty  they  found  a  pen- 
sion very  useful  in  strengthening  their  zeal. 

Amongst  those  emigrants  was  one  whose  name  will  oc- 
cupy a  certain  place  in  history  ;  I  mean  Dumouriez,  of 
whom  I  have  already  spoken,  and  who  had  for  some  time 
employed  himself  in  distributing'  pamphlets.  He  was 
then  at  Stralsund  ;  and  it  was  believed  that  the  King  of 
Sweden  would  give  him  a  command.  The  vagrant  life  of 
this  general,  who  ran  everywhere  begging  employment 
from  the  enemies  of  his  country  without  being  able  to 
obtain  it,  subjected  him  to  general  ridicule  ;  in  fact,  he 
was  everywhere  despised. 

To  determine  the  difficulties  which  had  arisen  with  re- 
gai'd  to  Holland,  which  Dumouriez  dreamed  of  conquer- 

'  Was  this  English  money  ?  See  t<avari/,  tome  ii.  p.  239 :  "  The  Austrians  for  the 
fimt  payment  of  the  contribntions  were  obliged  to  cede  to  us  the  amount  of  the  sub- 
sidies which  they  were  to  receive  from  England.  They  expected  them  at  this 
moment,  and  they  gave  orders  at  Hamburg  that  when  the  sum  was  received  it 
should  be  handed  over  to  the  French  Minister.  This  was  M.  de  Bourrienne,  who 
received  the  English  subsidies  destined  for  Austria,  and  sent  them  to  Paris." 

2  When  Louis  XVIII.  returned  to  France,  and  Pouche  was  his  Minister  of  Police, 
the  King  asked  Fouche  whether  during  his  (the  King\s)  exile,  he  had  not  set  spies 
over  him,  and  who  they  were.  Fonche  hesitated  to  reply,  but  on  the  King  insisting 
he  said  :  "If  your  Majesty  presses  for  an  answer,  it  was  the  Due  de  Blacas  to  whom 
this  m.atter  was  confided." — "  And  how  much  did  you  pay  him  ?  "  said  the  King. 
"Deux  cents  mille  livres  de  rente,  Sire." — "  Ah,  so  !  "  said  the  King,  "  then  he  has 
played  fair ;  we  icent  halves.^'' — ITeriry  GreviUe's  Diary,  p.  430. 


1806.    THE  PRINCE  OF  MEGKLENBURG-SCHWERIN.    53 

ing  with  an  imaginary  arm}',  and  being  discontented  be- 
sides with  the  Dutch  for  not  rigorously  exchiding  Eug- 
Hsh  vessels  from  their  ports,  the  Emperor  constituted  the 
Batavian  territory  a  kingdom  under  his  brother  Louis. 
When  I  notified  to  the  States  of  the  circle  of  Lower  Sax- 
ony the  accession  of  Louis  Bonaparte  to  the  throne  of 
Holland,  and  the  nomination  of  Cardinal  Fesch  as  coadju- 
tor and  successor  of  the  Arch-chancellor  of  the  Germanic 
Empire,  along  with  their  official  communications,  the 
Duke  of  Meckleiiburg-Schwerin  was  the  only  member  of 
the  circle  Avho  forebore  to  reply,  and  I  understood  he  had 
applied  to  the  Court  of  Russia  to  know  "whether"  and 
"  how "  he  should  reply.  At  the  same  time  he  made 
known  to  the  Emperor  the  marriage  of  his  daughter,  the 
Princess  Charlotte  Frederica,  with  Prince  Christian  Fred- 
erick of  Denmark. 

At  this  period  it  would  have  been  difficult  to  foresee 
the  way  in  which  this  union  would  terminate.  The  Prince 
was  young  and  handsome,  and  of  an  amiable  disposition, 
which  seemed  to  indicate  that  he  would  prove  a  good  hus- 
band. As  for  the  Princess,  she  was  as  beautiful  as  love  ; 
but  she  was  heedless  and  giddy  ;  in  fact,  she  was  a  spoiled 
child.  She  adored  her  husband,  and  during  several  years 
their  union  proved  happy.  I  had  the  honour  of  knowing 
tliem  at  the  period  when  the  Duke  of  Mecklenburg,  with 
his  family,  sought  refuge  at  Altona.  Before  leaving  that 
town  the  Duchess  of  Mecklenburg,  a  Princess  of  Saxony, 
paid  a  visit  to  Madame  de  Bourrienne  and  loaded  her 
with  civilities.  This  Princess  was  perfectly  amiable,  and 
was  therefore  generally  regretted  when,  two  years  after- 
wards, death  snatched  her  from  her  family.  Before  leav- 
ing Altona  the  Duke  of  Mecklenburg  gave  some  parties 
by  way  of  bidding  adieu  to  Holstein,  where  he  had  been 
so  kindly  received  ;  and  I  can  never  forget  the  distin- 
guished reception  and  many  kindnesses  Madame  de  Bour- 
rienne and  myself  received  from  that  illustrious  family. 


54  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1805- 


It  consisted  of  the  hereditary  Prince,  so  distinguished  by 
his  talents  and  acquireinents  (he  was  at  that  time  the 
widower  of  a  Grand  Duchess  of  Russia,  a  sister  of  the 
Emperor  Alexander),  of  Prince  Gustavus,  so  amiable  and 
graceful,  and  of  Princess  Chai'lotte  and  her  husband,  the 
Prince  Royal  of  Denmark. 

This  happy  couple  were  far  from  foreseeing  that  in  two 
years  they  would  be  separated  for  ever.  The  Princess  was 
at  this  period  in  all  the  splendour  of  her  beauty  ;  several 
fetes  were  given  on  her  account  on  the  banks  of  the  Elbe, 
at  which  the  Prince  always  opened  the  ball  with  Madame 
de  Bourrienne.  Notwithstanding  her  amiability  the  Prin- 
cess Charlotte  was  no  favourite  at  the  Danish  Court.  In- 
trigues were  formed  against  her.  I  know  not  whether 
any  foundation  existed  for  the  calumnies  spread  to  her  dis- 
advantage, but  the  Court  dames  accused  her  of  great  levity 
of  conduct,  which,  true  or  false,  obliged  her  husband  to 
separate  from  her  ;  and  at  the  commencement  of  1809  he 
sent  her  to  Altona,  attended  by  a  chamberlain  and  a  maid 
of  honour.  On  her  arrival  she  was  in  despair  ;  hers  was 
not  a  silent  grief,  for  she  related  her  story  to  every  one. 
This  unfortunate  woman  really  attracted  pity,  as  she  shed 
tears  for  her  son,  three  years  of  age,  whom  she  was 
doomed  never  again  to  behold.  But  her  natural  levity 
returned  ;  she  did  not  always  maintain  the  reserve  suit- 
able to  her  rank,  and  some  months  afterwards  was  sent 
into  Jutland,  where  I  believe  she  still  lives. 

The  enemies  of  the  French  Government  did  not  confine 
themselves  to  writing  and  publishing  invectives  against  it. 
More  than  one  wretch  was  ready  to  employ  daggers 
against  the  Emperor.  Among  this  number  was  a  man 
named  Louis  Loizeau,  recently  arrived  from  London.  He 
repaired  to  Altona,  there  to  enjoy  the  singular  privilege 
which  that  city  afforded  of  sheltering  all  the  ruffians, 
thieves,  and  bankrupts  who  fled  from  the  justice  of  their 
qwn  Governments.     On  the  17th  of  July  Loizeau  pre- 


1806.  THE  ASSASSIN  LOIZEAU.  55 


sented  himself  to  Comte  de  Gimel,  who  resided  at  Altona, 
as  the  agent  of  the  Comte  de  Lille.  He  offered  to  repair 
to  Paris  and  assassinate  the  Emperor.  Comte  de  Gimel 
rejected  the  proposal  with  indignation  ;  and  replied,  that 
if  he  had  no  other  means  of  serving  the  Bourbons  than 
cowardly  assassination  he  might  go  elsewhere  and  find 
confederates.  This  fact,  which  was  communicated  to  me 
by  a  friend  of  M.  de  Gimel,  determined  me  to  arrest 
Loizeau.  Not  being  warranted,  however,  to  take  this  step 
at  Altona,  I  employed  a  trusty  agent  to  keep  watch,  and 
draw  him  into  a  quarrel  the  moment  he  should  appear  on 
the  Hamburg  side  of  a  public  walk  which  divides  that 
city  from  Altona,  and  deliver  him  up  to  the  nearest  Ham- 
burg guard-house.  Loizeau  fell  into  the  snare  ;  but  find- 
ing that  he  was  about  to  be  conducted  from  the  guard- 
house to  the  pi'ison  of  Hamburg,  and  that  it  was  at  my 
request  he  had  been  arrested,  he  hastily  unloosed  his 
cravat,  and  tore  with  his  teeth  the  papers  it  contained, 
part  of  which  he  swallowed.  He  also  endeavoured  to  tear 
some  other  papers  v/hich  were  concealed  under  his  arm,  but 
was  prevented  by  the  guard.  Furious  at  this  disappoint- 
ment, he  violently  resisted  the  five  soldiers  who  had  him 
in  custody,  and  was  not  secured  until  he  had  been  slightly 
wounded.  His  first  exclamation  on  entering  prison  was, 
"  I  am  undone  !  "  Loizeau  was  removed  to  Paris,  and, 
though  I  am  ignorant  of  the  ultimate  fate  of  this  wretch, 
I  am  pretty  certain  that  Fouchc  would  take  effectual 
means  to  prevent  him  from  doing  any  further  mischief. ' 

1  Fouche,  in  all  probability,  had  the  man  murdered, — or  suicided, — Editor  of  lt:36 
ediUan. 


56  1806. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

1806. 

Menaces  of  Prussia — Offer  for  restoring  Hanover  to  England — Insolent 
ultimatum — Commencement  of  hostilities  between  France  and  Prus- 
sia— Battle  of  Auerstiidt — Death  of  the  Duke  of  Brunswick — Berna- 
dotte  in  Hamburg — Davonst  and  Bernadotte — ^The  Swedes  at  Liibeck 
— Major  Amiel — Service  rendered  to  the  English  Minister  at  Ham- 
burg—My appointment  of  Minister  for  the  King  of  Naples- — New 
regulation  of  the  German  post-offices — The  Confederation  of  the 
North — Devices  of  the  Hanse  Towns — Occupation  of  Hamburg  in  the 
name  of  the  Emperor — Decree  of  Berlin — The  military  governors  of 
Hamburg— Brune,  Michaud,  and  Bernadotte. 

The  moment  now  approached  when  war  was  about  to 
he  renewed  in  Germany,  and  in  proportion  as  the  hopes 
of  peace  diminished  Prussia  redoubled  her  threats,  which 
were  inspired  by  the  recollection  of  the  deeds  of  the  great 
Frederick.  The  idea  of  peace  was  hateful  to  Prussia. 
Her  measures,  which  till  now  had  been  sufficiently  mod- 
erate, suddenly  assumed  a  menacing  aspect  on  learning 
that  the  Minister  of  the  King  of  England  had  declared  in 
Parliament  that  France  had  consented  to  the  restitution 
of  Hanover.  The  French  Ministry  intimated  to  the  Prus- 
sian Government  that  this  was  a  preliminary  step  towards 
a  general  peace,  and  that  a  large  indemnity  would  be 
granted  in  return.  But  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  was 
well  informed,  and  convinced  that  the  House  of  Hanover 
clung  to  this  ancient  domain,  which  gave  to  England  a 
certain  preponderance  in  Germany,  considered  himself 
trifled  with,  and  determined  on  war. 

Under  these  circumstances  Lord  Lauderdale  was  re- 
called from  Paris  by  his  Government.  War  continued 
with  England,   and   was  about  to  commence  with  Prus- 


1806.  FRANCO-PRUSSIAN  HOSTILITIES.  57 

sia/  The  Cabinet  of  Berlin  sent  an  ultimatum  which 
could  scarcely  be  regarded  in  any  other  light  than  a 
defiance,  and  from  the  well-knowTi  character  of  Napo- 
leon we  may  judge  of  his  irritation  at  this  ultimatum. 
The  Emperor,  after  his  stay  of  eight  months  in  Paris 
passed  in  abortive  negotiations  for  peace,  set  out  on  the 
25th  of  September  for  the  Rhine. 

Hostilities  commenced  ou  the  10th  of  October  1806  be- 
tween France  and  Prussia,  and  I  demanded  of  the  Senate 
that  a  stop  shovdd  be  put  to  the  Prussians  recruiting.  The 
news  of  a  great  victory  gained  by  the  Emperor  over  the 
Prussians  on  the  14th  of  October  reached  Hamburg  on  the 
19th,  brought  by  some  fugitives,  who  gave  such  exagger- 
ated accounts  of  the  loss  of  the  French  army  that  it  was  not 
until  the  arrival  of  the  official  despatches  on  the  28th  of 
October  that  we  knew  whether  to  mourn  or  to  rejoice  at 
the  victory  of  Jena. 

The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  who  was  dangerously  wounded 
at  the  battle  of  Auerstildt,  arrived  on  the  29th  of  October 
at  Altona.^  His  entrance  into  that  city  afforded  a  striking 
example  of  the  vicissitudes  of  fortune.  That  Prince  en- 
tered Altona  on  a  wretched  litter,  borne  by  ten  men,  with- 
out officers,   without  domestics,   followed  by  a   troop  of 

'  The  severity  with  which  Bonaparte  treated  the  press  may  be  inferred  from  the 
case  of  Palm  the  publisher.  In  1806  Johanu  Phillip  Palm,  of  Nuremberg,  was 
ghot  by  Napoleon's  order  for  issuing  a  pamphlet  against  the  rule  of  the  French  in 
(Jermany. 

It  is  rather  singular  that  Bourrienne  should  have  omitted  to  mention  the  mur- 
der of  Palm,  which  contributed  so  largely  to  exasperate  the  people  against  the 
French.  This  unfortunate  man,  who  was  not  even  a  temporary  subject  by  the  al- 
ways questionable  right  of  conquest,  had  published  in  the  free  city  of  Nuremberg, 
where  he  resided,  a  pamphlet  reflecting  on  the  insatiable  ambition  of  Bonaparte. 
The  despot  no  sooner  heard  of  this  than  he  sent  a  party  of  French  gendarmes  across 
the  frontier,  and  seized  the  unsuspecting  bookseller,  exactly  as  the  Due  d'Enghien 
had  been  arrested  on  the  neutral  territory  of  Bttingen,  and  Sir  George  Rumbold  at 
Hamburg,  the  year  before.  Poor  Palm,  whose  blood  was  terribly  avenged  by  the 
implacable  Prussians  eight  or  nine  years  later,  was  tried  at  Braunan  by  a  French 
court-maitial  for  a  libel  against  Napoleon,  found  guilty,  condemned  to  death,  and 
shot  immediately,  in  pursuance  of  his  sentence,  by  French  gendarmes.  The  story 
of  Campbell  making  this  act  a  reason  for  giving  the  health  of  Napoleon  at  a  dinnei 
of  authors  is  well  known. 

*  This  Prince  was  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age,  and  extremely  infirm. 


58  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1806. 

vagabonds  and  children,  who  were  drawn  together  by  curi- 
osity. He  was  lodged  in  a  wretched  inn,  and  so  much  worn 
out  by  fatigue  and  the  pain  of  his  eyes  that  on  the  day 
after  his  arrival  a  report  of  his  death  very  generally  pre- 
vailed. Doctor  Uuzer  was  immediately  sent  for  to  attend 
the  unfortunate  Duke,  who,  during  the  few  days  that  he 
survived  his  wounds,  saw  no  one  else  except  his  wife,  who 
arrived  on  the  1st  of  November.  He  expired  on  the  10th 
of  the  same  month.' 

At  this  juncture  Bernadotte  returned  to  Hamburg.  I 
asked  him  how  I  was  to  account  for  his  conduct  while  he 
was  with  Davoust,  who  had  left  Nuremberg  to  attack  the 
Prussian  army  ;  and  whether  it  was  true  that  he  had  refused 
to  march  with  that  general,  and  afterwards  to  aid  him 
when  he  attacked  the  Prussians  on  the  Weimar  road. 
"The  letters  I  received,"  observed  I,  "state  that  you  took 
no  part  in  the  battle  of  Auerstiidt ;  that  I  did  not  believe, 
but  I  suppose  you  saw  the  bulletin  which  I  received  a  lit- 
tle after  the  battle,  and  which  stated  that  Bonaparte  said 
at  Nurembei'g,  in  the  presence  of  several  officers,  '  Were  I 
to  bring  him  before  a  court-martial  he  would  be  shot.  I 
shall  say  nothing  to  him  about  it,  but  I  will  take  care  he 
shall  know  what  I  think  of  his  behaviour.  He  has  too  keen 
a  sense  of  honour  not  to  be  aware  that  he  acted  disgrace- 
fully.'"— "  I  think  him  very  likely,"  rejoined  Bernadotte, 
"  to  have  made  these  observations.  He  hates  me  because 
he  knows  I  do  not  like  him  ;  but  let  him  speak  to  me  and 
he  shall  have  his  answer.  If  I  am  a  Gascon,  he  is  a  great- 
er one.  I  might  have  felt  piqued  at  receiving  something 
like  orders  from  Davoust,  but  I  did  my  duty."  ^ 

'  Charles  William  Ferdinand,  Duke  of  Brunswick- Wolfenbiittel  (1735-1806),  who 
hail  commanded  the  allies  in  their  advance  into  France  in  1792,  and  who  died  from 
wounds  received  at  Auerstadt.  He  was  the  father  of  the  Duke  William  Frederick, 
killed  at  Quatre-Bras.  For  the  mistimed  but  rather  pathetic  belief  of  the  old  dying 
Duke  in  the  courtesy  with  which  he  and  his  States  would  be  treated  by  the  French, 
see  Beugnoty  tome  i.  p.  307  :  "I  feel  sure  that  there  is  a  courier  of  the  Emperor's  on 
the  road  to  know  how  I  am." 

*  This  is  tv  mistake.    Bernadotlse  did  not  go  to  Hamburg  till  much  later  (see 


1806.  AN  IDEAL  BANDIT.  59 

In  the  beginning  of  November  the  Swedes  entered  Lii- 
beck  ;  but  on  the  8th  of  that  month  the  town  was  taken  by 
assault,  and  the  Swedes,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  corps 
which  had  escaped  from  Jena,  were  made  prisoners. 

A  troop  of  Prussians  had  advanced  within  four  leagues 
of  Hamburg,  and  that  town  had  already  prepared  for  a 
vigorous  resistance,  in  case  they  should  attempt  an  entrance, 
when  Major  Amiel  attacked  them  at  Zollenspieker  and 
made  some  prisoners.  Hamburg  was,  however,  tlu-eatened 
with  another  danger,  for  Major  Amiel  expressed  his  inten- 
tion of  entering  with  all  his  prisoners,  notwithstanding 
the  acknowledged  neutrality  of  the  town.  Amiel  was  a 
partisan  leader  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word ;  he  fought 
rather  on  his  own  account  than  with  the  intention  of  con- 
tributing to  the  success  of  the  oj^erations  of  the  army. 
His  troop  did  not  consist  of  more  than  forty  men,  but  that 
was  more  than  sufficient  to  spread  terror  and  devastation 
in  the  surrounding  villages.  He  was  a  bold  fellow,  and 
when,  with  his  handful  of  men,  he  threw  himself  upon 
Hamburg,  the  worthy  inhabitants  thought  he  had  20,000 
troops  with  him.  He  had  pillaged  every  place  through 
Avhich  he  passed,  and  brought  with  him  300  j^risoners, 
and  a  great  many  horses  he  had  taken  on  his  road.  It 
was  night  when  he  presented  himself  at  the  gates  of  the 
city,  which  he  entered  alone,  having  left  his  men  and  booty 

Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  9).  The  complaints  of  Bernadotte's  conduct  on  the  14th  of 
October  1806.  when  he  gave  no  assistance  to  Davoust  in  repulsing  the  main  body  of 
the  Trussians  at  Auerstadt,  are  well  known.  Jomini  (tome  il.  p.  aOO)  says  that 
Davoust  proposed  to  Bernadotte  to  march  with  him,  and  even  offered  h'm  the  com- 
mand of  the  two  corps.  Bernadotte  refused,  and  marched  away  to  Dornburg,  where 
he  was  of  no  use.  "  This  obstinacy,  difficult  to  explain,  nearly  compromised  both 
Davoust  and  the  success  of  the  battle.''  See  also  Thiers  (tome  vii.  p.  132),  who  at- 
tributes Bernadotte's  conduct  to  a  profound  aversion  for  Davoust  conceived  on  the 
most  frivolous  grounds.  Bernadotte  had  frequently  given  cause  of  complaint  to 
Napoleon  in  the  two  compaignsof  1805  and  180G.  In  the  movement  on  Vienna  Na- 
poleon considered  he  showed  want  of  activity  and  of  zeal.  These  complaints  seem 
to  have  been  made  in  good  faith,  for  in  a  letter  to  Bernadotte's  brother-in-law, 
Joseph,  Napoleon  suggests  that  health  may  have  been  the  cause  {Dii  Cause,  tome  i. 
p.  322).  Bernadotte  was  equally  unfortunate  in  putting  in  his  appearance  too  lato 
at  Eylau  (see  Due  de  Rovigo's  Jfemoirs,  tome  ii.  p.  48),  and  also  incurred  the  dis^ 
pleasure  of  Napoleon  at  Wagram  (see  later  on), 


60  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 

at  the  last  village.  He  proceeded  to  the  French  Em- 
bassy. I  was  Bot  there  at  the  time,  but  I  was  sent  for, 
and  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening  I  had  my  first  in- 
terview with  the  Major.  He  was  the  very  beau  ideal  of  a 
bandit,  and  would  have  been  an  admirable  model  for  a 
painter.  I  was  not  at  all  surprised  to  hear  that  on  his  ar- 
rival his  wild  appearance  and  huge  mustachios  had  excited 
some  degree  of  terror  among  those  who  were  in  the  m^on. 
He  described  his  exploits  on  the  march,  and  did  not  dis- 
guise his  intention  of  bringing  his  troops  into  Hamburg 
next  day.  He  talked  of  the  Bank  and  of  pillage.  I  tried 
for  some  time  to  divert  him  from  this  idea,  but  without 
effect,  and  at  length  said  to  him,  "Sir,  you  know  that  this 
is  not  the  way  the  Empei-or  wishes  to  be  served.  During 
the  seven  years  that  I  have  been  about  him,  I  have  invari- 
ably heard  him  express  his  indignation  against  those  who 
aggravate  the  misery  which  war  naturally  brings  in  her 
train.  It  is  the  express  wish  of  the  Emperor  that  no 
damage,  no  violence  whatever,  shall  be  committed  on  the 
city  or  territory  of  Hamburg."  These  few  words  produced 
a  stronger  effect  than  any  entreaties  I  could  have  used,  for 
the  mere  name  of  the  Emperor  made  even  the  boldest 
tremble,  and  Major  Amiel  next  thought  of  selling  his  booty. 
The  Senate  were  so  frightened  at  the  prospect  of  having 
Amiel  quartered  upon  tbem  that  to  get  rid  of  him  they 
determined  to  purchase  his  booty  at  once,  and  even  fur- 
nished him  with  guards  for  his  prisoners.  I  did  not  learn 
till  some  time  afterwards  that  among  the  hoi'ses  Major 
Amiel  had  seized  upon  the  road  were  those  of  the  Countess 
Wahuoden.  Had  I  known  this  fact  at  the  time  I  should 
certainly  have  taken  care  to  have  had  them  restored  to  her. 
Madame  Walmoden  was  then  a  refugee  at  Hamburg,  and 
between  her  and  my  family  a  close  intimacy  existed.  On 
the  very  day,  I  believe,  of  the  Major's  departure  the  Senate 
wrote  me  a  letter  of  thanks  for  the  protection  I  afforded 
the  town. 


1806.      THE  ENGLISH  MINISTER  AT  HAMBURG.        61 

Before  the  commencement  of  the  Prussian  campaign, 
while  anxiety  was  entertained  respecting  the  designs  of 
the  Cabinet  of  Berlin,  my  task  was  not  an  easy  one.  I 
exerted  all  my  efforts  to  acquaint  the  French  Government 
with  what  was  passing  on  the  Spree.  I  announced  the 
first  intelligence  of  an  unexpected  movement  which  had 
taken  place  among  the  Prussian  troops  cantoned  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Hamburg.  They  suddenly  evacuated 
Laueuburg,  Platzburg,  Haarburg,  Stade,  Twisenfelth,  and 
Cuxhaven.  This  extraordinary  movement  gave  rise  to  a 
multitude  of  surmises.  I  was  not  wrong  when  I  informed 
the  French  Government  that,  according  to  every  prob- 
ability, Prussia  was  about  to  declare  hostilities  against 
France,  and  to  enter  into  an  alhance  with  England. 

I  much  regretted  that  my  situation  did  not  allow  me 
more  frequent  opportunities  of  meeting  Mr.  Thornton,  the 
English  Minister  to  the  circle  of  Lower  Saxony.  However, 
I  saw  him  sometimes,  and  had  on  two  dift'erent  occasions 
the  opportunity  of  rendering  him  some  service.  Mr. 
Thornton  had  requested  me  to  execute  a  little  private 
business  for  him,  the  success  of  which  depended  on  the 
Emperor.  I  made  the  necessary  communication  to  the 
Minister  for  Foreign  Afiairs,  adding  in  my  letter  that  Mi-. 
Thornton's  conduct  towards  the  French  vrho  had  come 
in  any  way  in  contact  with  him  had  ever  been  just  and 
liberal,  and  that  I  should  receive  great  pleasure  in  being 
able  to  announce  to  him  the  success  of  his  application. 
His  request  was  granted. 

On  another  occasion  Mr.  Thornton  applied  to  me  for  my 
sei'vices,  and  I  had  once  more  the  pleasure  of  rendering 
them.  He  wished  to  procure  some  information  respecting 
an  Englishman  named  Baker,  who  had  gone  to  Terracina, 
in  the  Campagna  di  Roma,  for  the  benefit  of  sea-bathing. 
He  was  there  arrested,  without  any  cause  assigned,  by 
order  of  the  commandant  of  the  French  troops  in  Terracina. 
The  family  of  Mi\  Baker,  not  having  heard  from  him  for 


62  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 


some  months,  became  very  uneasy  respecting  him,  for  they 
had  not  the  least  idea  of  his  arrest.  His  relations appHed 
to  Mr.  Thornton,  and  that  gentleman,  notwithstanding 
the  circumstances  which,  as  I  have  stated,  prevented  our 
frequent  intercourse,  hesitated  not  a  moment  in  requesting 
me  to  furnish  him  with  some  information  respecting  his 
countryman.  I  lost  no  time  in  writing  to  M.  Alquier,  our 
Ambassador  at  Kome,  and  soon  enabled  Mr.  Thornton  to 
ease  the  apprehension  of  Mr.  Baker's  friends. 

I  had  every  apj^ortunity  of  knowing  what  was  passing  in 
Italy,  for  I  had  just  been  invested  with  a  new  dignity.  As 
the  new  King  of  Naples,  Joseph,  had  no  Minister  in  Lower 
Saxony,  he  wished  that  I  should  discharge  the  function  of 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  for  Naples.  His  Ministers  accord- 
ingly received  orders  to  correspond  with  me  upon  all  busi- 
ness connected  with  his  government  and  his  subjects.  The 
relations  between  Hamburg  and  Naples  were  nearly  nil, 
and  my  new  office  made  no  great  addition  to  my  labours. 

I  experienced,  however,  a  little  more  difficulty  in  com- 
bining all  the  post-offices  of  Hamburg  in  the  office  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Berg,  thus  detaching  them  from  the 
offices  of  Latour  and  Taxis,  so  named  after  the  German 
family  who  for  a  length  of  time  had  had  the  possession  of 
them,  and  who  were  devoted  to  Austria. 

After  some  days  of  negotiation  I  obtained  the  sup- 
pression of  these  offices,  and  their  union  with  the  post- 
office  of  the  Grand  Due  de  Berg  (Murat),  who  thus  received 
letters  from  Italy,  Hungary,  Germany,  Poland,  part  of 
Russia,  and  the  letters  from  England  for  these  countries. 

The  affair  of  the  post-offices  gained  for  me  the  approba- 
tion of  Napoleon.  He  expressed  his  satisfaction  through 
the  medium  of  a  letter  I  received  from  Duroc,  who  at  the 
same  time  recommended  me  to  continue  informing  the 
Emperor  of  all  that  was  doing  in  Germany  with  relation 
to  the  plans  of  the  Confederation  of  the  North.  I  there- 
fore despatched   to   the   Minister  for   Foreign  Affairs  a 


1806.  CONFEDERATION  OF  THE  NORTH.  63 

detailed  letter,  announcing  that  Barou  Grote,  the  Prussian 
jVIinister  at  Hamburg,  had  set  off  on  a  visit  to  Bremen  and 
Liibeck.  Among  those  who  accompanied  him  on  this 
excursion  was  a  person  wholly  devoted  to  me  ;  and  I  knew 
that  Baron  Grote's  object  was  to  offer  to  these  towns  verbal 
propositions  for  their  union  with  the  Confederation  of  the 
North,  which  the  King  of  Prussia  wished  to  form  as  a 
counterpoise  to  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  just 
created  by  Napoleon. '  Barou  Grote  observed  the  sti'ictest 
secrecy  in  all  his  movements.  He  showed,  in  confidence, 
to  those  to  whom  he  addressed  himself,  a  letter  from  M. 
Haugwitz,  the  Minister  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  who  en- 

*  In  July  1806,  after  Austerlitz,  Napoleon  had  formed  the  "Confederation  du 
Rhin,"  to  include  the  smaller  States  of  Germany,  who  threw  off  all  connection  with 
the  Gorman  Empire,  and  formed  a  Confederation  furnishing  a  considerable  army. 
It  eventually  included  the  following  States,  with  contingents  as  stated  opposite  each. 
The  Princes  against  whom  no  figures  are  given  furnished  altogether  JCOO  men. 

Protectoe. — Napoleon,  200,000. 

Pbesident  of  the  Diet  and  of  the  College  of  Kings. — The  Prince  Primate,  Karl 
von  Dalberg,  formerly  Archbishop  of  M'lyence,  then  Archbishop  of  Eegens- 
burg,  now  Grand  Duke  of  Frankfort  (2S0O.  as  below). 

Kings,  sitting  in  the  College  of  Kings  with  the  Grand  Dukes. — Bavaria,  30,000  ; 
Saxony,  20,0C0  ;  Westphalia,  26,000  ;  Wiirtemberg,  12,000. 

Gband  Dukes,  sitting  in  the  College  of  Kings. — Baden,  8000  ;  Berg  et  Cloves, 
,5000  ;  Frankfort,  2800  ;  Hesse-D.irmstadt,  4000  ;  Warsaw,  30,000 ;  Wijrz- 
burg,  2000. 

Dukes,  sitting  in  the  College  of  Princes  under  the  presidency  of  the  Duke  of 
Nassau  (Nassau-U.singen). — Anhalt-Bernburg,  Anhalt-CiJthen,  Anhalt-Des- 
snu,  800;  D'Arenberg,  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  contingent  not  given  ;  Meck- 
lenburg-Strelitz,  contingent  not  given  ;  Nassau- TTsingen,  Oldenburg  ;  Saxe- 
Coburg,  Saxe-Gotha  ;  Saxe-HUdburghausen,  Sa.xe-Meiningen,  Saxe-Weimar, 
2S00. 

Princes,  sitting  in  the  College  of  Princes  with  the  Dukes:  HohenzoUem- 
Hechingen,  Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen,  I.semburg-Bir.=tein,  Leyen,  Lichteu- 
stein  ;  Lippe-Detmold,  LippeSchaumburg,  650  ;  Nassau- Weilburg,  Reuss, 
Reuss-Ebersdorf,  Reuss-Greiz,  Reuss- Lobenstein  ;  Reuss-Schleiz.  450  ;  Salm- 
Kyrburg,  Salm-Salm,  Schwarzburg-Rudolstadt,  Schwarzburg-Sondershau- 
sen,  650  ;  Waldeck,  400. 

The  Emperor  of  Germany,  Francis  II„  had  already  in  1804,  on  Napoleon  taking 
the  title  of  Emperor,  declared  himself  Hereditary  Emperor  of  Austria.  After  the 
formation  of  the  Rhenish  Confederation  and  Napoleon's  refusal  to  acknowledge  the 
German  Empire  any  longer,  he  released  the  States  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  from 
their  allegiance,  declared  the  Empire  dissolved,  and  contented  himself  with  the  title 
of  Emperor  of  Austria,  as  Francis  I. 

The  Confederation  du  Nord,  as  already  stated,  was  to  have  been  formed  of  Prussia, 
Saxony,  Hesse,  and  the  Hanse  Towns. 


G4  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 


deavoured  to  point  out  to  the  Hanse  Towns  how  much  the 
Confederation  of  the  North  would  turn  to  their  advantage, 
it  being  the  only  means  of  preserving  their  liberty,  by 
establishing  a  formidable  power.  However,  to  the  fii'st 
communication  only  an  evasive  answer  was  returned.  M. 
Van  Sienen,  the  Syndic  of  Hamburg,  was  commissioned 
by  the  Senate  to  inform  the  Prussian  Minister  that  the 
affair  required  the  concurrence  of  the  burghers,  and  that 
before  he  could  submit  it  to  them  it  would  be  necessary 
to  know  its  basis  and  conditions.  Meanwhile  the  Syndic 
Doormann  proceeded  to  Liibeck,  wliere  there  was  also  a 
dejiuty  from  Bremen.  The  project  of  the  Confederation, 
however,  never  came  to  anything. 

I  scrupulously  discharged  the  duties  of  my  functions, 
but  I  confess  I  often  found  it  difficult  to  execute  the  orders 
I  received,  and  more  than  once  I  took  it  upon  myself  to 
modify  their  severity.  I  loved  the  frank  and  generous 
character  of  the  Hamburgers,  and  I  could  not  help  pity- 
the  fate  of  the  Hanse  Towns,  heretofore  so  happy,  and  from 
which  Bonaparte  had  exacted  such  immense  sacrifices. 

On  the  principal  gate  of  the  Hanse  Towns  is  inscribed 
the  following  motto,  well  expressing  the  pacific  spirit  of 
the  people  :  Da  nobis  pacem,  Domine,  in  diebus  nostris. 
The  paternal  and  elected  government,  which  did  every- 
thing to  secure  the  happiness  of  these  towns,  was  led  to 
believe  that  the  sacrifices  imposed  on  them  would  be 
recompensed  by  the  preservation  of  their  neutrality.  No 
distrust  was  entertained,  and  hope  was  kept  alive  by  the 
assurances  given  by  Napoleon.  He  published  in  the  Moni- 
teur  that  the  Hanse  Towns  could  not  be  included  in  any 
particular  Confederation.  He  thus  strangled  in  its  birth 
the  Confederation  of  the  North,  to  which  those  feeble  States 
would  otherwise  have  been  obliged  to  consent.  When  in 
1806  Napoleon  marched  against  Prussia,  he  detached 
Marshal  Mortier  from  the  Grand  Army  when  it  had  passed 
the  Rhine,  and  dii'ected  him  to  invade  the  Electorate  of 


1806.  OCCUPATION  OF  HAMBURG.  65 


Hesse,  and  march  on  Hamburg.  On  the  19th  of  Novem- 
ber the  latter  town  was  occupied  by  the  French  arm}^  in 
the  name  of  the  Emperor,  amidst  the  utmost  order  and 
tranquiUity. 

I  must  acknowledge  that  I  was  under  much  apprehension 
as  to  this  event.  At  the  intelligence  of  the  approach  of 
the  French  army  consternation  was  great  and  universal  in 
Hamburg,  which  was  anxious  to  maintain  its  neutrality 
unimpaired.  At  the  ui'gent  request  of  the  magistrates  of 
the  city  I  assumed  functions  more  than  diplomatic,  and 
became,  in  some  respects,  the  first  magistrate  of  the  town. 
I  went  to  meet  Marshal  Mortier  to  endeavour  to  dissuade 
him  fi-ora  entering.  I  thought  I  should  by  this  means 
better  serve  the  interests  of  France  than  by  favouring  the 
occupation  of  a  neutral  town  by  our  troops.  But  all  my 
remonstrances  were  useless.  Marshal  Mortier  had  received 
formal  orders  from  the  Emperor. 

No  prepai-ations  having  been  made  at  Hamburg  for  the 
reception  of  Marshal  Mortier,  he  quartered  himself  and 
his  whole  staff  upon  me.  The  few  troops  he  had  with 
him  were  disposed  of  in  my  courtyard,  so  that  the  resi- 
dence of  a  Minister  of  peace  was  all  at  once  converted  into 
headquarters.  This  state  of  things  continued  until  a  house 
was  got  ready  for  the  Mai'shal. 

Marshal  Mortier  had  to  make  very  rigorous  exactions, 
but  my  representations  suspended  for  a  while  Napoleon's 
oi'ders  for  taking  possession  of  the  Bank  of  Hamburg.  I 
am  here  bound  to  bear  testimony  to  the  Marshal's  honour- 
able principles  and  integrity  of  character.  The  represen- 
tations which  I  had  sent  to  Marshal  Mortier  were  trans- 
mitted by  the  latter  to  the  Emperor  at  Berlin  ;  and  Mortier 
stated  that  he  had  suspended  the  execution  of  the  orders 
until  he  should  receive  others.  The  Emperor  apj^roved  of 
this.  It  was,  indeed,  a  happy  event  for  France  and  for 
Europe,  even  more  so  than  for  Hamburg.  Those  who 
suggested  to  the  Emperor  the  idea  of  pillaging  that  fine 
Vol.  III.— 5 


66  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 


establishment  must  have  been  profoundly  ignorant  of  its 
importance.  They  thought  only  of  the  90,000,000  of 
marks  banco  deposited  in  its  cellars. 

By  the  famous  decree  of  Berlin,  dated  21st  November 
1806,  Mortier  was  compelled  to  order  the  seizure  of  all 
English  merchandise  in  the  Hanse  Towns,  but  he  enforced 
the  decree  only  so  far  as  to  preserve  the  appearance  of 
having  obeyed  his  orders. 

Mortier,  on  leaving  Hamburg  for  Mecklenburg,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Michaud,  who  in  his  turn  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Marshal  Brune  in  the  beginning  of  1807.  I  am 
very  glad  to  take  the  present  opportunity  of  correcting  the 
misconceptions  which  arose  through  the  execution  of  cer- 
tain acts  of  Imperial  tj'ranny.  The  truth  is.  Marshal 
Brune,  during  his  government,  coustantl}'  endeavoured  to 
moderate,  as  far  as  he  could,  the  severity  of  the  orders  he 
received.  Bernadotte  became  Governor  of  Hamburg  when 
the  battle  of  Jena  rendered  Napoleon  master  of  Prussia 
and  the  north  of  Germany. 

The  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  lightened,  as  far  as  possible, 
the  unjust  burdens  and  vexations  to  which  that  unfortu- 
nate town  was  subject.  He  never  refused  his  assistance  to 
any  measures  which  I  adopted  to  oppose  a  system  of  ruin 
and  persecution.  He  often  protected  Hamburg  against 
exorbitant  exactions.  The  Hanse  Towns  revived  a  little 
UTider  his  government,  which  continued  longer  than  that 
of  Mortier,  Michaud,  and  Brune.  The  memory  of  Berna- 
dotte will  always  be  dear  to  the  Hamburgers  ;  and  his 
name  will  never  be  pronounced  without  gratitude.  His 
attention  was  especially  directed  to  moderate  the  rigour  of 
the  custom-houses  ;  and  perhaps  the  effect  which  his  con- 
duct produced  on  public  opinion  may  be  considered  as 
having,  in  some  measure,  led  to  the  decision  which,  four 
years  after,  made  him  Hereditary  Prince  of  Sweden. ' 

'  Mai-shal  Brune  was  believed  by  the  Hamburgers  to  have  made  money  out  of  hia 
command  there,  but  Bernadotte  was  esteemed  by  them.     See  Puymaigre,  p.  186. 


1806.  67 


CHAPTER     Vn. 
1806. 

Ukase  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia — Duroc's  mission  to  Weimar — Napoleon's 
views  defeated— Triumphs  of  the  French  armies — Letters  from  Murat 
— False  report  respecting  Murat — Resemblance  between  Moreau  and 
M.  Billaud — Generous  conduct  of  Napoleon — His  interview  with 
Madame  Hatzfeld  at  Berlin — Letter  from  Bonaparte  to  Josephine — 
Blucher  my  prisoner — His  character — His  confidence  in  the  future 
fate  of  Germany — Prince  Paul  of  Wiirtemberg  taken  prisoner — His 
wish  to  enter  the  French  service — Distinguished  emigrants  at  Altona 
— Deputation  of  the  Senate  to  the  Emperor  at  Berlin — The  German 
Princes  at  Altona — Fauche-Borel  and  the  Comte  de  GimeL 

In  September  1806  it  became  very  manifest  that,  as  soon 
as  war  should  break  out  between  France  and  Prussia, 
Russia  would  not  be  slow  in  forming  an  alliance  with  the 
latter  power.  Peace  had,  however,  been  re-established 
between  NajDoleon  and  Alexander  by  virtue  of  a  treaty 
just  signed  at  Paris.  By  that  treaty  Russia  was  to 
evacuate  the  Bouches  du  Cattaro,'  a  condition  with 
which  she  was  in  no  hurry  to  comply.  I  received  a  num- 
ber of  the  Court  Gazette  of  St.  Petei'sburg,  containing  a 
ukase  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  in  which  Alexander 
pointed  out  the  danger    which  again   menaced   Europe, 

•  The  Bouches  du  Cattaro,  on  the  eastern  coast  of  the  Adriatic,  had  formed  part  of 
the  Dalmatian  possessions  of  Venice.  By  the  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  17th  October 
1797,  and  of  Luneville,  9th  February  ISOl.  they  fell  to  Austria,  who,  however,  had 
to  cede  them  to  France  by  the  Treaty  of  Presburg,  2(Jth  December  1805,  after 
Austerlitz.  The  Russians,  assisted  by  an  English  fleet,  with  some  complicity  on  the 
part  of  the  Austrian  garrison,  then  occupied  them  ;  and  it  was  not  till  the  12th 
August  1807,  after  the  treaty  of  Tilsit,  concluded  July  1S07,  that  they  were  handed 
over  to  Marmont  (see  liaguse,  tome  iii.  p.  57).  In  1815  they  fell  to  Austria,  and 
they  have  only  lately  been  the  subject  of  disputes  between  her  and  the  Turks  in  the 
last  Montenegrin  affau". 


68  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 

showed  the  necessity  of  adopting  precautions  for  general 
tranquillity  and  the  security  of  his  own  Empire,  and  de- 
clared his  determination  of  not  only  completing  but  aug- 
menting his  army.  He  therefore  ordered  a  levy  of  four 
men  out  of  every  500  inhabitants. 

Before  the  commencement  of  hostilities  Duroc  was  sent 
to  the  King  of  Prussia  with  the  view  of  discovering  whether 
there  was  any  possibility  of  renewing  negotiations  ;  but 
affairs  were  already  too  much  embarrassed.  All  Duroc's 
endeavours  were  in  vain,  and  perhaps  it  was  no  longer  in 
the  power  of  the  King  of  Prussia  to  avoid  war  with  France. 
Besides,  he  had  just  grounds  of  offence  against  the  Emperor. 
Although  the  latter  had  given  him  Hanover  in  exchange 
for  the  two  Margravates,  he  had,  nevertheless,  offered  to 
England  the  restoration  of  that  province  as  one  of  the 
terms  of  the  negotiations  commenced  with  Mr.  Fox.  This 
underhand  work  was  not  unknown  to  the  Berlin  Cabinet, 
and  Napoleon's  duplicity  rendered  Duroc's  mission  useless. 
At  this  time  the  King  of  Prussia  was  at  Weimar. 

Victory  everywhere  favoured  the  French  arms.  Prince 
Hohenlohe,  who  commanded  a  corps  of  the  Prussian  army, 
was  forced  to  capitulate  at  Prentzlau.  After  this  capitula- 
tion General  Blucher  took  the  command  of  the  remains  of 
the  corps,  to  which  he  joined  the  troops  whose  absence 
from  Prentzlau  exempted  them  from  the  capitulation. 
These  corps,  added  to  those  which  Blucher  had  at  Auer- 
stadt,  were  then  almost  the  onl}'  ramparts  of  the  Prussian 
monarchy.  Soult  and  Bernadotte  received  orders  from 
Murat  to  pursue  Blucher,  who  was  using  all  his  efforts  to 
draw  from  Berlin  the  forces  of  those  two  generals.  Blucher 
marched  in  the  direction  of  Lilbeck. 

General  Murat  pursued  the  wreck  of  the  Prussian  army 
which  had  escaped  from  Saxony  by  Magdeburg.  Blucher 
was  driven  upon  Liibeck.  It  was  very  important  to  the 
army  at  BerUn  that  this  numerous  corps  should  be  de- 
stroyed,   commanded   as   it   was  hy  a  skilful  and  brave 


1806.       FALSE  REPORT  RESPECTING  MOREAU.  69 

general,  who  drew  from  the  centre  of  the  military  opera- 
tions numerous  troops,  with  which  he  might  throw  him- 
self into  Hanover,  or  Hesse,  or  even  Holland,  and  by  join- 
ing the  English  troops  harass  the  rear  of  the  Grand  Army. 
The  Grand  Duke  of  Berg  explained  to  me  his  plans  and 
expectations,  and  soon  after  announced  their  fulfilment  in 
several  letters  which  contained,  among  other  things,  the 
particulars  of  the  taking  of  Liibeck. 

In  two  of  these  letters  Murat,  who  was  probably  deceived 
by  his  agents,  or  by  some  intriguer,  informed  me  that 
General  Moreau  had  passed  through  Paris  on  the  12th  of 
October,  and  had  arrived  in  Hamburg  on  the  28th  of  Oc- 
tober. The  proof  which  Murat  possessed  of  this  circum- 
stance was  a  letter  of  Fauche-Borel,  which  he  had  inter- 
cepted. I  recollect  a  curious  circumstance  which  serves  to 
show  the  necessity  of  mistrusting  the  vague  intelligence 
furnished  to  persons  in  authority.  A  fortnight  before  I 
received  Murat's  first  letter  a  person  informed  me  that 
General  Moreau  was  in  Hamburg.  I  gave  no  credit  to  the 
intelligence,  yet  I  endeavoured  to  ascertain  whether  it  had 
any  foundation,  but  without  effect.  Two  da^'s  later  I  was 
assured  that  an  individual  had  met  General  Moreau,  that 
he  had  spoken  to  him,  that  he  knew  him  well  from  having 
served  under  him, — together  with  various  other  circum- 
stances, the  truth  of  which  there  appeared  no  reason  to 
doubt.  I  immediately  sent  for  the  individual  in  question, 
who  told  me  that  he  knew  Moreavi,  that  he  had  met  him, 
that  the  General  had  inquired  of  him  the  way  to  the 
Jungfersteige  (a  promenade  at  Hamburg),  that  he  had 
pointed  it  out  to  him,  and  then  said,  "Have  I  not  the 
honour  to  speak  to  General  Moreau  ? "  upon  which  the 
General  answered,  "Yes,  but  say  nothing  about  having 
seen  me  ;  I  am  here  incognito."  All  this  appeared  to  me 
so  absurd  that,  pretending  not  to  know  Moreau,  I  asked 
the  person  to  describe  him  to  me.  He  described  a  person 
bearing  little  resemblance  to  Moreau,  and  added  that  he 


70  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 

wore  a  braided  French  coat  and  the  national  cockade  in 
his  hat.  I  instantly  perceived  the  whole  was  a  mere  scheme 
for  getting  a  little  money.  I  sent  the  fellow  about  his 
business.  In  a  quarter  of  an  hour  after  I  had  got  rid  of 
him  M.  la  Chevardiere  called  on  me,  and  introduced  M. 
Billaud,  the  French  Consul  at  Stettin.  This  gentleman 
wore  a  braided  coat  and  the  national  cockade  in  his  hat. 
He  was  the  hero  of  the  story  I  had  heard  from  the  in- 
former. A  slight  personal  resemblance  between  the  Con- 
sul and  the  Genei'al  had  caused  sevei'al  persons  to  mistake 
them  for  each  other. 

During  the  Prussian  campaign  nothing  was  talked  of 
throughout  Germany  but  Napoleon's  generous  conduct 
with  respect  to  Prince  Hatzfeld.  I  was  fortunate  enough 
to  obtain  a  copy  of  a  letter  which  the  Emperor  wrote  to 
Josephine  on  the  subject,  and  which  I  shall  presently  lay 
before  the  reader.  In  conformity  with  the  inquisitorial 
system  which  too  frequently  characterised  the  Emperor's 
government,  and  which  he  extended  to  every  country  of 
wliich  he  had  military  possession,  the  first  thing  done  on 
entering  a  town  was  to  take  possession  of  the  post-office, 
and  then,  Heaven  knows  how  little  respect  was  shown  to 
the  privacy  of  correspondence. '  Among  the  letters  thus 
seized  at  Berlin  and  delivered  to  Napoleon  was  one  ad- 
dressed to  the  King  of  Prussia  by  Prince  Hatzfeld,  who 
had  imprudently  remained  in  the  Prussian  capital.  In 
this  letter  the  Prince  gave  his  Sovereign  an  account  of  all 
that  had  occurred  in  Berlin  since  he  had  been  compelled 
to  quit  it  ;  and  at  the  same  time  he  informed  him  of  the 
force  and  situation  of  the  corps  of  the  French  army.  The 
Emperor,  after  reading  this  letter,  ordered  that  the  Prince 

'  The  seizure  of  the  enemy'B  correspondence,  private  or  public,  is  an  undoubted 
and  necessary  right  of  war.  It  would,  of  course,  have  been  absurd  to  neglect  this 
means  of  obtaining  information.  Frequent  iind  amusing  instances  of  informution 
obtained  by  seizing  the  telegraph  wires  were  given  in  the  late  American  War  of  Se- 
cession, and  no  one  would  have  expected  the  Germans  to  respect  the  correspondence 
in  the  balloons  sent  irom  Paris. 


(Si\y[Li\afi^(S(0)[ii[^u 

DUG   DE  VICENCE 


1806.     MADAME  HATZFELD  AND  BONAPARTE.         71 

should  be   arrested,  and  tried  by  a  court-martial  on  the 
chax'ge  of  being  a  spy. 

The  Court  was  summoned,  and  little  doubt  could  be  en- 
tertained as  to  its  decision  when  Madame  Hatzfeld  re- 
paired to  Duroc,  who  on  such  occasions  was  always  happy 
when  he  could  facilitate  communication  with  the  Emperor. 
On  that  day  Napoleon  had  been  at  a  review.  Duroc  knew 
Madame  Hatzfeld,  whom  he  had  several  times  seen  on  his 
visits  to  Berlin.  When  Napoleon  returned  from  the  review 
he  was  astonished  to  see  Duroc  at  the  palace  at  that  hour, 
and  inquired  whether  he  had  brought  any  news.  Duroc 
answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  followed  the  Emperor 
into  his  Cabinet,  where  he  soon  introduced  Madame  Hatz- 
feld. The  remainder  of  the  scene  is  described  in  NajDO- 
leon's  letter.  It  may  easily  be  perceived  that  this  letter  is 
an  answer  to  one  from  Josephine  reproaching  him  for  the 
manner  in  which  he  spoke  of  women,  and  very  probably  of 
the  beautiful  and  unfortunate  Queen  of  Prussia,  respect- 
ing whom  he  had  expressed  himself  with  too  little  resj)ect  in 
one  of  his  bulletins.    The  following  is  Napoleon's  letter  :— 

I  have  received  your  letter,  in  which  you  seem  to  reproach  me 
for  speaking  ill  of  women.  It  is  true  that  I  dislike  female  in- 
triguers above  all  things.  I  am  used  to  kind,  gentle,  and  concilia- 
tory women.  I  love  them,  and  if  they  have  spoiled  me  it  is  not  my 
fault,  but  yours.  However,  you  will  see  that  I  have  done  an  act  of 
kindness  to  one  deserving  woman.  I  allude  to  Madame  de  Hatz- 
feld. When  I  showed  her  her  husband's  letter  she  stood  weeping, 
and  in  a  tone  of  mingled  grief  and  ingenuousness  said,  "  It  is  indeed 
his  writing  !  "  This  went  to  my  heart,  and  I  said,  "Well,  madame, 
throw  the  letter  into  the  fire,  and  then  I  shall  have  no  proof  against 
your  husband."  She  burned  the  letter,  and  was  restored  to  happi- 
ness. Her  husband  now  is  safe  :  two  hours  later,  and  he  would 
have  been  lost.  You  see,  therefore,  that  I  like  women  who  are 
simple,  gentle,  and  amiable  ;    because  they  alone  resemble  you.' 

November  6,  1806,  9  o'clock  p.m. 

'  Rapp  sustained  a  prominent  part  in  the  affair  ;  and  though  his  account  of  it,  and 
that  given  by  Bourrienne,  be  not  precisely  similar  they  nevertheless  correspond  in 
all  important  particulars. 

"Prince  Hatzfeld  had  come  to  I'otsdam  as  a  deputy  from  the  city  of  Berlin,  and 


72  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 

When  Marshal  Bernadotte  had  driven  Blucher  into 
Liibeck  and  made  him  prisoner,  he  sent  to  inform  me  ol 
the  cii'cumstance  ;  but  I  was  far  from  expecting  that  the 
prisoner  would  be  confided  to  my  charge.  Such,  however, 
was  the  case.  After  his  capitulation  he  was  sent  to  Ham- 
burg, whei'e  he  had  the  whole  city  for  his  prison. 

had  been  well  received.  He  rendered  an  account  of  his  mission,  ag  well  as  I  can 
recollect,  to  Count  Hohenlohe,  and  reported  to  him  the  state  of  the  troops,  artillery, 
and  ammunition  that  were  in  the  capital,  or  which  he  had  met  on  the  road.  His 
letter  was  intercepted.  Navioleon  delivered  it  to  me,  with  orders  immediately  to  ar- 
rest the  Prince  and  send  him  to  the  hcadcjuarters  of  Marshal  Davoust,  which  were 
two  leagues  distant.  Berthier,  Duroo,  Caulaincourt,  and  I  vainly  endeavoured  to 
appease  the  anger  of  Napoleon.  He  refused  to  listen  to  our  representations.  Prince 
Hatzfeld  had  transmitted  reports  relative  to  military  affairs  which  were  quite  un- 
connected with  his  mission :  ho  had  evidently  been  acting  the  part  of  a  si)y.  Savary, 
who,  in  his  quality  as  commander  of  the  militarj'  gendarmerie,  usually  took  cogni- 
sance of  affairs  of  this  kind,  was  then  on  a  mission.  I  was  obliged  to  assume  his 
functions  during  his  absence.  I  gave  orders  for  tlie  arrest  of  the  Prince  ;  but  in- 
stead of  having  him  conducted  to  the  headquarters  of  Davoust  I  placed  him  in  the 
chamber  of  the  officer  commanding  the  palace-guard,  whom  I  directed  to  treat  him 
with  every  mark  of  respect. 

"  Caulaincourt  and  Duroc  withdrew  from  the  Emperor's  apartment.  Napoleon 
was  left  alone  with  Berthier,  and  he  directed  him  to  sit  down  and  write  the  order  by 
which  M.  de  Hatzfeld  was  to  be  arraigned  before  a  military  commission.  The  ma- 
jor-general made  some  representations  in  his  favour.  '  Your  Majesty  will  not,  for 
so  trivial  an  offence,  shoot  a  man  who  is  connected  with  the  first  families  in  Berlin. 
The  thing  is  impossible,  you  will  not  think  of  it.'  The  Emperor  grew  more  angry. 
Neufchatel  persisted  in  his  intei'cession  ;  Napoleon  lost  all  patience,  and  Berthier 
quitted  the  room.  1  was  called  in.  I  had  overheard  the  scene  that  had  just  taken 
place.  I  was  afraid  to  hazard  the  least  reflection  :  I  was  in  a  state  of  agony.  Be- 
sides the  repugnance  I  felt  in  being  instrumental  to  so  harsh  a  measure,  it  was  nec- 
essary to  write  as  rapidly  as  the  Emperor  spoke  ;  and  I  must  confess  I  never  pos- 
sessed that  talent.     He  dictated  to  me  the  following  order  : — 

"  '  Our  cousin  Marshal  Davoust  will  appoint  a  military  commission,  consisting  of 
seven  colonels  of  his  corps,  of  which  he  will  be  the  president,  to  try  Prince  Hatzfeld 
on  a  charge  of  treason  and  espionage.  The  sentence  must  be  pronounced  and  exe- 
cuted before  six  o'clock  in  the  evening.' 

"  It  was  about  noon.  Napoleon  directed  me  to  despfrtch  the  order  immediately, 
and  to  send  with  it  Prince  Hatzfeld's  letter.  The  latter  part  of  the  instrnction  I  did 
not,  however,  obey.  Sly  mind  was  racked  by  the  most  painful  emotions.  I  trem 
bled  for  the  Prince,  and  I  trembled  for  myself,  since,  instead  of  sending  him  to  Da- 
voust's  headquarters,  I  had  lodged  bim  in  the  palace. 

"  Napoleon  wished  to  have  his  horse  saddled,  as  he  intended  to  visit  Prince  and 
Princess  Ferdinand.  As  I  was  going  out  to  give  the  necessary  orders  I  was  informed 
that  the  Princess  of  Hatzfeld  had  fainted  in  the  antechamber,  and  that  she  had  pre- 
viously expressed  a  wish  to  speak  to  me.  •!  went  to  her.  I  did  not  conceal  from  her 
the  displeasure  of  Napoleon.  I  told  her  that  we  were  going  to  ride  out  on  horse- 
back, and  I  directed  her  to  repair  to  Prince  Ferdinand,  and  to  interest  him  in  favour 
of  her  buBband.     I  know  not  whether  she   did  so  ;  but  on  our  arrival  at  the  palace. 


1806.       BLUCHEB  A   PRISONER  IN  HAMBURG.  73 

I  was  curious  to  become  acquainted  with  this  cele- 
brated man,  and  I  saw  him  very  frequently.  I  found  that 
he  was  an  enthusiastic  Prussian  patriot — a  brave  man, 
enterprising  even  to  rashness,  of  limited  education,  and 
almost  to  an  incredible  degree  devoted  to  pleasure,  of 
which  he  took  an  ample  share  while  he  remained  in  Ham- 
burg. He  sat  an  enormous  time  at  table,  and,  notwith- 
standing his  exclusive  patriotism,  he  rendered  full  justice 
to  the  wines  of  France.  His  passion  for  women  was 
unbounded,  and  one  of  his  most  favourite  sources  of 
amusement  was  the  gaming-table,  at  which  he  spent  a 
considerable  portion  of  his  time.  Blucher  was  of  an 
extremely  gay  disposition  ;  and  considered  merely  as  a 
companion  he  was  very  agreeable.  The  original  style  of 
his  conversation  pleased  me  much.  His  confidence  in  the 
deliverance  of  Gei'many  remained  unshaken  in  sjDite  of  the 
disasters  of  the  Prussian  army.  He  often  said  to  me,  "  I 
place  great  reliance  on  the  public  spirit  of  Germany — on 
the  enthusiasm  which  prevails  in  our  universities.  The 
events  of  war  are  daily  changing,  and  even  defeats  con- 

we  found  her  in  one  of  the  corridors,  and  she  threw  herself,  in  tears,  at  the  feet  of 
the  Emperor,  to  whom  I  announced  her  name. 

"  The  Princess  was  enceinte.  Napoleon  was  moved  by  her  situation,  and  directed 
her  to  proceed  to  the  chkteau.  He  at  the  same  time  desired  me  to  write  to  Davoust 
to  order  the  trial  to  be  suspended.     Ue  thought  Prince  Hatzfeld  had  departed. 

"  Napoleon  returned  to  the  palace,  where  Madame  Hatzfeld  was  waiting  for  him. 
He  desired  her  to  enter  the  sciUdi  :  I  was  present.  '  Your  husband,  madame,'  said 
he,  'has  brought  himself  into  an  unfortunate  scrape.  According  to  our  laws  he  de- 
serves to  be  sentenced  to  death.  General  Rapp,  give  me  his  letter.  Here,  madame 
read  this.'  The  lady  trembled  exceedingly.  Napoleon  immediately  took  the  letter 
from  her  hand,  tore  it,  and  threw  the  fragments  into  the  fire.  '  I  have  no  other 
proof  against  Prince  Hatzfeld,  madame,  therefore  he  is  at  liberty.'  He  ordered  me 
immediately  to  release  him  from  his  confinement  at  headquarters.  I  acknowledged 
that  I  had  not  sent  him  there  ;  but  he  did  not  reproach  me  ;  he  even  seemed  pleased 
at  what  I  had  done. 

"  In  this  affair  Berthier,  Duroc,  and  Caulaincourt  behaved  as  they  did  on  all  occa- 
sions, that  is  to  say,  like  gallant  men  :  Berthier's  conduct  was  particularly  praise- 
worthy. 

"  No  sooner  had  Prince  Hatzfeld  returned  to  his  family  than  he  was  made  ac- 
quainted with  all  that  had  passed.  He  wrote  me  a  letter  expressive  of  his  gratitude, 
and  the  emotions  by  which  he  was  agitated"  (Memoirs  of  General  Bapp,  p.  107; 
aee  also  Savary,  tome  U.  p.  314). 


74  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806. 


tribute  to  nourish  iu  a  people  sentiments  of  honour  and 
national  glory.  You  may  depend  upon  it  that  when  a 
whole  nation  is  determined  to  shake  oflf  a  humiliating  yoke 
it  will  succeed.  There  is  no  doubt  but  we  shall  end  by 
having  a  landwehr  very  different  from  any  militia  to  which 
the  subdued  spirit  of  the  French  people  could  give  birth. 
England  will  always  lend  vis  the  support  of  her  naA^y  and 
her  subsidies,  and  we  will  renew  alliances  with  Russia  and 
Austria.  I  can  pledge  myself  to  the  truth  of  a  fact  of 
which  I  have  certain  knowledge,  and  you  may  rely  upon 
it ;  namely,  that  none  of  the  allied  powei's  engaged  in  the 
present  war  entertain  views  of  territorial  aggrandisement. 
All  they  unanimously  desire  is  to  put  an  end  to  the  system 
of  aggrandisement  which  your  Emperor  has  established 
and  acts  upon  with  such  alarming  rapidity.  In  our  first 
war  against  France,  at  the  commencement  of  your  Revolu- 
tion, we  fought  for  questions  respecting  the  rights  of 
sovereigns,  for  which,  I  assure  you,  I  care  very  little  ;  but 
now  the  case  is  altered,  the  whole  population  of  Prussia 
makes  common  cause  with  its  Government.  The  people 
fight  in  defence  of  their  homes,  and  reverses  destroy  our 
armies  without  changing  the  spirit  of  the  nation.  I  rely 
confidently  on  the  future  because  I  foresee  that  fortune 
will  not  always  favour  your  Emperor.  It  is  impossible  ; 
but  the  time  will  come  when  all  Europe,  humbled  by  his 
exactions,  and  impatient  of  his  depredations,  will  rise  up 
against  him.  The  more  he  enslaves  nations,  the  more 
terrible  will  be  the  reaction  when  they  break  their  chains. 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  he  is  tormented  with  an  in- 
satiable desire  of  acquiring  new  territories.  To  the  war 
of  1805  against  Austria  and  Russia  the  present  war  has 
almost  immediately  succeeded.  We  have  fallen.  Prussia 
is  occupied  ;  but  Russia  still  remains  undefeated.  I  can- 
not foresee  what  will  be  the  termination  of  the  war  ;  but, 
admitting  that  the  issue  should  be  favourable  to  you,  it 
will  end  only  to  break  out  again  speedil3\     If  we  con- 


1806.  PRINCE  PAUL   OF    WURTEMBEBG.  75 

tinue  firm,  France,  exhausted  by  her  conquests,  must  in 
the  end  fall.  You  may  be  certain  of  it.  You  wish  for 
peace.  Recommend  it !  By  so  doing  you  will  give  strong 
proofs  of  love  for  your  country." 

In  this  strain  Blucher  constantly  spoke  to  me  ;  and  as  I 
never  thought  it  right  to  play  the  part  of  the  public  func- 
tionary in  the  drawing-room  I  repUed  to  him  with  the 
reserve  necessary  in  my  situation.  I  could  not  tell  him 
how  much  my  anticipations  frequently  coincided  with  his  ; 
but  I  never  hesitated  to  express  to  him  how  much  I 
wished  to  see  a  reasonable  peace  concluded.' 

Bluchers  arrival  at  Hamburg  was  preceded  by  that  of 
Prince  Paul  of  Wiirtemberg,  the  second  son  of  one  of  the 
two  kings  created  by  Napoleon,  whose  crowns  were  not 
yet  a  year  old.  This  young  Prince,  who  was  imbued  with 
the  ideas  of  liberty  and  independence  which  then  pre- 
vailed in  Germany,  had  taken  a  headlong  step.  He  had 
quitted  Stuttgart  to  serve  in  the  Prussian  campaign  with- 
out having  asked  his  father's  permission,  which  inconsid- 
erate proceeding  might  have  drawn  Napoleon's  anger  upon 
the  King  of  Wiirtemberg.  The  King  of  Prussia  advanced 
Prince  Paul  to  the  rank  of  general,  but  he  was  taken  pris- 
oner at  the  very  commencement  of  hostilities.  Prince 
Paul  was  not,  as  has  been  erroneously  stated,  conducted 
to  Stuttgart  by  a  captain  of  gendarmerie.  He  came  to 
Hamburg,  where  I  received  many  visits  from  him.  He 
did  not  yet  possess  very  definite  ideas  as  to  what  he 
wished  ;  for  after  he  Avas  made  prisoner  he  expressed  to 
me  his  strong  desire  to  enter  the  French   service,  and 

'  Rapp  mentions  the  following  particulars  relative  to  Blucher  after  his  capture. 
At  that  time  Rapp  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  Thorn,  an(i  he  says  :  — 

"  I  was  now  the  Providence  of  the  Prussian  generals.  They  wrote  to  me  entreat- 
ing ray  intercession  in  their  behalf.  Blucher  himself  did  not  disdain  to  solicit  the 
yrace  of  His  Majesty,  the  Emperor  and  King  of  Italy.  He  was  at  first  to  have  been 
conducted  to  Dijon  ;  but  he  had  laid  down  arms,  and  therefore  it  .signified  little 
whether  he  was  at  Dijon  or  elsewhere.  He  was  permitted  to  retire  to  Hamburg  ;  but 
he  soon  grew  tired  of  that  city,  and  begged  to  be  allowed  to  go  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Berlin.  However,  the  Emperor  did  not  grant  his  request "  (Rapp's  J'/emo2y«, 
p.  130). 


76  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON^  BONAPARTE.       1806. 

often  asked  me  to  solicit  for  him  an  interview  with 
the  Emperor.  He  obtained  this  interview,  and  re- 
mained for  a  long  time  in  Paris,  where  I  know  he  has 
frequently  resided  since  the  Restoration.' 

The  individuals  whom  I  had  to  observe  in  Hamburg 
gave  me  much  less  trouble  than  our  neighbours  at  Altoua. 
The  number  of  the  latter  had  considerably  augmented, 
since  the  events  of  the  war  had  compelled  a  great  number 
of  emigrants  who  had  taken  refuge  at  Munster  to  leave 
that  town.  They  all  proceeded  to  Alton  a.  Conquered 
countries  became  as  dangerous  to  them  as  the  laud  which 
they  had  forsaken.  The  most  distinguished  amongst  the 
individuals  assembled  at  Altona  were  Vicomte  de  Sesmai- 
sons,  the  Bailly  d'Hautefeuille,  the  Duchess  of  Luxem- 
bourg, the  Marquis  de  Bonnard,  the  Due  d'Aumont  [then 
Due  de  Villequier],  the  wife  of  Marshal  de  Broglie  and 
her  daughter.  Cardinal  de  Montmorency,  Madame  de 
Cosse,  her  two  daughters  and  her  son  (and  a  priest),  and 
the  Bishop  of  Boulogne. 

Bonaparte  stayed  long  enough  at  Berlin  to  permit  of 
the  arrival  of  a  deputation  from  the  French  Senate  to 
congratulate  him  on  his  first  triumphs.  I  learned  that  in 
this  instance  the  Senatorial  deputation,  departing  from  its 
accustomed  complaisance,  ventured  not  to  confine  itself  to 
compliments  and  felicitations,  but  went  so  far  as  to  inter- 
fere with  the  Emperor's  plan  of  the  campaign,  to  speak  of 
the  danger  that  might  be  incun-ed  in  passing  the  Oder, 
and  finally  to  express  a  desire  to  see  peace  concluded. 
Napoleon  received  this  communication  with  a  very  bad 
grace.  He  thought  the  Senators  very  bold  to  meddle 
with  his  affairs,  treated  the  conscript  fathers  of  France  as 
if  they  had  been  inconsiderate  youths,  protested,  accord- 
ing to  custom,  his   sincere   love   of  peace,  and  told   the 

'  Rapp  (p.  116)  gives  a  different  account,  and  says  that  the  Prince  came  to  Cuatrin 
and  wished  to  see  Napoleon,  who  refused  the  interview,  and  had  him  arrested  and 
Bent  into  his  father's  States,  where  he  was  detained  for  several  years. 


1806.         FLIGHT  OF  THE   GERMAN  PRINCES.  77 

deputation  that  it  was  Prussia,  backed  by  Russia,  and  not 
lie,  who  wished  for  war ! 

All  the  German  Princes  who  had  taken  part  against 
Napoleon  fled  to  Altona  after  the  battle  of  Jena  with  as 
much  jDrecipitation  as  the  emigrants  themselves.  The 
Hereditary  Prince  of  Weimar,  the  Duchess  of  Holsteiu, 
Prince  Belmonte-Piguatelli,  and  a  multitude  of  other  per- 
sons distingiaished  for  rank  and  fortune,  arrived  there 
almost  simultaneously.  Among  the  persons  who  took 
refuge  in  Altona  were  some  intriguers,  of  whom  Fauche- 
Borel  was  one.  I  remember  receiving  a  report  respecting 
a  violent  altercation  which  Fauche  had  the  audacity  to 
enter  into  with  Comte  de  Gimel  because  he  could  not  ex- 
tort money  from  the  Count  in  payment  of  his  intrigues. 
Comte  de  Gimel  had  only  funds  for  the  payment  of 
pensions,  and,  besides,  he  had  too  much  sense  to  suppose 
there  was  any  utihty  in  the  stupid  pamphlets  of  Fauche- 
Borel,  and  therefore  he  dismissed  him  with  a  refusal. 
Fauche  was  insolent,  which  compelled  Comte  de  Gimel  to 
send  him  about  his  business  as  he  deserved.  This  cir- 
cumstance, which  was  first  communicated  to  me  in  a  re- 
port, has  since  been  confirmed  by  a  person  who  witnessed 
the  scene.  Fauche-Borel  merely  passed  through  Ham- 
burg, and  embarked  for  London  on  board  the  same  ship 
which  took  Lord  Morpeth  back  to  England.' 

1  Louis  Fauche-Borel  (17H2-1829),  a  Swiss  who  devoted  himself  to  the  cause  of 
the  Royalists.  As  Louis  stepped  on  the  shore  of  France  in  1814  Fauche-Borel  was 
ready  to  assist  him  from  the  boat,  and  was  met  with  the  gracious  remarlc  that  he 
was  always  at  hand  when  a  service  was  required.  His  services  were  however  left 
uiue warded ! 


78  1806. 


CHAPTER    Vm. 

1806. 

Alarm  of  the  city  of  Hamburg — The  French  at  Bergdorff— Favourable 
orders  issued  by  Bernadotte — Extortions  in  Prussia — False  endorse- 
ments— Exactions  of  the  Dutch — Napoleon's  concern  for  his  wounded 
troops — Duroc's  mission  to  the  King  of  Prussia — Rejection  of  the 
Emperor's  demands — My  negotiations  at  Hamburg — Displeasure  of 
the  King  of  Sweden— M.  Netzel  and  M.  Wetterstedt. 

At  this  critical  moment  Hamburg  was  menaced  on  all 
sides  ;  the  French  even  occupied  a  portion  of  its  terri- 
tory. The  French  troops,  fortunately  for  the  country, 
were  attached  to  the  corps  commanded  by  the  Prince  de 
Ponte-Corvo.'  This  military  occupation  alarmed  the  town 
of  Hamburg,  to  which,  indeed,  it  proved  very  injurious.  I 
wrote  to  Marshal  Bernadotte  on  the  subject.  The  grounds 
on  which  the  Senate  appealed  for  the  evacuation  of  their 
territory  were  such  that  Bernadotte  could  not  but  acknowl- 
edge their  justice.  The  pi-olonged  stay  of  the  French 
troops  in  the  bailiwick  of  Bergdorff,  which  had  all  the 
appearance  of  an  occupation,  might  have  led  to  the  con- 
fiscation of  all  Hamburg  property  in  England,  to  the  lay- 
ing an  embargo  on  the  vessels  of  the  Republic,  and  con- 
sequently to  the  ruin  of  a  great  part  of  the  trade  of 
France  and  Holland,  which  was  carried  on  under  the  flag 
of  Hamburg.  There  was  no  longer  any  motive  for  oc- 
cupying the  bailiwick  of  Bergdorff  when  there  were  no 
Prussians  in  that  quarter.  It  would  have  been  an  absurd 
misfortune  that  eighty  men  stationed  in  that  bailiwick 
should,  for  the  sake  of  a  few  louis  and  a  few  ells  of  Eng- 

'  Bernandotte. 


180G.  FORGED  BILLS   OF  EXCHANGE.  79 

lish  cloth,  have  occasioned  the  confiscation  of  Hamburg, 
French,  and  Dutch  property  to  the  amount  of  80,000,000 
francs. 

Marshal  Bernadotte  replied  to  me  on  the  16th  of  No- 
vember, and  said,  "I  hasten  to  inform  you  that  I  have 
given  ordei'S  for  the  evacuation  of  the  bailiwick  of  Berg- 
dorff  and  all  the  Hamburg  territory.  If  you  could  obtain 
from  the  Senate  of  Hamburg,  by  the  19th  of  this  month, 
two  or  three  thousand  pairs  of  shoes,  you  would  oblige 
me  greatly.     They  shall  be  paid  for  in  goods  or  in  money." 

I  obtained  what  Bernadotte  required  from  the  Senate, 
who  knew  his  integrity,  while  they  were  aware  that  that 
quality  was  not  the  characteristic  of  all  who  commanded 
the  French  armies !  What  extortions  took  j)lace  during 
the  occupation  of  Prussia !  I  will  mention  one  of  the 
means  which,  amongst  others,  was  employed  at  Berlin  to 
procure  money.  Bills  of  exchange  were  drawn,  on  which 
endorsements  were  forged,  and  these  bills  were  presented 
to  the  bankers  on  whom  they  were  purported  to  be  drawn. 
One  day  some  of  these  forged  bills  to  a  large  amount  were 
presented  to  Messrs.  Mathiesen  and  Silleine  of  Hamburg, 
who,  knowing  the  endorsement  to  be  forged,  refused  to 
cash  them.  The  persons  who  presented  the  bills  carried 
their  impudence  so  far  as  to  send  for  the  gendarmes,  but 
the  bankers  persisted  in  their  refusal.  I  was  informed  of 
this  almost  incredible  scene,  which  had  drawn  together  a 
great  number  of  people.  Indignant  at  such  audacious 
robbery,  I  instantly  proceeded  to  the  spot  and  sent  away 
the  gendarmes,  telling  them  it  was  not  their  duty  to  pro- 
tect robbers,  and  that  it  was  my  business  to  listen  to  any 
just  claims  which  might  be  advanced.  Under  Clarke's 
government  at  Berlin  the  inhabitants  were  subjected  to  all 
kinds  of  oppression  and  exaction.  Amidst  these  exactions 
and  infamous  proceedings,  which  are  not  the  indispen- 
sable consequences  of  war,  the  Dutch  generals  distin- 
guished themselves  by  a  degree  of  rapacity  which  brought 


80  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 


to  mind  the  period  of  the  Frencli  Republican  peculations 
in  Italy.  It  certainly  was  not  tbeir  new  King  who  set  the 
example  of  this  conduct.  His  moderation  was  well  known, 
and  it  was  as  much  the  result  of  his  disposition  as  of  his 
honest  principles.  Louis  Bonaparte,  who  was  a  King  in 
spite  of  himself,  afforded  an  example  of  all  that  a  good 
man  could  suffer  upon  a  usurped  throne. 

When  the  King  of  Prussia  found  himself  defeated  at 
every  point  he  bitterly  repented  having  undertaken  a  war 
which  had  delivered  his  States  into  Napoleon's  power  in 
less  time  than  that  in  which  Austria  had  fallen  the  pi'e- 
ceding  year.  He  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  soliciting  a  sus- 
pension of  hostilities.  Rapp  was  present  when  Napoleon 
received  the  King  of  Prussia's  letter.  "It  is  too  late," 
said  he  ;  "but,  no  matter,  I  wish  to  stop  the  effusion  of 
blood  ;  I  am  ready  to  agree  to  anything  which  is  not  prej- 
udicial to  the  honour  or  interests  of  the  nation."  Then 
calling  Duroc,  he  gave  him  orders  to  visit  the  wound- 
ed, and  see  that  they  wanted  for  nothing.  He  added, 
"  Visit  every  man  on  my  behalf  ;  give  them  all  the  con- 
solation of  which  they  stand  in  need  ;  afterwards  find  the 
King  of  Prussia,  and  if  he  offers  reasonable  proposals  let 
me  know  them." 

Negotiations  were  commenced,  but  Napoleon's  condi- 
tions were  of  a  nature  which  was  considered  inadmissible. 
Prussia  still  hoped  for  assistance  from  the  Russian  forces. 
Besides,  the  Emperor's  demands  extended  to  England, 
who  at  that  moment  had  no  reason  to  accede  to  the  pre- 
tensions of  France.  The  Emperor  wished  England  to 
restore  to  France  the  colonies  which  she  had  captured 
since  the  commencement  of  the  war,  that  Russia  should 
restore  to  the  Porte  Moldavia  and  Wallachia,  which  she 
then  occupied  ;  in  short,  he  acted  upon  the  advice  which 
some  tragedy-king  gives  to  his  ambassador  :  "  Demand 
everything,  that  you  may  obtain  nothing."  The  Emperor's 
demands  were,  in  fact,  so  extravagant  that  it  was  scarcely 


1806.  NEGOTIATIONS   WITH  SWEDEN.  81 

possible  he  himself  could  entertain  the  hope  of  their  being 
accepted.  Negotiations,  alternately  i-esumed  and  aban- 
doned, were  carried  on  %yith  coldness  on  both  sides  until 
the  moment  when  England  prevailed  on  Piussia  to  join 
Prussia  against  France  ;  they  then  altogether  ceased  :  and 
it  was  for  the  sake  of  appearing  to  wish  for  their  renewal, 
on  bases  still  more  favourable  to  France,  that  Napoleon 
sent  Duroc  to  the  King  of  Prussia.  Duroc  found  the 
King  at  Osterode,  on  the  other  side  of  the  Vistula.  The 
only  answer  he  received  from  His  Majesty  was,  "The  time 
is  passed  ; "  which  Avas  very  much  like  Napoleon's  observa- 
tion, "  It  is  too  late."' 

Whilst  Duroc  was  on  his  mission  to  the  King  of  Prussia 
I  was  myself  negotiating  at  Hamburg.  Bonaparte  was 
very  anxious  to  detach  Sweden  from  the  coalition,  and  to 
terminate  the  war  with  her  by  a  separate  treaty.  Sweden, 
indeed,  was  likely  to  be  \erj  useful  to  him  if  Prussia,  Rus- 
sia, and  England  should  collect  a  considerable  mass  of 
troops  in  the  north.  Denmai'k  was  already  with  us,  and 
by  gaining  over  Sweden  also  the  union  of  those  two  powers 
might  create  a  diversion,  and  give  serious  alarm  to  the 
coalition,  which  would  be  obliged  to  concentrate  its  prin- 
cipal force  to  oppose  the  attack  of  the  grand  army  in 
Poland.  The  opinions  of  M,  Peyron,  the  Swedish  Minister 
at  Hamburg,  were  decidedly  opposed  to  the  war  in  which 
his  sovereign  was  engaged  with  France.  I  was  sorry  that 
this  gentleman  left  Hamburg  upon  leave  of  absence  for  a 
year  just  at  the  moment  I  received  my  insiructions  from 
the  Emperor  upon  this  subject.  M.  Peyron  was  succeeded 
b}'  M.  Netzel,  and  I  soon  had  the  pleasure  of  perceiving 
that  his  opinions  corresponded  in  every  respect  with  those 
of  his  predecessor. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  M.  Netzel  sought  an  interview  to 

speak  to  me  on  the  subject  of  the  Swedes,  who  had  been 

taken  prisoners  on  the  Drave.     He  entreated  me  to  allow 

the  officers  to  return  to  Sweden  on  their  parole.     I  was 

Vol.  Ill— 6 


83  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 

anxious  to  get  M.  Netzel's  demand  acceded  to,  and  availed 
myself  of  that  opportunity  to  lead  him  gradually  to  the 
subject  of  my  insti'uctions.  I  had  good  reason  to  be  satis- 
fied with  the  manner  in  which  he  received  my  first  over- 
tures. I  said  nothing  to  him  of  the  justice  of  which  he 
was  not  previously  convinced.  I  saw  he  understood  that 
his  sovereign  would  have  everything  to  gain  by  a  reconcili- 
ation with  France,  and  he  told  me  that  all  Sweden  de- 
manded peace.  Thus  encouraged,  I  told  him  frankly  that 
I  was  instructed  to  treat  with  him.  M.  Netzel  assured  me 
that  M.  de  Wetterstedt,  the  King  of  Sweden's  private  sec- 
retary, with  whom  he  was  intimate,  and  from  whom  he 
showed  me  several  letters,  was  of  the  same  opinion  on  the 
subject  as  himself.  He  added,  that  he  had  permission  to 
correspond  with  the  King,  and  that  he  would  write  the 
same  evening  to  his  sovereign  and  M.  de  Wettei'stedt,  to 
acquaint  them  with  our  conversation. 

It  will  be  perceived,  from  what  I  have  stated,  that  no 
negotiation  was  ever  commenced  under  more  favourable 
auspices  ;  but  who  could  foresee  what  turn  the  King  of 
Sweden  would  take  ?  That  unlucky  Prince  took  M.  Netzel's 
letter  in  very  ill  part,  and  M.  de  Wetterstedt  himself  re- 
ceived peremptory  orders  to  acquaint  M.  Netzel  with  his 
sovereign's  displeasure  at  his  having  presumed  to  visit  a 
French  Minster,  and,  above  all,  to  enter  into  a  political 
conversation  with  him,  although  it  was  nothing  more  than 
conversation.  The  King  did  not  confine  himself  to  re- 
proaches ;  M.  Wetzel  came  in  great  distress  to  inform  me 
he  had  received  orders  to  quit  Hamburg  immediately, 
without  even  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  successor.  He  re- 
garded his  disgrace  as  complete.  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  M.  Netzel  again  in  1809  at  Hamburg,  where  he  was 
on  a  mission  from  Kinsf  Charles  XIH. 


1806.  83 


CHAPTEE    IX. 

1806. 

The  Continental  system — General  indignation  excited  by  it— Sale  of 
licences  by  the  French  Government — Custom-house  system  at  Ham- 
burg— My  letter  to  the  Emperor^Cause  of  the  rupture  with  Russia — 
Bernadotte's  visit  to  me — Trial  by  a  court-martial  for  the  purchase  of 
a  sugar-loaf — Davoust  and  the  captain  "rapporteur" — Influence  of 
the  Continental  system  on  Napoleon's  fall. 

I  HAVE  a  few  remarks  to  make  on  the  famous  Continental 
system,  which  was  a  subject  of  such  engrossing  interest. 
I  had,  perhaps,  better  opportunities  than  any  other  per- 
son of  observing  the  fraud  and  estimating  the  fatal  con- 
sequences of  this  system.  It  took  its  rise  during  the  war 
in  1806,  and  was  brought  into  existence  by  a  decree, 
dated  from  Berlin.  The  project  was  conceived  by  weak 
counsellors,  who,  perceiving  the  Emperor's  just  indigna- 
tion at  the  duplicity  of  England,  her  repugnance  to  enter 
into  negotiations  with  him,  and  her  constant  endeavours 
to  raise  enemies  against  France,  prevailed  upon  him  to 
issue  the  decree,  which  I  could  only  regard  as  an  act  of 
madness  and  tyranny.  It  was  not  a  decree,  but  fleets, 
that  were  wanting.  Without  a  navy  it  was  ridiculous 
to  declare  the  British  Isles  in  a  state  of  blockade,  whilst 
the  English  fleets  were  in  fact  hlocluding  all  the  French 
2Mrts.  This  declaration  was,  however,  made  in  the  Ber- 
lin Decree.  This  is  what  was  called  the  Continental 
system !  which,  in  plain  terms,  was  nothing  but  a  system 
of  fraud  and  pillage. 

One  can  now  scarcely  conceive  how  Europe  could  for 
a  single  day  endure  that  fiscal  tyranny  which  extorted  ex- 


64  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 

orbitant  prices  for  articles  which  the  habits  of  three  cen- 
turies had  rendei'ed  indispensable  to  the  poor  as  well  as 
to  the  rich.  So  little  of  truth  is  there  in  the  pretence 
that  this  system  had  for  its  sole  and  exclusive  object  to 
prevent  the  sale  of  English  goods,  that  licences  for  their 
disposal  were  procured  at  a  high  price  by  whoever  was 
rich  enough  to  pay  for  them.  The  number  and  quality 
of  the  articles  exported  from  France  were  extrava- 
gantly exaggerated.  It  was,  indeed,  necessary  to  take 
out  some  of  those  articles  in  compliance  with  the  Em- 
peror's wishes,  but  they  were  only  thrown  into  the  sea. 
And  yet  no  one  had  the  honesty  to  tell  the  Emperor  that 
England  sold  on  the  Continent,  but  bought  scarcely  any- 
thing. The  speculation  in  licences  was  carried  to  a  scan- 
dalous extent  only  to  enrich  a  few,  and  to  satisfy  the 
short-sighted  views  of  the  contrivers  of  the  system. 

This  system  proves  what  is  written  in  the  annals  of  the 
human  heart  and  mind,  that  the  cupidity  of  the  one  is 
insatiable,  and  the  errors  of  the  other  incorrigible.  Of 
this  I  will  cite  an  example,  though  it  refers  to  a  period 
posterior  to  the  origin  of  the  Continental  system.  At 
Hamburg,  in  1811,  under  Davoust's  government,  a  poor 
man  had  well-nigh  been  shot  for  having  introduced  into 
the  department  of  the  Elbe  a  small  loaf  of  sugar  for  the 
use  of  his  family,  while  at  the  same  moment  Napoleon 
was  perhaps  signing  a  licence  for  the  importation  of  a 
million  of  sugar-loaves.' 

'  In  this  same  year  (1811)  Murat,  ns  King  of  Naples,  not  only  winked  at  the  in- 
fringement of  the  Continental  system,  but  almost  openly  broke  the  law  himself. 
His  troops  in  Calabria,  and  nil  round  his  immense  line  of  sea-coast,  carried  on  an 
active  trade  with  Sicilian  and  English  smupprlers.  This  was  so  much  the  case  that 
an  officer  never  set  out  from  Xaplcs  to  join,  without  being  requested  by  his  wife, 
his  relations  or  friends,  to  brincr  them  some  Knglish  muslins,  some  sugar  and  coffee, 
together  with  a  few  needles,  penknives,  and  razors.  Some  of  the  Neapolitan  officers 
embarked  in  really  large  commercial  operations,  going  shares  with  the  custom- 
hoiisft  people  who  were  there  to  enforce  the  law,  and  making  their  soldiers  load  and 
imload  the  contraband  vessels. 

The  Comte  de ,  a  French  officer  on  Murat's  staff,  was  very  noble,  but  very 

poor,  and  excessively  extravagant.  After  making  several  vain  efforts  to  set  him  up 
in  the  world,  the  King  told  him  one  day  he  would  give  him  the  command  of  all  the 


1806.  RESTRICTIONS   ON  COMMERCE.  85 

Smuggling  on  a  small  scale  was  punished  with  death, 
whilst  the  Government  themselves  carried  it  on  exten- 
sively. The  same  cause  filled  the  Treasury  with  money, 
and  the  prisons  with  victims. 

The  custom-house  laws  of  this  period,  which  waged 
open  war  against  rhubarb,  and  armed  the  coasts  of  the 
Continent  against  the  introduction  of  senna,  did  not  save 
the  Continental  system  from  destruction.'  Kidicule  at- 
tended the  installation  of  the  odious  prevotal  courts. 
The  president  of  the  Prevotal  Court  at  Hamburg,  who 
was  a  Frenchman,  delivered  an  address,  in  which  he  en- 
deavoured to  prove  ],hat  in  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies  there 
had  existed  extraordinary  fiscal  tribunals,  and  that  it  was 
to  those  Egypt  owed  her  prosperity.  Terror  was  thus  in- 
troduced by  the  most  absurd  folly.  The  ordinai-y  custom- 
house officers,  formerly  so  much  abhorred  in  Hamburg, 
declared  \\\i\\  reason  that  they  would  soon  be  regretted, 
and  that  the  difference  between  them  and  the  prevotal 
courts  would  soon  be  felt.  Bonaparte's  counsellors  led 
him  to  commit  the  folly  of  requiring  that  a  ship  which 
had  obtained  a  licence  should  export  merchandise  equiv- 
alent to  that  of  the  colonial  produce  to  be  imported  under 
the  authority  of  the  licence.  What  was  the  consequence  ? 
The  speculators  bought  at  a  low  price  old  stores  of  silks, 
which  change  of  fashion  had  made  completely  unsaleable, 
and  as  those  articles  were  prohibited  in  England  they 
were  thrown  into  the  sea  without  their  loss  being  felt. 
The  profits  of  the  speculation  made  ample  amends  for  the 
sacrifice.  The  Continental  system  was  worthy  only  of 
the  ages  of  ignorance  and  barbarism,  and  had  it  been  ad- 
missible in  theory,  was  impracticable  in  ajoplication.     It 

troops  round  the  Gulf  of  Salerno  ;  adding  that  the  devil  was  in  it  if  he  could  not 
make  a  fortune  in  such  a  capit<il  smufrgling  district  in  a  couple  of  years.  The 
Count  took  the  hint,  and  did  niakt  a  forruiie.— Krfttor  of  183fi  edition. 

'  Sydney  Smith  was  struck  witli  the  ridiculous  side  of  the  war  of  tariffs:  "We 
are  told  that  the  Continent  is  to  be  reconquered  by  the  want  of  rhubarb  and  plums  " 
{Essai/s  of  Sydney  SmUfi,  p.  533,  edition,  of  1851), 


S6  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1806. 

cannot  be  sufficiently  stigmatised.  They  were  not  the 
friends  of  the  Emperor  who  recommended  a  system  cal- 
culated to  rouse  the  indignation  of  Europe,  and  which 
could  not  fail  to  create  reaction.  To  tyrannize  over  the 
human  species,  and  to  exact  uniform  admiration  and  sub- 
mission, is  to  require  an  impossibility.  It  would  seem 
that  fate,  which  had  still  some  splendid  triumphs  in  store 
for  Bonaparte,  intended  to  prepare  beforehand  the  causes 
which  were  to  deprive  him  of  all  his  triumphs  at  once, 
and  plunge  him  into  reverses  even  greater  than  the  good 
fortune  which  had  favoured  his  elevation. 

The  prohibition  of  trade,  the  habitual  severity  in  the 
execution  of  this  odious  system,  made  it  operate  like  a 
Continental  impost.  I  will  give  a  proof  of  this,  and  I  state 
nothing  but  what  came  under  my  own  observation.  The 
fiscal  regulations  were  very  rigidly  enforced  at  Hamburg, 
and  along  the  two  lines  of  Cuxhaven  and  Travemunde. 
M.  Eudel,  the  director  of  that  department,  performed 
his  duty  with  zeal  and  disinterestedness.  I  feel  gratified 
in  rendering  him  this  tribute.  Enormous  quantities  of 
English  merchandise  and  colonial  produce  were  accumu- 
lated at  Holstein,  where  they  almost  all  arrived  by  way  of 
Kiel  and  Hudsum,  and  were  smuggled  over  the  line  at 
the  expense  of  a  premium  of  33  and  40  per  cent.  Con- 
vinced of  this  fact  by  a  thousand  proofs,  and  weary  of  the 
vexations  of  the  preventive  system,  I  took  upon  myself  to 
lay  my  opinions  on  the  subject  before  the  Emperor.  He 
had  given  me  permission  to  write  to  him  personally,  with- 
out any  intermediate  agency,  upon  everything  that  I 
might  consider  essential  to  his  service.  I  sent  an  extra- 
ordinary courier  to  Fontainebleau,  where  he  then  was,  and 
in  my  despatch  I  informed  him  that,  notwithstanding  his 
preventive  guard,  every  prohibited  article  was  smuggled 
in  because  the  profits  on  the  sale  in  Germany,  Poland, 
Italy,  and  even  France,  into  which  the  contrabi'aud  goods 
found  their  way,  were  too   considerable  not  to  induce 


-  W^^^^^C;''      4/0^',^ 


(PRINCE  D'ECKMUHL) 


19:06.  RESULTS   OF  TEE  BERLIN  DECREE.  S7 

persons  to  incur  all  risks  to  obtain  them.  I  advised  him, 
at  the  very  time  he  was  about  to  unite  the  Hanse  Towns 
to  the  French  Empire,  to  permit  merchandise  to  be  im- 
ported subject  to  a  duty  of  33  per  cent.,  which  was  about 
equal  to  the  amount  of  the  premium  for  insurance.  The 
Emperor  adopted  my  advice  without  hesitation,  and  in 
1811  the  regulation  produced  a  revenue  of  upwards  of  60,- 
000,000  francs  in  Hamburg  alone. 

This  system,  however,  embroiled  us  with  Sweden  and 
Russia,  who  could  not  endure  that  Napoleon  should  exact  a 
strict  blockade  from  them,  whilst  he  was  himself  distrib- 
uting licences  in  abundance.  Bernadotte,  on  his  way  to 
Sweden,  passed  through  Hamburg  in  October  1810.  He 
stayed  with  me  three  days,  during  which  time  he  scarcely 
saw  any  person  but  myself.  He  asked  my  opinion  as  to 
what  he  should  do  in  regard  to  the  Continental  system. 
I  did  not  hesitate  to  declare  to  him,  not  as  a  French 
Minister,  but  as  a  private  individual  to  his  friend,  that  in 
his  place,  at  the  head  of  a  poor  nation,  which  could  only 
subsist  by  the  exchange  of  its  territorial  productions  Avith 
England,  I  would  open  my  ports,  and  give  the  Swedes 
gratuitously  that  general  licence  which  Bonaparte  sold 
in  detail  to  intrigue   and  cupidity. 

The  Berlin  decree  could  not  fail  to  cause  a  reaction 
against  the  Emperor's  fortune  by  raising  up  whole  na- 
tions against  him.  The  hurling  of  twenty  kings  from  their 
thrones  would  have  excited  less  hatred  than  this  contempt 
for  the  wants  of  nations.  This  profound  ignorance  of  the 
maxims  of  political  economy  caused  general  privation  and 
misery,  which  in  their  turn  occasioned  general  hostility. 
The  system  could  only  succeed  in  the  impossible  event  of 
all  the  powers  of  Europe  honestly  endeavouring  to  carry 
it  into  effect.  A  single  free  port  would  have  destroj-ed  it. 
Ii:i  order  to  ensure  its  complete  success  it  w*s  necessary  to 
conquer  and  occupy  all  countries,  and  never  to  evacuate 
them,     As  a  means  of  ruining  England  it  was  contempti- 


88  MEMvIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 

ble.  It  was  necessary  that  all  Europe  should  be  com- 
pelled by  force  of  arms  to  join  this  absurd  coalition,  and 
that  the  sam6  force  should  be  constantly  employed  to 
maintain  it.  Was  this  possible  ?  The  captain  "  rappor- 
teur "  of  a  court-martial  allowed  a  poor  peasant  to  escape 
the  punishment  due  to  the  offence  of  having  bought  a  loaf 
of  sugar  beyond  the  custom-house  barrier.  This  officer 
was  some  time  afterwards  at  a  dinner  given  by  Marshal 
Davoust  ;  the  latter  said  to  him,  "  You  have  a  very  scru- 
pulous conscience,  sir  ;  go  to  headquarters  and  you  will 
find  an  order  there  for  you."  This  order  sent  him  eighty 
leagues  from  Hamburg.  It  is  necessary  to  have  witnessed, 
as  I  have,  the  numberless  vexations  and  miseries  occa- 
sioned by  the  unfortunate  Continental  system  to  under- 
stand the  mischief  its  authors  did  in  Europe,  and  how 
much  that  mischief  contributed  to  Napoleon's  fall.' 

'  The  socalled  Continental  system  was  framed  by  Napoleon  in  revenge  for  the 
English  very  extended  sj'stem  oE  blockades,  after  Trafalgar  had  put  it  out  of  his 
power  to  attempt  to  keep  the  seas.  The  principal  decrees  were  dated  Berlin,  21st 
November  lSU(i  ;  Milan,  17th  December  1807  ;  Paris,  11th  January  1808  ;  Antwerp, 
2,5th  July  1810  ;  Trianon,  5th  Ausjust  1810  ;  Fontainebleau,  19th  October  1810.  By 
these  decrees  all  ports  occupied  by  the  French  were  closed  to  the  English,  and  all 
English  goods  were  to  be  destroyed  wherever  found  in  any  country  occupied  by  the 
French.  All  States  under  French  influence  had  to  adopt  this  system.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  Napoleon  eventually  held  or  enforced  his  system  on  all  the  coast- 
lines of  Europe,  except  that  of  Spain  and  Turkey  ;  but  as  Bourricnne  shows,  the 
plan  of  giving  licences  to  break  his  own  system  was  too  lucrative  to  be  resisted  by 
him,  or,  still  more,  by  his  officers.  For  the  working  of  the  system  in  the  occupied 
lands  see  lieuijtivt,  tome  ii.  p.  42.  Lafitte  the  banker  told  Savary  it  was  a  grand 
idea,  but  impracticable  (.Saortry,  tome  v.  p.  110).  The  Emperor  Alexander -is  re- 
ported to  have  said,  after  visiting  England  in  1814.  that  ho  believed  the  system 
would  have  reduced  England  if  it  had  lasted  another  year  (Savary,  tome  iv.  p.  345). 
The  English,  who  claimed  the  right  of  blockading  any  coast  With  but  little  regard  to 
the  effectiveness  of  the  blockade,  retaliated  by  orders  in  Council,  the  chief  of  which 
are  dated  7th  January  1807,  and  11th  November  1807,  by  which  no  ships  of  any 
power  were  allowed  to  trade  between  any  French  ports,  or  the  ports  of  any  country 
closed  to  England.  Whatever  the  real  merits  of  the  system,  and  although  it  was  the 
cause  of  war  between  the  United  States  and  England,  its  execution  did  most  to  dam- 
age B^rance  and  Napoleon,  and  to  band  all  Europe  against  it.  It  is  curious  that  even 
in  18.31  a  treaty  had  to  be  made  to  settle  the  claims  of  the  United  States  on  Francf 
for  unjust  seizures  under  these  decrees  ;  see  Guizot's  Memoirs,  tome  Ui.  p.  233. 


iSoe.  89 


CHAPTER    X. 

1806-1807. 

New  system  o£  war — Winter  quarters — The  Emperor's  proclamation- 
Necessity  of  marching  to  meet  the  Russians — Distress  in  the  Hanse 
Towns — Order  for  50,000  cloaks — Seizure  of  Russian  corn  and  timber 
— Murat's  entrance  into  Warsaw — Re-establishment  of  Poland — 
Duroc's  accident — M.  de  Talleyrand's  carriage  stopped  by  the  mud — 
Napoleon's  power  of  rousing  the  spirit  of  his  troops— His  mode  of 
dictating — The  Duke  of  Mecklen'ourg-Schwerin — His  visits  to  Ham- 
burg— The  Duke  of  Weimar — His  letter  and  present — Journey  of  the 
Hereditary  Prince  of  Denmark  to  Paris — Butler,  the  English  spy — 
Travelling  clerks — Louis  Bonaparte  and  the  Berlin  decree — Creation 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Saxony — Veneration  of  Germany  for  the  King  of 
Saxonj' — The  Emperor's  uncertainty  respecting  Poland — Fetes  and 
reviews  at  Warsaw — The  P'rench  Government  at  the  Emperor's  head- 
quarters— Ministerial  portfolios  sent  to  Warsaw — Military  prepara- 
tions during  the  month  of  January — ^Difference  of  our  situation  during 
the  campaigns  of  Vienna  and  Prussia — News  received  and  sent — 
Conduct  of  the  Cabinet  of  Austria  similar  to  that  of  the  Cabinet  of 
Berlin— Battle  of  Eylau — Unjust  accusation  against  Bernadotte — 
Death  of  General  d'Hautpoult — Tc  Dcum.  chanted  by  the  Russians — 
Gardanne'3  mission  to  Persia. 

BoN.vpAKTE  was  uot  oulj  beyond  all  comparison  the  greatest 
captain  of  modern  times,  but  he  may  be  said  to  have 
wrought  a  complete  change  in  the  art  of  war.  Before  his 
time  the  most  able  generals  regulated  the  fighting  season 
by  the  almanac.  It  was  customary  in  Europe  to  brave 
the  cannon's  mouth  only  from  the  first  fine  days  of  spring 
to  the  last  fine  days  of  autumn  ;  and  the  months  of  rain, 
snow,  and  frost  were  passed  in  what  were  called  winter 
quarters.  Pichegru,  in  Holland,  had  set  the  example  of 
indifference  to  temperature.  At  Austerlitz,  too,  Bona- 
parte had  braved  the  severity  of  winter ;  this  answered 


90  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      180^ 

his  purpose  well,  and  he  adopted  the  same  course  in  1806. 
His  military  genius  and  activity  seemed  to  increase,  and, 
proud  of  his  troojDS,  he  determined  to  commence  a  winter 
campaign  in  a  climate  more  rigorous  than  any  in  which 
he  had  yet  fought.  The  men,  chained  to  his  destiny, 
were  now  required  to  brave  the  northern  blast,  as  they 
iiad  formerly  braved  thevei'tical  sun  of  Egypt.'  Napoleon, 
who,  above  all  generals,  was  remarkable  for  the  choice  of 
liis  fields  of  battle,  did  not  wish  to  wait  ti'anquilly  until 
the  Russian  army,  which  was  advancing  towards  Ger- 
many, should  come  to  measure  its  strength  with  him  in 
the  plains  of  conquered  Prussia  ;  he  resolved  to  march  to 
meet  it,  and  to  reach  it  before  it  should  cross  the  Vistula  ; 
but  before  he  left  Berlin  to  explore,  as  a  conqueror,  Poland 
and  the  confines  of  Russia,  he  addressed  a  proclamation 
to  his  troops,  in  which  he  stated  all  that  had  hitherto  been 
achieved  by  the  French  array,  and  at  the  same  time  an- 
nounced his  future  intentions.  It  was  especially  advis- 
able that  he  should  mai'ch  forward  ;  for,  had  he  waited 
until  the  Russians  had  passed  the  Vistula,  there  could 

•  A  curious  meteorological  coincidence  may  be  noted  here.  The  passage  of  the 
Niemen  by  the  Frencli  army,  and  its  consequent  entry  on  Russian  territory,  may  be 
said  to  have  been  Napoleon's  first  step  towards  his  ultimate  defeat  and  ruin.  A 
terrible  thunderstorm  occurred  on  this  occasion,  according  to  M.  de  Segur's  account 
of  the  Russian  campaign.  When  Napoleon  commenced  the  retreat  by  which  he 
yielded  all  the  country  beyond  the  Elbe  (and  which  may  be  therefore  reckoned  the 
second  step  towards  his  downfall),  it  was  accompanied  by  a  thunderstorm  more  re- 
mai'kable  from  occurring  at  such  a  season.  [Odelben  says  "  C'etait  un  phenomene 
bien  extraordinaire  dans  une  pareille  sai.son  et  avec  le  froid  qu'on  venait  dVprouver," 
etc.,  Campaign  o/1813,  vol.  i.  p.  289.]  The  first  step  towards  his  second  downfall, 
or  the  third  towards  his  final  ruin,  was  his  advance  against  the  British  force  at 
Quatre-Bras  on  the  17th  of  June  1815.  This  also  was  accompanied  by  an  awful 
thunderstorm,  which  (thou^'h  gathering  all  the  forenoon)  commenced  at  the  very 
moment  he  made  his  attack  on  the  British  rear-guard  with  Ney's  corps  about  3  p.m  , 
when  the  first  gun  fired  was  instantly  responded  to  by  a  tremendous  peal  of  thunder. 
Again  at  St.  Helena,  where  thimderstorms  are  unknown,  the  last  breath  of  Napoleon 
passed  away  in  the  midst  of  a  furious  tempest. 

Thunder  to  Wellington  was  the  precursor  of  victory  and  triumph.  Witness  the 
above-mentioned  introduction  to  the  crowning  victory  of  Waterloo,  the  terrible 
thunder  that  scattered  the  horses  of  the  dragoons  on  the  eve  of  Salamanca,  also  the 
similar  storm  on  the  night  preceding  Sabugal ;  see  Notes  and  Qtterifs,  J3th  Augu.st 
1853. 


1807.  MONARCH  AND    GENERAL.  91 

pi'obably  have  been  no  winter  campaign,  and  he  would 
have  been  obliged  either  to  take  up  miserable  winter 
quarters  between  the  Vistula  and  the  Oder,  or  to  recross 
the  Oder  to  combat  the  enemy  in  Prussia.  Napoleon's 
military  genius  and  indefatigable  activity  served  him 
admirably  on  this  occasion,  and  the  proclamation  just 
alluded  to,  which  was  dated  from  Berlin  before  his  de- 
parture from  Charlottenburg,  proves  that  he  did  not  act 
fortuitously,  as  he  frequently  did,  but  that  his  calculations 
were  well  made.' 

A  rajpid  and  immense  impulse  given  to  great  masses 
of  men  by  the  will  of  a  single  individual  ^  may  produce 

1  Before  leaving  the  capital  of  Prussia  Bonaparte  stole  from  the  monument  of 
Frederick  the  Great  his  sword  and  military  orders.  He  also  plundered  the  galleries 
of  Berlin  and  Potsdam  of  their  best  pictures  and  statues,  thus  continuing  the  in- 
iquitous system  he  had  begun  in  Italy.  All  these  things  he  sent  to  Paris  as  trophies 
of  victory  and  ?,\ory.— Editor  of  the  1836  edition. 

'  Napoleon  had  one  great  advantage  over  his  adversaries  of  combining  in  his 
person  the  powers  of  the  head  of  the  State  and  of  a  commander  possessing  the  full 
confidence  of  the  army.  The  Czar  Ale.xander,  even  when  nominally  in  command  of 
hisown^rmy,  had  to  reckon  with  his  generals.  Metternich  remarking  that  he  did 
not  believe  the  Russian  army  would  have  advanced  beyond  the  Oder  in  1813  if  old 
Kutusow  had  been  alive.  Most  generals  are  subject  to  have  to  work  on  plans  not 
fully  approved  by  them,  and  thus  sec  even  their  own  defeats  with  mixed  feelings,  as 
Jourdan,  after  Vittoria,  commenced  his  supper  with  the  remark,  "Well,  they  wished 
to  give  battle,  and  they  have  lost  it"  {Miot^  tome  iii.  p.  320).  Wellington,  after 
gaining  the  confidence  of  the  Government  in  Spain,  and  thus  obtaining  a  position 
unique  amongst  English  commanders,  made  some  valuable  remnrks  on  his  and  on 
Napoleon's  position.  "  Wellington  said  the  other  day  that  he  had  great  advantages 
now  over  every  other  general.  He  could  do  what  others  dare  not  attempt,  and  he  got 
the  confidence  of  the  three  allied  powers,  so  that  what  he  eaid  or  ordered  was,  right 
or  wrong,  always  thought  right.  And  it  is  the  same,''  said  he,  "with  the  troops. 
V\'hen  I  come  myself,  the  soldiers  think  what  they  have  to  do  the  most  important, 
since  I  am  there,  and  that  all  will  depend  on  their  e.xertions.  Of  course  these  are 
increased  in  proportion,  and  they  will  do  for  me  what,  perhaps,  no  one  else  can  make 
them  do."  He  said  "he  had  several  of  the  advantages  possessed  by  Bonapaite  in 
regard  to  his  freedom  of  action  and  power  of  risking,  without  being  constantly  called 
to  account.  Bonaparte  was  quite  free  from  all  inquiry,  and  that  he  himself  was  in 
fact  very  much  so.  The  other  advantage  which  Napoleon  possessed,  and  of  which 
he  made  so  much  use,"  Lord  Wellington  said,  "  was  his  full  latitude  of  lying  ;  that, 
if  so  disposed. "  he  said,  "  he  could  not  do"  (Larpent's  Journal,  p.  227).  It  is  only 
fair  to  remember  this  last  remark  when  the  falsehoods  contained  in  Napoleon's  bul 
letins  are  attacked.  If  he  did  lie,  who  ever  had  such  great  opportunities  of  lying, 
though  perhaps  some  modern  reports  of  strategic  movements  might  compete  with 
his  statements?  Savary  assumed  the  same  advantages  for  Napoleon  when  he  advised 
the  evacuation  of  Madrid  after  Baylea,  allowing  that  Napoleon  would  not  have  with- 


92  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806- 

trausient  lustre  and  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  multitude  ;  but 
when,  at  a  distance  from  the  theatre  of  gloi'y,  we  see  only 
the  melancholy  results  which  have  been  produced,  the 
genius  of  conquest  can  only  be  regarded  as  the  genius 
of  destruction.  "What  a  sad  picture  was  often  pre- 
sented to  my  eyes !  I  was  continually  doomed  to  hear 
complaints  of  the  general  distress,  and  to  execute  orders 
which  augmented  the  immense  sacrifices  already  made  by 
the  city  of  Hamburg.  Thus,  for  example,  the  Emi:)eror 
desired  me  to  furnish  him  with  50,000  cloaks,  which  I 
immediately  did.  I  felt  the  importance  of  such  an  order 
at  the  approach  of  winter,  and  in  a  climate  the  rigour  of 
which  our  troops  had  not  yet  encountered.  I  also  re- 
ceived orders  to  seize  at  Lixbeck  (which  town,  as  I  have 
already  stated,  had  been  alternately  taken  and  retaken  by 
Blucher  and  Bernadotte)  400,000  lasts  of  corn,'  and  to  send 
them  to  Magdeburg.  This  corn  belonged  to  Russia. 
Marshal  Mortier,  too,  had  seized  some  timber  for  building, 
which  also  belonged  to  Russia,  and  which  was  estimated 
at  1,400,000  francs. 

Meanwhile  our  troops  continued  to  advance  with  such 
rapidity  that  before  the  end  of  November  Murat  arrived 
at  Warsaw,  at  the  head  of  the  advanced  guard  of  the 
Grand  Army,  of  which  he  had  the  command.  The 
Emperor's  headquarters  were  then  at  Posen,  and  he 
received  deputations  from  all  parts  soliciting  the  re-estab- 
lishment and  independence  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland. 

drawn.  "  I  well  know,"  said  Savary  to  Joseph,  "  that  if  the  Emperor  were  here  he 
would  not  dream  of  retiring  ;  but  wherever  he  himself  is,  every  one  obeys  at  once, 
and  no  one  complains.  Here  we  are  in  a  very  diiTerent  case.  If  we  were  to  ask  that 
anything  should  be  done,  every  one  would  be  tired  or  sick,  while  one  glance  of  the 
Kmperor  would  set  all  these  idlers  to  work.  No  one  can  do  what  the  Emperor  is 
able  to  do,  and  whoever  would  try  to  imitate  him  would  only  ruin  himself"  {Savarij, 
tome  iii.  pp.  42.'i-424).  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  Napoleon  assumed  an  in- 
dependent position  from  the  very  beginning,  and  when  a  simple  general  in  his  first 
command  in  Italy  would  not  submit  to  any  of  the  usual  checks.  His  letter  to  Carnot 
on  refusing  to  serve  if  his  army  were  divided,  and  his  determined  opposition  to  the 
plans  of  the  Directory  for  marching  into  the  south  of  Italy,  ajre  well  known. 
1  A  luit  weighs  SUOtl  kilogrammes, 


iSO'J'.  TEE  EMPEROR  IN  WARSAW.  9» 

Rapp  informed  me  that  after  receiving  the  deputation 
from  Warsaw  the  Emperor  said  to  him,  "  I  love  the  Poles  ; 
their  enthusiastic  character  pleases  me  ;  I  should  like  to 
make  them  independent,  but  that  is  a  difficult  matter. 
Austria,  Eussia,  and  Prussia  have  all  had  a  slice  of  the 
cake  ;  when  the  match  is  once  kindled  who  knows  where 
the  conflagration  may  stop  ?  My  first  duty  is  towards 
France,  which  I  must  not  sacrifice  to  Poland  ;  we  must 
refer  this  matter  to  the  sovereign  of  all  things — Time  ;  he 
will  presently  show  us  what  we  must  do."  Had  Sulkow- 
sky  lived  Napoleon  might  have  recollected  what  he  had 
said  to  him  in  EgyjDt,  and  in  all  probability  he  would 
have  raised  up  a  power,  the  dismemberment  of  which, 
towards  the  close  of  the  last  century,  began  to  overturn 
the  political  equilibrium  which  had  subsisted  in  Europe 
since  the  peace  of  Westphalia  in  1648. 

It  was  at  the  headquarters  at  Posen  that  Duroc  rejoin- 
ed the  Emperor  after  his  mission  to  the  King  of  Prussia. 
His  carriage  overturned  on  the  way,  and  he  had  the  mis- 
fortune to  break  his  collar-bone.  All  the  letters  I  received 
were  nothing  but  a  succession  of  complaints  on  the  bad 
state  of  the  roads.  Our  troops  were  absolutely  fighting 
in  mud,  and  it  "W'as  with  extreme  difficulty  that  the  ax'- 
tillery  and  caissons  of  the  army  could  be  moved  along. 
M.  de  Talleyi-and  had  been  summoned  to  headquarters  by 
the  Emperor,  in  the  expectation  of  treating  for  peace,  and 
I  was  informed  that  his  carriage  stuck  in  the  mud  and  he 
was  detained  on  his  journey  for  twelve  hours.  A  soldier 
having  asked  one  of  the  persons  in  M.  de  Talleyrand's 
suite  who  the  traveller  was,  was  informed  that  he  was 
the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  "Ah!  bah!"  said  the 
soldier,  "  why  does  he  come  with  his  diplomacy  to  such  a 
devil  of  a  country  as  this  ? '' 

The  Emperor  entered  Warsaw  on  the  1st  of  January 
1807.  Most  of  the  reports  which  he  had  received  previous 
to  his  entrance  had  concurred  in  describing  the  dissatis- 


94  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806^ 

faction  of  the  troops,  who  for  some  time  had  had  to  con- 
tend with  bad  roads,  bad  weather,  and  all  sorts  of  priva- 
tions.' Bonaparte  said  to  the  generals  who  informed  him 
that  the  enthusiasm  of  his  troops  had  been  succeeded  by 
dejection  and  discontent,  "Does  their  spirit  fail  them  when 
they  come  in  sight  of  the  enemy?" — "No,  Sire." — "I 
knew  it ;  my  troops  are  always  the  same."  Then  turning 
to  Rapp  he  said,  "I  must  rouse  them  ;"  and  he  dictated 
the  following  proclamation  : — 

Soldiers — It  is  a  year  this  very  hour  since  you  were  on  the 
field  of  Austerlitz,  where  the  Russian  battalions  tied  in  disorder, 
or  surrendered  up  thair  arms  to  their  conquerors.  Next  day  pro- 
posals of  peace  were  talked  of ;  but  they  were  deceptive.  No 
sooner  had  the  Russians  escaped  by,  perhaps,  blamable  generosity 
from  the  disasters  of  the  the  tliird  coalition  than  they  contrived  a 
fourth.  But  the  ally  on  whose  tactics  they  founded  their  principal 
hope  was  no  more.  His  capital,  his  fortresses,  his  magazines,  his 
arsenals,  280  flags,  and  700  fieldpieces  have  fallen  into  our  power. 
The  Oder,  the  Wartha,  the  deserts  of  Poland,  and  the  inclemency 
of  the  season  have  not  for  a  moment  retarded  your  progress.  You 
have  braved  all  ;  surmounted  all  ;  every  obstacle  has  fled  at 
your  approach.     The  Russians  have  in  vain  endeavoured  to  defend 

'  Rapp  thus  describes  the  entrance  of  the  French  into  Warsaw,  and  adds  a  few 
anecdotes  connected  with  that  event :  — 

"At  length  we  entered  the  Polish  capital.  The  King  of  Naples  had  preceded  us, 
and  had  driven  the  Russians  from  the  city.  Napoleon  was  received  with  enthusiasm. 
Tlie  Poles  thought  that  the  moment  of  their  regeneration  had  arrived,  and  that  their 
wishes  were  fulfilled.  It  would  be  difficult  to  describe  the  joy  thus  evinced,  and  the 
respect  with  which  they  treated  us.  The  French  troops,  however,  were  not  quite  so 
well  pleased  ;  they  manifested  the  greatest  repugnance  to  crossing  the  Vistula.  The 
idea  of  want  and  bad  weather  had  inspired  them  with  the  greatest  aversion  to  Po- 
land, and  they  were  inexhaustible  in  their  jokes  on  the  country. 

''The  French  used  to  say  that  the  four  following  words  constituted  the  whole  lan- 
guage of  the  Poles: — Kleba?  niema  ;  votat  sara.  (Some  bread?  there  is  none  ; 
some  water  ?  we  will  go  and  fetch  it. )  This  was  all  that  was  to  be  heard  in  Poland. 
Napoleon  one  day  passed  by  a  column  of  infantry  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nasielsk, 
where  tht  troops  were  suffering  the  greatest  privations  on  account  of  the  mud,  which 
lirevented  the  arrival  of  provisions.  '  Papa,  kleba  ? ''  exclaimed  a  soldier.  '■Niema,'' 
replied  the  Emperor.  The  whole  column  burst  into  a  fit  of  laughter  ;  they  asked  for 
nothing  more. 

"  One  evening  at  the  theatre,  when  the  curtain  was  very  late  in  rising,  a  grena- 
dier who  was  among  the  spectator.s  became  impatient  at  the  delay.  '  Begin  I  '  he 
called  out  from  the  farther  end  of  the  pit,  '  begin  directly,  or  I  will  not  cross  the  Via 
tula  '"  (Rapp"s  Mtmoim,  118-1:20.) 


1807.  ''ROUSING   THE  TROOPS."  95 

the  capital  of  ancient  and  illustrious  Poland.  The  French  eagle 
hovers  over  the  Vistula.  The  brave  and  unfortunate  Poles,  on  be- 
holding you,  fancied  they  saw  the  legions  of  Sobieski  returning 
from  their  memorable  expedition. 

Soldiers,  we  will  not  lay  down  our  arms  until  a  general  peace  has 
secured  the  power  of  our  allies  and  restored  to  us  our  colonies  and 
our  freedom  of  trade.  We  have  gained  on  the  Elbe  and  the  Oder, 
Pondicherry,  our  Indian  establishments,  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope, 
and  the  Spanish  colonies.  Why  should  the  Russians  have  the  right 
of  opposing  destiny  and  thwarting  our  just  designs  ?  They  and  we 
are  still  the  soldiers  who  fought  at  Austerlitz. 

When  Bonaparte  dictated  his  proclamations — and  how 
many  have  I  not  written  from  his  dictation  ! — he  was  for 
the  moment  inspired,  and  he  evinced  all  the  excitement 
which  distinguishes  the  Italian  improvisatori.  To  follow 
him  it  was  necessary  to  write  with  inconceivable  rapidity. 
When  I  have  read  over  to  him  what  he  has  dictated  I  have 
often  known  him  to  smile  triumphantly  at  the  effect  which 
he  expected  any  particular  phrase  would  produce.  In  gen- 
eral his  proclamations  turned  on  three  distinct  points — (1) 
Praising  his  soldiers  for  what  they  had  done  ;  (2)  pointing 
out  to  them  what  they  had  yet  to  do  ;  and  (3)  abusing  his 
enemies.  The  proclamation  to  which  I  have  just  now  al- 
luded was  circulated  profusely  through  Germany,  and  it 
is  impossible  to  conceive  the  effect  it  produced  on  the 
whole  army.  The  corps  stationed  in  the  I'ear  burned 
to  pass,  by  forced  marches,  the  space  which  still  sepa- 
rated them  from  headquarters  ;  and  those  who  were  nearer 
the  Emperor  forgot  their  fatigues  and  privations  and  were 
only  anxious  to  encounter  the  enemy.  They  frequently 
could  not  understand  what  Napoleon  said  in  these  procla- 
mations ;  but  no  matter  for  that,  they  would  have  followed 
him  cheerfully  barefooted  and  without  provisions.  Such 
was  the  enthusiasm,  or  rather  the  fanaticism,  which  Napo- 
leon could  inspire  among  his  troops  when  he  thought  pro- 
per to  rouse  them,  as  he  termed  it. 

When,  on  a  former  occasion,  I  spoke  of   the  Duke  of 


9G  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPAUTE.      1800^ 

Mecklenbuvg-Schwerin  and  his  family,  I  forgot  a  circum- 
stance respecting  my  intercourse  with  him  which  now  oc- 
curs to  my  memory.  When,  on  his  expulsion  from  his 
States,  after  the  battle  of  Jena,  he  took  refuge  in  Altona, 
he  requested,  through  the  medium  of  his  Minister  at 
Hamburg,  Count  von  Plessen,  that  I  would  give  him  per- 
mission occasionally  to  visit  that  city.  This  permission  I 
granted  without  hesitation  ;  but  the  Duke  observed  no 
precaution  in  his  visits,  and  I  made  some  friendly  obser- 
vations to  him  on  the  subject.  I  knew  the  object  of  his 
visits.  It  was  a  secret  connection  in  Hamburg  ;  but  in 
consequence  of  my  observations  he  removed  the  lady  to 
Altona,  and  assured  me  that  he  adopted  that  determina- 
tion to  avoid  committing  me.  He  afterwards  came  very 
seldom  to  Hamburg  ;  but  as  we  were  on  the  best  under- 
standing with  Denmark  I  frequentl}'  saw  his  daughter  and 
son-in-law,  who  used  to  visit  me  at  a  house  I  had  in  Hol- 
stein,  near  Altona. 

There  I  likewise  saw,  almost  every  day,  the  Duke  of 
Weimar,  an  excellent  old  man.  I  had  tlie  advantage  of 
being  on  such  terms  of  intimacy  with  him  that  my  house 
was  in  some  measure  his.  He  also  had  lost  his  States. 
I  was  so  happy  as  to  contribute  to  their  restitution,  for  my 
situation  enabled  me  to  exercise  some  influence  on  the 
political  indulgences  or  severities  of  the  Government.  I 
entertained  a  sincere  regard  for  the  Duke  of  Weimar,  and 
I  greatly  regretted  his  departure.  No  sooner  had  he  ai'- 
rived  in  Berlin  tlian  he  wrote  me  a  letter  of  thanks,  to 
which  he  added  the  present  of  a  diamond,  in  token  of  his 
grateful  remembrance  of  me.  The  Duke  of  Mecklenbui'g 
was  not  so  fortunate  as  the  Duke  of  Weimar,  in  spits  of 
his  alliance  with  the  reigning  familj'  of  Deninark.  He 
was  obliged  to  remain  at  Altona  until  the  July  following, 
for  his  States  were  restored  only  by  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit. 
As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  Emperor  had  returned 
to  Paris  the  Duke's  son,  the  Hereditary  Prince,  visited  me 


1«07.  BUTLER,  THE  BN0L18B  SPY.  97 

in  Hamburg,  and  asked  me  whether  I  thought  he  could 
present  himself  to  the  Emperor,  for  the  purpose  of  ex- 
pressing his  own  and  his  father's  gratitude.  He  was  a 
very  well-educated  young  man.  He  set  out,  accompanied 
by  M,  Oertzeu  and  Baron  von  Braudstaten.  Some  time 
afterwards  I  saw  his  name  in  the  Moniteur,  in  one  of  the 
lists  of  presentations  to  Najioleon,  the  collection  of  which, 
during  the  Empire,  might  be  regarded  as  a  general  regis- 
ter of  the  nobility  of  Europe. 

It  is  commonly  said  that  we  may  accustom  ourselves  to 
anything,  but  to  me  this  remark  is  subject  to  an  excep- 
tion ;  for,  in  spite  of  the  necessity  to  which  I  was  reduced 
of  employing  spies,  I  never  could  surmount  the  disgust  I 
felt  at  them,  especially  when  I  saw  men  destined  to  fill  a 
respectable  rank  in  society  degrade  themselves  to  tiiat  in- 
famous profession.  It  is  impossible  to  conceive  the  arti- 
fices to  which  these  men  resort  to  gain  the  confidence  of 
those  whom  they  wish  to  betray.  Of  this  the  folio  wing- 
example  just  now  occurs  to  my  mind. 

One  of  those  wretches  who  are  employed  in  certain  cir- 
cumstances, and  by  all  parties,  came  to  offer  his  services 
to  me.  His  name  was  Butler,  and  he  had  been  sent  from 
England  to  the  Continent  as  a  spy  upon  the  French  Gov- 
ernment. He  immediately  came  to  me,  complaining  of 
pretended  enemies  and  unjust  treatment.  He  told  me  he 
had  the  greatest  wish  to  serve  the  Emperor,  and  that  he 
would  make  any  sacrifice  to  prove  his  fidelity.  The  real 
motive  of  his  change  of  party  was,  as  it  is  with  all  such 
men,  merely  the  hope  of  a  higher  reward.  Most  extraor- 
dinary were  the  schemes  he  adopted  to  prevent  his  old 
employers  from  suspecting  that  he  was  serving  new  ones. 
To  me  he  continually  repeated  how  happy  he  was  to  be 
revenged  on  his  enemies  in  London.  He  asked  me  to 
allow  him  to  go  to  Paris  to  be  examined  by  the  Minister 
of  Police.  The  better  to  keep  up  the  deception  he  re- 
quested that  on  his  arrival  in  Paris  he  might  be  confined 
Vol.  III.— 7 


98  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 


in  the  Temple,  and  that  there  might  be  inserted  in  the 
French  journals  an  announcement  in  the  following  terms  : 
"John  Butler,  commonly  called  Count  Butler,  has  just  been 
arrested  and  sent  to  Paris  under  a  good  escort  by  the  French 
3Iinister  at  Hamburg."  At  the  expiration  of  a  few  weeks 
Butler,  having  received  his  instructions,  set  out  for  Lon- 
don, but  by  way  of  pi^ecaution  he  said  it  would  be  well 
to  publish  in  the  journals  another  announcement,  which 
was  as  follows  :  "  John  Butler,  icho  has  been  arrested  in 
Hamburg  as  an  English  agent,  and  conveyed  to  Paris,  is 
ordered  to  quit  France,  and  the  territories  occupied  by  the 
French  armies  and  their  allies,  and  not  to  appear  there  again 
until  the  ge nerval  peace."  In  England  Butler  enjoyed  the 
honours  of  French  persecution.  He  was  regarded  as 
a  victim  who  deserved  all  the  confidence  of  the  enemies 
of  France.  He  furnished  Fouche  with  a  considerable 
amount  of  information,  and  he  was  fortunate  enough  to 
escape  being  hanged. 

Nothwithstanding  the  pretended  necessity  of  employing 
secret  agents,  Bonaparte  was  unwilling  that,  even  under 
that  pretext,  too  many  communications  should  be  estab- 
lished between  France  and  England.  Fouche,  neverthe- 
less, actively  directed  the  evolutions  of  his  secret  army. 
Ever  ready  to  seize  on  anything  that  could  give  importance 
to  the  police  and  encourage  the  suspicions  of  the  Emperor, 
Fouche  wrote  to  me  that  the  Government  had  received 
certain  information  that  many  Frenchmen,  travelling  for 
commercial  houses  in  France,  were  at  Manchester  pur- 
chasing articles  of  English  manufacture.  This  was  true  ; 
but  how  was  it  to  be  prevented  ?  These  travelling  clerks 
passed  through  Holland,  where  they  easily  procured  a 
passage  to  England. 

Louis  BonajDarte,  conceiving  that  the  King  of  Holland 
ought  not  to  sacrifice  the  interests  of  his  new  subjects  to 
the  wishes  of  his  brother,  was  at  first  very  lenient  as  to  the 
disastrous  Continental  system.     But  at  this  Napoleon  soon 


1807.       THE  BLOCKADE  OF  THE  CONTINENT.  99 


manifested  his  displeasure,  and  about  the  end  of  the  year 
1806  Louis  was  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  ordering  the 
strict  observance  of  the  blockade.  The  facility  with  which 
the  travellers  of  French  commercial  houses  passed  from 
Holland  to  England  gave  rise  to  other  alarms  on  the  part 
of  the  French  Government.  It  was  said  that  since  French 
men  could  so  easily  pass  from  the  Continent  to  Great 
Britain,  the  agents  of  the  English  Cabinet  might,  by  the 
same  means,  find  their  way  to  the  Continent.  Accord- 
ingly the  consuls  were  directed  to  keep  a  watchful  eye, 
not  only  upon  individuals  who  evidently  came  from  Eng- 
land, but  upon  those  who  might  by  any  possibility  come 
from  that  country.  This  plan  was  all  very  well,  but  how 
was  it  to  be  put  into  execution  ?  .  .  .  The  Continent 
was,  nevertheless,  inundated  with  articles  of  English  manu- 
facture, for  this  simple  reason,  that,  however  powerful  may 
be  the  Avill  of  a  sovereign,  it  is  still  less  powerful  and  less 
lasting  than  the  wants  of  a  people.  The  Continental 
system  reminded  me  of  the  law  created  by  an  ancient 
legislator,  who,  for  a  crime  which  he  conceived  could  not 
possibly  be  committed,  condemned  the  person  who  should 
be  guilty  of  it  to  throw  a  bull  over  Mount  Taurus. 

It  is  not  my  present  design  to  trace  a  picture  of  the 
state  of  Europe  at  the  close  of  1806.  I  will  merely  throw 
together  a  few  facts  which  came  to  my  knowledge  at  the 
time,  and  which  I  find  in  my  correspondence.  I  have 
already  mentioned  that  the  Emperor  arrived  at  Warsaw 
on  the  1st  of  January.  During  his  stay  at  Posen  he  had, 
by  virtue  of  a  treaty  concluded  with  the  Elector  of  Saxony, 
founded  a  new  kingdom,  and  consequently  extended  his 
power  in  Germany,  by  the  annexation  of  the  new  Kingdom 
of  Saxony  to  the  Confederation  of  the  Ehine.  By  the 
terms  of  this  treaty  Saxony,  so  justly  famed  for  her 
cavalry,  was  to  furnish  the  Emperor  with  a  contingent  of 
20,000  men  and  horses.' 

'  The  Duchy  of  Warsaw  was  formeU  under  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit,  July  1807,  chiefly 


100         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806, 


It  was  quite  a  new  spectacle  to  the  Princes  of  Germany, 
all  accustomed  to  old  habits  of  etiquette,  to  see  an  up- 
start sovereign  treat  them  as  subjects,  and  even  oblige 
them  to  consider  themselves  as  such.  Those  famous  Sax- 
ons, who  had  made  Charlemagne  tremble,  threw  them- 
selves on  the  protection  of  the  Emperor  ;  and  the  alliance 
of  the  head  of  the  House  of  Saxony  was  not  a  matter  of 
indifference  to  Napoleon,  for  the  new  King  was,  on 
account  of  his  age,  his  tastes,  and  his  character,  more  re- 
vered than  any  other  German  Prince. 

From  the  moment  of  Napoleon's  arrival  at  Warsaw 
until  the  commencement  of  hostilities  against  the  Russians 
he  was  continually  solicited  to  re-establish  the  throne  of 
Poland,  and  to  restore  its  chivalrous  independence  to  the 
ancient  empire  of  the  Jagellons.  A  person  who  was  at 
that  time  in  Warsaw  told  me  that  the  Emperor  was  in 
the  greatest  uncertainty  as  to  what  he  should  do  respect- 
ing Poland.  He  was  entreated  to  re-establish  that  an- 
cient and  heroic  kingdom  ;  but  he  came  to  no  decision, 
preferring,  according  to  custom,  to  submit  to  events,  that 
he  might  appear  to  command  them.  At  Warsaw,  in- 
deed, the  Emperor  passed  a  great  part  of  his  time  in 
fetes  and  reviews,  which,  however,  did  not  prevent  him 
from  watching,  with  his  eagle  eye,  every  department  of 
the  public  service,  both  interior  and  exterior.'     He  him- 

from  the  former  Polish  provinces  of  Prussia,  which  she  had  obtained  after  1st  Janu- 
ary 1772,  about  400,000  bouIr.  On  the  17th  of  September  1807  it  was  handed  over  to 
the  King  of  Saxony  as  Grand  Duke.  It  formed  part  of  the  Confederation  of  the 
Rhine,  and  the  contingent  of  Saxony,  formerly  20,000  men,  was  now  increased  to 
30,000.  In  February  1813  the  duchy  was  broken  up,  Posen  was  restored  to  Prussia, 
part  of  Galicia  to  Austria,  Cracow  was  made  independent,  and  the  rest  annexed  to 
Russia,  Alexander  taking  the  title  of  King  of  Poland.  Saxony  had  been  raised  from 
an  elector.ate  to  a  kingdom  when  it  joined  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  11th 
December  1806  ;  thus  Bourrienne  calls  it  the  new  Kingdom. 

1  "  Our  halt  at  Warsaw  was  delightful.  With  the  exception  of  theatres,  the  city 
presented  all  the  gaieties  of  Paris.  Twice  a  week  the  Emperor  gave  a  concert ;  after 
which  a  court  was  held,  which  led  again  to  numerous  meetings  in  private  parties. 
On  these  occasions  the  personal  beauty  and  graceful  manners  of  the  Polish  ladies 
were  conspicuous.  It  may  truly  be  said  that  they  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  most 
charming  women  of  other  nations.  With  the  most  polished  elegance  they  combine 
a  fund  of  iuformatiou  which  is  not  usually  found  even  among  Frenchwomen ;  anij 


1807.     GOVERNMENT  AT  THE  HEADQUARTERS.       101 

self  was  in  the  capital  of  Poland,  but  his  vast  influence 
was  present  everywhere.  I  heard  Duroc  say,  when  we 
were  conversing  together  about  the  campaign  of  Tilsit, 
that  Napoleon's  activity  and  intelligence  were  never  more 
conspicuously  developed. 

One  very  remarkable  feature  of  the  imperial  wars  was, 
that,  with  the  exception  of  the  interior  police,  of  which 
Fouche  was  the  soul,  the  whole  government  of  France 
was  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Emperor.  At  Warsaw 
Napoleon's  attention  was  not  only  occupied  with  the 
affairs  of  his  army,  but  he  directed  the  whole  machinery 
of  the  French  Government  just  the  same  as  if  he  had 
been  in  Paris.  Daily  estafettes,  and  frequently  the  use- 
less auditors  of  the  Council  of  State,  brought  him  reports 
more  or  less  correct,  and  curious  disclosures  which  were 
frequently  the  invention  of  the  police.  The  portfolios  of 
the  Ministers  arrived  every  week,  with  the  exception  of 
those  of  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  and  the  Minister 
of  the  War  Department ;  the  former  had  first  stopped  at 
Mayence  with  the  Empress,  but  had  been  called  on  to 
Warsaw ;  and  the  latter,  Clarke,  was,  for  the  misfortune 
of  Berlin,  governor  of  that  city.'  This  state  of  things 
lasted  during  the  ten  months  of  the  Emperor's  absence 
from  Paris.  Louis  XIV.  said,  "I  am  myself  the  State." 
Napoleon  did  not  say  this  ;  but,  in  fact,  under  his  reign 

they  are  very  superior  to  the  generality  of  women  bred  in  cities,  to  whom  habit 
renders  company  almost  a  necessary  of  life.  The  Polish  ladies  of  rank  always  pass 
one-half  of  the  year  in  the  country,  where  probably  they  apply  themselves  to  read- 
int,'  and  the  cultivation  of  their  minds;  and  they  return  to  spend  the  winter  season 
in  the  capital,  graced  with  those  talents  and  accomplishments  which  render  them 
so  peculiarly  attractive. 

•'  The  Emperor  and  aU  the  French  officers  paid  their  tribute  of  admiration  to  the 
charms  of  the  fair  Poles.  There  was  one  whose  powerful  fascinations  made  a  deep 
impression  on  the  Emperor's  heart.  He  conceived  an  ardent  afEection  for  her,  which 
she  cordially  returned.  She  received  with  pride  the  homage  of  a  conquest  which 
was  the  consummation  of  her  happiness.  It  is  needless  to  name  her,  when  I  ob- 
serve that  her  attachment  remained  unshaken  amidst  every  danger,  and  that  at  the 
period  of  Napoleon's  reverses  she  continued  his  faithful  friend ''  (Memoirs  of  the  Due 
de  Rovigo,  tome  iii.  p.  26). 

•  This  is  an  error.  Clarke  was  Governor  of  Berlin  in  1806,  and  only  succeeded 
Berthier  as  War  Minister  9th  August  1807,  that  is,  after  the  peace  of  Tilsit. 


102         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1806^ 

the  Government  of  France  was  always  at  bis  headquarters. 
This  circumstance  had  well-nigh  proved  fatal  to  him, 
on  the  occasion  of  the  extraordinary  conspiracy  of  Malet, 
with  some  points  of  which  I  alone,  i:)erhaps,  am  thorough- 
ly acquainted.  The  Emperor  employed  the  month  of 
January  in  military  preparations  for  the  approaching 
attack  of  the  Russians,  but  at  the  same  time  he  did  not 
neglect  the  business  of  the  cabinet  :  with  him  nothing  was 
suffered  to  linger  in  arrear. 

While  Napoleon  was  at  Warsaw  a  battle  was  not  the 
only  thing  to  be  thought  about ;  affairs  were  much  more 
complicated  than  during  the  campaign  of  Vienna.  It  was 
necessary,  on  the  one  hand,  to  observe  Prussia,  which  was 
occupied  ;  and  on  the  other  to  anticipate  the  Russians, 
whose  movements  indicated  that  they  were  inclined  to 
strike  the  first  blow.  In  the  preceding  campaign  Austria, 
before  the  taking  of  Vienna,  was  engaged  alone.  The  case 
was  different  now  :  Austria  had  had  only  soldiers  ;  and 
Prussia,  as  Blucher  declared  to  me,  was  beginning  to 
have  citizens.'  There  was  no  difficulty  in  returning  from 
Vienna,  but  a  great  deal  in  returning  from  Warsaw,  in  case 
of  failure,  nothwithstanding  the  creation  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Saxony,  and  the  provisional  government  given  to  Prussia, 
and  to  the  other  States  of  Germany  which  we  had  con- 
quered. None  of  these  considerations  escaped  the  pene- 
tration of  Napoleon  :  nothing  was  omitted  in  the  notes, 
letters,  and  official  correspondence  which  came  to  me  from 
all  quarters.  Receiving,  as  I  did,  accurate  infoi'mation 
from  my  own  correspondents  of  all  that  was  passing  in 

1  Speaking  of  the  difference  he  remarked  between  the  inhabitants  of  the  provinces 
taken  from  Prussia  to  make  up  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Berg  and  of  those  taken  for  the 
other  states,  Beugnot  (vol.  i.  p.  269)  says,  "The  Pru.ssians  .  .  .  had  a  love  of 
their  country  amounting  to  idolatry.  They  retained  that  love  .  .  .  at  the  very  time 
when  Prussia  was  cut  into  fragments,  which  Napoleon  was  distributing  to  the  right 
and  left ;  and  yet,  when  I  took  possession  of  the  country  of  La  Marck,  I  saw  that  all 
was  not  over  with  men  who  did  not  allow  that  they  were  conquered,  and  dreamed  of 
victory  even  while  their  enemy  had  them  under  foot  and  was  ready  to  give  the  finish- 
ing stroke." 


1807.  AUSTRIA    ON  GUARD.  103 

Germany,  it  often  happened  that  I  transmitted  to  the 
Government  the  same  news  which  it  transmitted  to  me, 
not  supposing  that  I  previously  knew  it.  Thus,  for  ex- 
ample, I  thought  I  was  apprising  the  Government  of  the 
arming  of  Austria,  of  which  I  received  information  from 
headquarters  a  few  days  after. 

During  the  Prussian  campaign  Austria  played  precisely 
the  same  waiting  game  which  Prussia  had  played 
during  the  campaign  of  Austria.  As  Prussia  had,  before 
the  battle  of  Austerlitz,  awaited  the  success  or  defeat  of 
the  French  to  decide  whether  she  should  remain  neutral 
or  declare  herself  against  France,  so  Austria,  doubtless 
supposing  that  Russia  would  be  more  fortunate  as  the 
ally  of  Prussia  than  she  had  been  as  her  ally,  assembled  a 
corps  of  40,000  men  in  Bohemia.  That  corps  was  called 
an  army  of  observation  ;  but  the  nature  of  these  armies  of 
observation  is  well  known  ;  they  belong  to  the  class  of 
armed  neutralities,  like  the  ingenious  invention  of  sanitary 
cordons.  The  fact  is,  that  the  40,000  men  assembled  in 
Bohemia  were  destined  to  aid  and  assist  the  Russians  in 
case  they  should  be  successful  (and  who  can  blame  the 
Austrian  Government  for  wishing  to  wash  away  the  shame 
of  the  Treaty  of  Presburg  ?).  Napoleon  had  not  a  moment 
to  lose,  but  this  activity  required  no  spur  ;  he  had  hastened 
the  battle  of  Austerlitz  to  anticipate  Prussia,  and  he  now 
found  it  necessary  to  anticipate  Russia  in  order  to  keep 
Austria  in  a  state  of  indecision. 

The  Emperor,  therefore,  left  Warsaw  about  the  end  of 
January,  and  immediately  gave  orders  for  engaging  the 
Russian  army  in  the  beginning  of  February  ;  but,  in  spite 
of  his  desire  of  commencing  the  attack,  he  was  anticipated. 
On  the  8th  of  February,  at  seven  in  the  morning,  he  was 
attacked  by  the  Russians,  who  advanced  during  a  terrible 
storm  of  snow,  which  fell  in  large  flakes.  They  approached 
Preussich-Eylau,  where  the  Emperor  was,  and  the  Imperial 
Guard   stopped   the  Russian  column.     Nearly  the  whole 


104         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806- 


French  army  was  engaged  in  that  battle — one  of  the  most 
sanguinary  ever  fought  in  Europe. '  The  corps  commanded 
by  Beruadotte  was  not  engaged  in  the  contest  ;  it  had 
been  stationed  on  the  left  at  Mohrungen,  whence  it  men- 
aced Dantzic.  The  issue  of  the  battle  would  have  been 
very  different  had  the  four  divisions  of  infantry  and  the 
two  of  cavalry  composing  Bernadotte's  corps  arrived  in 
time  ;  but  unfortunately  the  officer  instructed  to  convey 
orders  to  Bernadotte  to  march  without  delay  on  Preussich- 
Eylau  was  taken  by  a  body  of  Cossacks  ;  Bernadotte,  there- 
fore, did  not  arrive.  Bonaparte,  who  always  liked  to 
throw  blame  on  some  one  if  things  did  not  turn  out  exactly 
as  he  wished,  attributed  the  doubtful  success  of  the  day 
to  the  absence  of  Bernadotte  ;  in  this  he  was  right ;  but  to 
make  his  absence  a  reproach  to  that  Marshal  was  a  gross 
injustice.'  Bernadotte  wq^  accused  of  not  having  been 
willing  to  march  on  Preussich-Eylau,  though,  as  it  was 
alleged,  General  d'Hautpoult  had  informed  him  of  the 
necessity  of  his  presence.  But  how  can  that  fact  be  ascer- 
tained, since  General  d'Hautpoult  was  killed  on  that  same 
day  ?  Who  can  assure  us  that  that  General  had  been  able 
to  communicate  with  the  Marshal? 

Those  who  knew  Bonaparte,  his  cunning,  and  the  artful 
advantage  he  would  sometimes  take  of  words  which  he  at- 
tributed to  the  dead,  will  easily  solve  the  enigma.  The 
battle  of  Eylau  was  terrible.  Night  came  on — Berna- 
dotte's corps  was  instantly,  but  in  vain,  expected ;  and 
after  a  great  loss  the  French  army  had  the  melancholy 
honour  of  passing  the  night  on  the  field  of  battle.  Ber- 
nadotte at  length  arrived,  but  too  late.  He  met  the  en- 
emy, who  were  retreating  without  the  fear  of  being  mo- 
lested towards  Konigsberg,  the  only  capital  remaining  to 
Prussia.  The  King  of  Prussia  was  then  at  Memel,  a  smaU 
port  on  the  Baltic,  thirty  leagues  from  Konigsberg. 

'  Ui>til  Borodino. 

*  See  a  previous  footnote  upon  p.  58. 


1807.  THE  BATTLE  OF  ETLAU.  105 

After  the  battle  of  Eylau  both  sides  remained  stationary, 
and  several  days  elapsed  without  anything  remarkable 
taking  place.  The  offers  of  peace  made  by  the  Emperor, 
with  very  little  earnestness  it  is  true,  were  disdainfully  re- 
jected, as  if  a  victory  disputed  with  Napoleon  was  to  be  re- 
garded as  a  triumph.  The  battle  of  Eylau  seemed  to  turn 
the  heads  of  the  Russians,  who  chanted  Te  Deum  on  the 
occasion.  But  while  the  Emperor  was  making  prepara- 
tions to  advance,  his  diplomacy  was  taking  effect  in  a  dis- 
tant quarter,  and  raising  up  against  Russia  an  old  and  for- 
midable enemy.  Turkey  declared  war  against  her.  This 
was  a  powerful  diversion,  and  obliged  Russia  to  strip  her 
western  frontiers  to  secure  a  line  of  defence  on  the  south.' 

Some  time  after  General  Gardanne  set  out  on  the  fa- 
mous embassy  to  Persia  ;  for  which  the  way  had  been 
paved  by  the  success  of  the  mission  of  my  friend,  Amedee 
Jaubert.  This  embassy  was  not  merely  one  of  those  pom- 
pous legations  such  as  Charlemagne,  Louis  XTV.,  and 
Louis  XVI.  received  from  the  Empress  Irene,  the  King  of 
(Siam,  and  Tippoo  Saib.  It  was  connected  with  ideas 
which  Bonaparte  had  conceived  at  the  very  dawn  of  his 
power.  It  was,  indeed,  the  light  from  the  East  which 
first  enabled  him  to  see  his  greatness  in  perspective  ;  and 

'  On  this  occasion  the  diplomacy  of  England  was  notoriously  at  fault.  A  clever 
and  determined  ambassador  at  Constantinople  might  have  kept  the  Turks  quiet,  but 
]\[i-.  Arbuthnot,  the  resident  Minister,  was  not  the  man,  and  he  was  sick  with  a  slow 
fever  at  the  moment  of  crisis.  The  year  before,  when  the  Turks  were  on  the  point 
of  going  to  war  with  Russia  about  Wallachia  and  Moldavia,  they  were  Ijullied  into 
peace  by  a  young  English  diplomatist,  who  has  since  then  made  himself  notorious 
in  very  different  ways.  This  was  the  Honourable  William  Long  Wellesley  Pole,  who 
was  then  second  secretary  to  our  embassy.  Knowing  that  the  Divan  were  coming  to 
a  decision  he  left  the  ambassador's  house  at  Buyukdere,  mounted  his  horse,  and  gal- 
loped to  Constantinople,  through  a  torrent  of  rain.  He  never  stopped  till  he  reached 
the  Porte,  where  he  leaped  out  of  his  saddle  and  presented  himself  to  the  Divan  of 
Ministers,  with  his  whip  in  his  hand  and  covered  all  over  with  mud.  He  stormed 
the  Turks  to  their  beards — he  threatened  them  with  annihilation,  and  drawing  on 
his  imagination  for  his  facts,  he  swore  to  them  that  a  tremendous  English  fleet  which 
had  already  set  out  from  Gibraltar  would  force  the  passage  of  the  Dardanelles,  and 
be  before  Constantinople  in  a  few  days,  to  dictate  the  law  to  the  Sultan.  The  Turks, 
terrified  at  his  menaces,  came  to  terms  for  the  noace,  S«e  Jucherean  de  St.  Denis' 
Hevolutioii  de  Constantinople. 


106         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1806. 

that  light  never  ceased  to  fix  his  attention  and  dazzle  his 
iaiagination.  I  know  well  that  Gardanne's  embassy  was 
at  first  conceived  on  a  much  grander  scale  than  that  on 
which  it  was  executed.  Napoleon  had  resolved  to  send  to 
the  Shah  of  Persia  4000  infantry,  commanded  by  chosen 
and  experienced  officers,  10,000  muskets,  and  50  pieces 
of  cannon  ;  and  I  also  know  that  orders  were  given  for 
the  execution  of  this  design.  The  avowed  object  of  the 
Emperor  was  to  enable  the  Shah  of  Persia  to  make  an 
important  diversion,  wi4h  80,000  men,  in  the  eastern  prov- 
inces of  Russia.  But  there  was  likewise  another,  an  old 
and  constant  object,  which  was  always  uppermost  in  Na- 
poleon's mind,  namely  the  wish  to  strike  at  England  in 
the  very  heart  of  her  Asiatic  possessions.  Such  was  the 
principal  motive  of  Gardanne's  mission,  but  circumstances 
did  not  permit  the  Emperor  to  give  it  all  the  importance 
he  desired.  He  contented  himself  with  sending  a  few  offi- 
cers of  engineers  and  artillery  to  Persia,  who,  on  their 
arrival,  were  astonished  at  the  number  of  English  thej 
found  there. 


1807,  107 


CHAPTER    XI. 

1807. 

Abuse  of  military  power — Defence  of  diplomatic  rights — Marshal  Brune. 
— Army  supplies — English  cloth  and  leather — Arrest  on  a  charge  of 
libel — Despatch  from  M.  de  Talleyrand— A  page  of  Napoleon's  glory 
— Interview  between  the  two  Emperors  at  Tilsit — Silesia  restored  to 
the  Queen  of  Prussia — Unfortunate  situation  of  Prussia — Impossibil- 
ity of  re-establishing  Poland  in  1807— Foundation  of  the  Kingdom  of 
Westphalia— The  Duchy  of  Warsaw  and  the  King  of  Saxony. 

Meanwhile  the  internal  affairs  of  the  towns  over  which  my 
diplomatic  jurisdiction  extended  soon  gave  me  more  em- 
ployment than  ever.  The  greatest  misfortune  of  the  Em- 
pire was,  perhaps,  the  abuse  of  the  right  arrogated  by  the 
wearers  of  epaulettes.  My  situation  gave  me  an  opportu- 
nity of  observing  all  the  odious  character  of  a  military 
government.  Another  in  my  place  could  not  hare  done 
all  that  I  did.  I  say  this  confidently,  for  my  situation  was 
a  distinct  and  independent  one,  as  Bonaparte  had  told  me. 
Being  authorised  to  correspond  directly  with  the  Emper- 
or, the  military  chiefs  feared,  if  they  did  not  yield  to  my 
just  representations,  that  I  would  make  private  reports  ; 
this  apprehension  was  wonderfully  useful  in  enabling  me 
to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  towns,  which  had  adopted 
me  as  their  fii'st  citizen. 

A  circumstance  occurred  in  which  I  had  to  defend  the 
rights  of  the  diplomatic  and  commercial  agents  against 
the  pretensions  of  military  j^ower.  Marshal  Brune  dui'iug 
his  government  at  Hamburg,  went  to  Bremen  to  watch 
the  strict  execution  of  the  illusive  blockade  against  Eng- 
land.    The  Marshal  acting  no  doubt,  in  conformity  with 


108         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807. 


the  instructions  of  Clarke,  then  Minister  of  War  and  Gov- 
ernor of  Berlin,  wished  to  arrogate  the  right  of  deciding 
on  the  captures  made  by  our  cruisers. 

He  attempted  to  prevent  the  Consul  Lagau  from  selling 
the  confiscated  ships  in  order  to  sell  them  himself.  Of 
this  M.  Lagau  complained  to  me.  The  more  I  observed  a 
disjDosition  to  encroach  on  the  part  of  the  military  author- 
ities, the  more  I  conceived  it  necessary  to  maintain  the 
rights  of  the  consuls,  and  to  favour  their  influence,  with- 
out which  they  would  have  lost  their  consideration.  To 
the  complaints  of  M.  Lagau  I  replied,  "  That  to  him  alone 
belonged  the  right  of  deciding,  in  the  first  instance,  on 
the  fate  of  the  ships  ;  that  he  could  not  be  deprived  of  that 
right  without  changing  the  law  ;  that  he  was  free  to  sell 
the  confiscated  Prussian  ships  ;  that  Marshal  Brune  was 
at  Bremen  only  for  the  execution  of  the  decree  respect- 
ing the  blockade  of  England,  and  that  he  ought  not 
to  interfere  in  business  unconnected  with  that  de- 
cree." Lagau  showed  this  letter  to  Brune,  who  then  al- 
lowed him  to  do  as  he  wished  ;  but  it  was  an  affair  of 
profit,  and  the  Marshal  for  a  long  time  owed  me  a  grudge. 

Bernadotte  was  exceedingl}'  disinterested,  but  he  loved 
to  be  talked  about.  The  more  the  Emperor  endeavoured 
to  throw  accusations  upon  him,  the  more  he  was  anxious 
to  give  publicity  to  all  his  actions.  He  sent  to  me  an  ac- 
count of  the  brilliant  affair  of  Braunsburg,  in  which  a  di- 
vision of  the  first  corps  had  been  particularly  distinguished. 
Along  with  this  narrative  he  sent  me  a  note  in  the  follow- 
ing terms  : — "I  send  you,  my  dear  Minister,  an  account 
of  the  affair  of  Braunsburg.  You  will,  perhaps,  think 
proper  to  pviblish  it.  In  that  case  I  shall  be  obliged  by 
your  getting  it  inserted  in  the  Hamburg  journals,"  I  did 
so.  The  injustice  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  bad  way  in 
which  he  spoke  of  Bernadotte,  obliged  the  latter,  for  the 
sake  of  his  own  credit,  to  make  the  truth  known  to  the 
world. 


1B07.  USELESS  DEGREES.  lOS 


I  have  already  meutioned  that  I  received  an  order  from 
the  Emperor  to  sui^ply  50,000  cloaks  for  the  army.  With 
this  order,  which  was  not  the  only  one  I  received  of  the 
same  kind,  some  circumstances  Avere  connected  which  I 
may  take  the  present  oppoi'tunity  of  explaining. 

The  Emperor  gave  me  so  many  orders  for  army  cloth- 
ing that  all  that  could  be  supplied  by  the  cities  of  Ham- 
burg, Bremen,  and  Lilbeck  would  have  been  insufficient 
for  executing  the  commissions.  I  entered  into  a  treaty 
with  a  house  in  Hamburg,  which  I  authorised,  in  spite  of 
the  Berlin  decree,  to  hriiuj  cloth  and  leather  from  England. 
Thus  I  procured  these  articles  in  a  sure  and  cheap  way. 
Our  troops  might  have  perished  of  cold  had  the  Continen- 
tal system  and  the  absurd  mass  of  inexecutable  decrees 
relative  to  English  merchandise  been  observed. 

The  Dix'ector  of  the  Customs  at  Hamburg  got  angry, 
but  I  held  firm  :  my  cloths  and  my  leather  arrived  ;  cloaks, 
coats,  boots,  all  were  promptly  made,  and  our  soldiers 
thus  were  sheltered  from  the  severity  of  the  season.  To 
preserve  peace  with  the  Imperial  Custom-house  I  wrote  to 
M.  Collin,  then  Director-General,  that  M.  Eudel  having 
wished  to  put  in  execution  the  law  of  the  10th  Bruraaire 
an  v.,  complaints  had  been  made  on  every  side.  Marshal 
Brune  asked  for  my  opinion  on  this  matter,  and  I  gave  it 
to  him.  I  declared  to  M.  Colhn  that  the  full  execution  of 
the  decree  of  31st  October  1796  was  imjDracticable,  in- 
jurious to  France,  and  to  the  Hanseatic  Towns,  without 
doing  harm  to  England.  Indeed,  what  said  article  5  of 
this  law  ?  "  All  goods  imported  from  foreign  countries, 
whatever  may  be  their  origin,  ai'e  to  be  considered  as 
coming  from  English  manufacturers."  According  to  this 
article  France  was  a  foreign  country  for  the  Hanseatic 
Towns,  and  none  of  the  objects  enumerated  in  this  article 
ought  to  enter  Hamburg  !  But  the  town  received  from 
England  a  large  quantity  of  fine  cloths,  buttons,  irou- 
mongei'y,  toys,   china  ;    and   from    France   only   clocks. 


110        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807. 

bronzes,  jewellery,  ribbons,  bonnets,  gauzes,  and  gloves. 
"Let,"  said  I  to  M.  Eudel,  "  the  Paris  Douane  be  asked 
what  that  town  alone  exports  in  matters  of  this  sort,  and 
it  will  be  seen  how  important  it  is  not  to  stop  a  trade  all 
the  more  profitable  to  France,  as  the  workmanship  forms 
the  greatest  part  of  the  price  of  the  goods  which  make  up 
this  trade.  What  would  happen  if  the  importation  of 
these  goods  were  absolutely  prohibited  in  Hamburg? 
The  consignments  would  cease,  and  one  of  the  most  pro- 
ductive sources  of  trade  for  France,  and  especially  for 
Paris,  would  be  cut  off. 

At  this  time  neither  Hamburg  nor  its  territory  had  any 
manufacture  of  cloth.  All  woollen  stuffs  were  prohibited, 
according  to  M.  Eudel,  and  still  my  duty  was  to  furnish, 
and  I  had  furnished,  50,000  cloaks  for  the  Grand  Army. 
In  compliance  with  a  recent  Imperial  decree  I  had  to  have 
made  without  delay  16,000  coats,  37,000  waistcoats,  and 
the  Emperor  required  of  me  200,000  pairs  of  boots,  be- 
sides the  40,000  pairs  I  had  sent  in.  Yet  M.  Eudel  said 
that  tanned  and  worked  leather  ought  not  to  enter  Ham- 
burg !  If  such  a  ridiculous  application  of  the  law  of 
1796  had  been  made  it  would  have  turned  the  decree  of 
21st  November  1796  against  France,  without  fulfilling  its 
object. 

These  reflections,  to  which  I  added  other  details,  made 
the  Government  conclude  that  I  was  right,  and  I  traded 
with  England  to  the  great  advantage  of  the  armies,  which 
were  well  clothed  and  shod.  What  in  the  world  can  be 
more  ridiculous  than  commercial  laws  carried  out  to  one's 
own  detriment? 

At  the  beginning  of  1807  my  occupations  at  Hamburg 
were  divided  between  the  furnishing  of  supplies  for  the 
army  and  the  inspection  of  the  emigrants,  whom  Fouche 
pretended  to  dread  in  order  to  give  greater  importance  to 
his  office. 

I  never  let  slip  an  opportunity  of  mitigating  the  rigour 


1807.  A    GERMAN  LIBEL.  IH 

of  Foucbe's  orders,  wliich,  indeed,  were  sometimes  so 
absurd  tbat  I  did  not  attempt  to  execute  tbem.  Of  tbis 
an  instance  occui's  to  my  recollection.  A  printer  at  Ham- 
bui-g  bad  been  an-ested  on  tbe  cbarge  of  baving  printed  a 
libel  in  tbe  German  language.  Tbe  man  was  detained  in 
prison  because,  very  mucb  to  bis  bonoui',  be  would  not 
disclose  tbe  name  of  tbe  writer  of  tbe  pampblet.  I  sent  for 
bim  and  questioned  bim.  He  told  me,  witb  every  appear- 
ance of  sincerity,  tbat  be  bad  never  but  once  seen  tbe  man 
wbo  bad  brougbt  bim  tbe  manuscript.  I  was  convinced 
of  tbe  trutb  of  wbat  be  said,  and  I  gave  an  order  for  bis 
liberation.  To  avoid  irritating  tbe  susceptibility  of  tbe 
Minister  of  Police  I  wrote  to  bim  tbe  following  few  lines  : 
— "  Tbe  libel  is  tbe  most  miserable  rbapsody  imaginable. 
Tbe  autbor,  probably  witb  tbe  view  of  selling  bis  pampb 
let  in  Holstein,  predicts  tbat  Denmark  will  conquer  every 
otber  nation  and  become  tbe  greatest  kingdom  in  tbe 
world.  This  alone  will  suffice  to  prove  to  you  bow  little 
danger  tbere  is  in  rubbisb  written  in  tbe  style  of  tbe 
Apocalypse." 

After  tbe  battle  of  Eylau  I  received  a  despatch  from  M. 
de  Talleyrand,  to  wbicb  was  added  an  account  in  Freucb 
of  tbat  memorable  battle,  wbicb  was  more  fatal  to  tbe 
conqueror  tban  to  tbe  otber  party, — I  cannot  say  tbe  con- 
quered in  speaking  of  tbe  Russians,  tbe  more  especially 
wben  I  recollect  tbe  precautions  wbicb  were  tben  taken 
tbrougbout  Germany  to  make  known  tbe  Frencb  before 
tbe  Russian  version.  Tbe  Emperor  was  exceedingly  anx- 
ious tbat  every  one  sbould  view  tbat  event  as  be  bimself 
viewed  it.  Otber  accounts  tban  bis  migbt  have  produced 
an  unfavourable  impression  in  tbe  nortb.  I  therefore  bad 
orders  to  publisb  tbat  account.  I  caused  2000  copies  of  it 
to  be  issued,  wbicb  were  more  tban  sufficient  for  circula- 
tion in  tbe  Hause  Towns  and  tbeir  ten'itories. 

Tbe  reader  will  perhaps  complain  that  I  have  been 
almost  silent  with  respect  to  the  grand  manoeuvres  of  the 


112         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807. 

French  army  from  the  battle  of  Eylau  to  that  of  Friedland, 
where,  at  all  events,  our  success  was  indisputable.  There 
was  no  necessity  for  printing  favourable  versions  of  that 
event,  and,  besides,  its  immense  results  were  soon  felt 
throughout  Europe.  The  interview  at  Tilsit  is  one  of  the 
culminating  points  of  modern  history,  and  the  waters  of 
the  Niemen  reflected  the  image  of  Napoleon  at  the  height 
of  his  glory.  The  interview  between  the  two  Emperors  at 
Tilsit,  and  the  melancholy  situation  of  the  King  of  Prussia, 
are  generally  known.  I  was  made  acquainted  with  but 
few  secret  details  relative  to  those  events,  for  Rapp  had 
gone  to  Dantzic,  and  it  was  he  who  most  readily  commu- 
nicated to  me  all  that  the  Emperor  said  and  did,  and  all 
that  was  passing  around  him.* 

1  Savary  gives  the  following  account  of  the  interview  between  Napoleon  and 
Alexander  at  Tilsit : — 

"  The  Erai)eror  Napoleon,  whose  courtesy  was  manifest  in  all  his  actions,  ordered 
a  large  raft  to  be  floated  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  upon  which  was  constructed  a 
room  well  covered  in  and  elegantly  decorated,  having  two  doors  on  opposite  sides, 
each  of  which  opened  into  an  antechamber.  The  work  could  not  have  been  better 
executed  in  Paris.  The  roof  was  surmounted  by  two  weathercocks :  one  displaying 
the  eagle  of  Russia,  and  the  other  the  eagle  of  France.  The  two  outer  doors  were 
also  .surmounted  by  the  eagles  of  the  two  countries. 

"  The  raft  was  precisely  in  the  middle  of  the  river,  with  the  two  doors  of  the  salon 
facing  the  two  opposite  banks. 

"  The  two  sovereigns  appeared  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  embarked  at  the 
same  moment.  But  the  Emperor  Napoleon  having  a  good  boat,  manned  by  marines 
of  the  Guard,  arrived  first  on  the  raft,  entered  the  room,  and  went  to  the  opposite 
door,  which  he  opened,  and  then  stationed  himself  on  the  edge  of  the  raft  to  receive 
the  Emperor  Alexander,  who  had  not  yet  arrived,  not  having  sach  good  rowers  as 
the  Emperor  Napoleon. 

••The  two  Emperors  met  in  the  most  amicable  way,  at  least  to  all  appear.ance. 
They  remained  together  for  a  considerable  time,  and  then  took  leave  of  each  other 
with  as  friendly  an  air  as  that  with  which  they  had  met. 

"  Next  day  the  Emperor  of  Russia  established  himself  at  Tilsit  with  a  batt.alion  of 
his  Guard.  Orders  were  given  for  evacuating  that  part  of  the  town  where  he  and 
his  battalion  were  to  be  quartered ;  and,  though  we  were  very  much  pressed  for 
room,  no  encroachment  on  the  space  allotted  to  the  Russians  was  thought  of. 

■'On  the  day  the  Emperor  Alexander  entered  Tilsit  the  whole  army  w.as  under 
arms.  The  Imperial  Guard  was  di-awn  out  in  two  lines  of  three  deep  from  the  land- 
ing-place to  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  quarters,  and  from  thence  to  the  quarters  of  the 
Emperor  of  Russia.  A  salute  of  100  guns  was  fired  the  moment  Alexander  stepped 
ashore  on  the  spot  where  the  Emperor  Napoleon  w:is  waiting  to  receive  him.  The 
latter  carried  his  attention  to  his  visitor  so  far  as  to  send  from  his  quarters  the  fur- 
niture for  Alexander's  bedchamber.    Among  the  articles  sent  was  a  camp-bed  belong- 


1807.  QUEEN  LOUISA   OF  PRUSSIA.  113 

I,  however,  learned  one  circumstance  peculiarly  worthy 
of  remark  which  occurred  in  the  Emperor's  apartments  at 
Tilsit  the  first  time  he  received  a  \-isit  from  the  King 
of  Prussia.  That  unfortunate  monarch,  who  was  accom- 
panied by  Queen  Louisa,  had  taken  refuge  in  a  mill  be- 
yond the  town.  This  was  his  sole  habitation,  whilst  the 
Emperors  occupied  the  two  portions  of  the  town,  which 
is  divided  by  the  Niemen.  The  fact  I  am  about  to  relate 
reached  me  indirectly  through  the  medium  of  an  officer 
of  the  Imperial  Guard,  who  was  on  duty  in  Napoleon's 
apartments  and  was  an  eye-witness  of  it.  When  the  Em- 
peror Alexander  visited  Napoleon  they  continued  for  a 
long  time  in  conversation  on  a  balcony  below,  where  an 
immense  crowd  hailed  their  meeting  with  enthusiastic 
shouts.  Napoleon  commenced  the  conversation,  as  he  did 
the  year  preceding  with  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  by  speak- 
ing of  the  uncertain  fate  of  war.'  Whilst  they  were  con- 
versing the  King  of  Prussia  was  announced.  The  King's 
emotion  was  visible,  and  may  easily  be  imagined  ;  for  as 
hostilities  were  suspended,  and  his  territory  in  possession 
of  the  French,  his  only  hope  was  in  the  generosity  of  the 

ing  to  the  Emperor,  which  he  presented  to  Alexander,  who  appeared  much  pleased 
with  the  gift. 

"  This  meeting,  the  first  which  history  records  of  the  same  kind  and  of  equal  im- 
portance, attracted  visitors  to  Tilsit  from  100  leagues  round.  M.  de  Talleyrand 
arrived,  and  after  the  observance  of  the  usual  ceremonies  business  began  to  be 
discussed  "  (Kernoirs  of  the  Due  de  Roriigo.  tome  iii.  p.  117). 

'  "  When,"'  said  Napoleon,  "  I  was  at  Tilsit  with  the  Emperor  Alexander  and  the 
King  of  Prussia,  I  was  the  most  ignorant  of  the  three  in  military  afifairs.  These  two 
sovereigns,  especially  the  King  of  Prussia,  were  completely  mi  fait  as  to  the  number 
of  buttons  there  ought  to  be  in  front  of  a  jacket,  how  many  behind,  and  the  manner 
in  which  the  skirts  ought  to  be  cut.  Not  a  tailor  in  the  army  knew  better  than  King 
Frederick  how  many  measures  of  cloth  it  took  to  make  a  jacket.  In  fact,"  continued 
he  laughing,  "  I  was  nobody  in  comparison  with  them.  They  continually  tormented 
me  about  matters  belonging  to  tailors,  of  which  I  was  entirely  ignorant,  although, 
in  order  not  to  affront  them,  I  answered  just  as  gravely  as  if  the  fate  of  an  army 
depended  upon  the  cut  of  a  jacket.  When  I  went  to  seethe  King  of  Prussia,  instead 
of  a  library,  I  found  that  he  had  a  large  room,  like  an  arsenal,  furnished  with  shelves 
and  pegs,  on  which  were  hung  fifty  or  sixty  jackets  of  different  patterns.  Every  day 
he  changed  his  fashion  and  put  on  a  difforent  one.  He  attached  more  importance 
to  this  than  was  necessary  for  the  salvation  of  a  kingdom  (O'Meara's  Napoleon  in 
Exile,  vol.  ii.  p.  48). 

Vol.  III.— 8 


114        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807. 

conqueror.  Napoleon  himself,  it  is  said,  appeared  moved 
by  Lis  situation,  and  invited  him,  together  with  the  Queen, 
to  dinner.  On  sitting  down  to  table  Napoleon  with  great 
gallantry  told  the  beautiful  Queen  that  he  would  restore 
to  her  Silesia,  a  province  which  she  earnestly  wished 
should  be  retained  in  the  new  arrangements  which  were 
necessarily  about  to  take  place.' 

The  treaty  of  peace  concluded  at  Tilsit  between  France 
and  Russia  on  the  7th  of  July,  and  ratified  two  days  after, 
produced  no  less  striking  a  change  in  the  geographical 
division  of  Europe  than  had  been  effected  the  year  pre- 
ceding by  the  Treaty  of  Presburg.  The  treaty  contained 
no  stipulation  dishonourable  to  Russia,  whose  territory 
was  preserved  inviolate  ;  but  how  was  Prussia  treated  ? 
Some  historians,  for  the  vain  pleasure  of  flattering  by 
posthumous  praises  the  pretended  moderation  of  Napo- 
leon, have  almost  reproached,  him  for  having  suffered 
some  remnants  of  the  monarchy  of  the  gTeat  Frederick  to 
survive.  There  is,  nevertheless,  a  point  on  which  Napo- 
leon has  been  wrongfully  condemned,  at  least  with  refer- 
ence to  the  campaign  of  1807.  It  has  been  said  that  he 
should  at  that  period  have  re-established  the  kingdom  of 
Poland ;  and  certainly  there  is  every  reason  to  regret,  for 
the  interests  of  France  and  Europe,  that  it  was  not 
re-established.  But  when  a  desire,  even  founded  on 
reason,  is  not  carried  into  effect,  should  Ave  conclude  that 
the  wished-for  object  ought  to  be  achieved  in  defiance  of 


'  Las  Casas  mentions  that  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Tilsit  Napoleon  wrote  to  tlie 
Empress  Josephine  as  follows : — 

"  '  The  Queen  of  Prussia  is  really  a  charming  woman.  She  is  fond  of  coquetting 
with  me;  but  do  not  be  jealous  :  I  am  like  oilcloth,  along  which  everything  of  this 
sort  slides  without  penetrating.     It  would  cost  me  too  dear  to  play  the  gallant.' 

"  On  this  subject  au  anecdote  was  related  in  the  salon  of  Josephine.  It  was  said 
that  the  Queen  of  Prussia  one  day  had  a  beautiful  rose  in  her  hand,  which  the  Em- 
peror asked  her  to  give  him.  The  Queen  hesitated  for  a  few  moments,  and  then 
presented  it  to  him,  saying,  '  Why  should  I  so  readily  grant  what  you  request,  while 
you  remain  deaf  to  all  my  entreaties  ?  '  (She  alluded  to  the  fortress  of  Magdeburg, 
which  she  had  earnestly  solicited)'"  {Miiuoiial  lie  M.  Uiiiue). 


1807.  THE  KINGDOM  OF    WESTPHALIA.  115 

all  obstacles?     At  that  time,  that  is  to   say,  during  the 
campaign  of  Tilsit,  insurmouutable  obstacles  existed.' 

If,  however,  by  the  Tieaty  of  Tilsit,  the  throne  of  Poland 
was  not  restored  to  serve  as  a  barrier  between  old  Europe 
and  the  Empire  of  the  Czars,  Napoleon  founded  a  King- 
dom of  Westphalia,^  which  he  gave  to  the  young  enseigne 
de  vaisseau  whom  he  had  scolded  as  a  schoolboy,  and  whom 
he  now  made  a  King,  that  he  might  have  another  crowned 
prefect  under  his  control.  The  Kingdom  of  Westphalia 
was  composed  of  the  States  of  Hesse-Cassel,  of  a  part  of 
the  provinces  taken  from  Prussia  by  the  moderation  of  the 
Emperor,  and  of  the  States  of  Paderborn,  Fulda,  Bruns- 
wick, and  a  part  of  the  Electorate  of  Hanover.  Napoleon, 
at  the  same  time,  though  he  did  not  like  to  do  tilings  by 
halves,  to  avoid  touching  the  Russian  and  Austrian  prov- 
inces of  old  Poland,  planted  on  the  banks  of  the  Vistula  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  which  he  gave  to  the  King  of 
Saxony,  with  the  intention  of  increasing  or  destroying  it 
afterwards  as  he  might  find  convenient.  Thus  he  allowed 
the  Poles  to  hope  better  things  for  the  future,  and  ensured 
to  himself  partisans  in  the  north  should  the  chances  of 
fortune  call  him  thither.  Alexander,  who  was  cajoled 
even  more  than  his  father  had  been  by  what  I  may  call 

'  The  re-establishment  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland  would  probably  have  been 
carried  out  by  Napoleon  if  the  war  against  Russia  in  1812  had  been  successful.  He 
could  then  ha^o  come  to  terms  with  the  three  powers  concerned.  Russia  and 
Prussia  would  hnve  been  crushed,  at  all  e%'ents  for  the  time.  As  for  Austria,  she 
would  have  been  offered  the  Illyrian  provinces  instead  of  Galicia  ;  indeed,  the  offer 
was  actually  made  to  Metternich  in  1810,  and  it  is  evident  from  Mettemich's  answer 
that  the  bargain  could  have  been  effected.  Indeed,  Metternich  seems  to  have  con- 
sidered Poland  as  practically  restored.  "  A  kingdom  of  Poland  is  nothing  more  than 
the  Duchy  of  Warsaw  with  another  name,  and  with  the  new  boundaries  for  which  it 
has  striven  ever  since  it  was  made.''     Pee  Jfetternich,  vol.  i.  pp.  136-140. 

2  The  Kingdom  of  Westphalia,  founded  by  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit,  July  1807,  was 
chiefly  composed  of  Westphulia,  etc.,  taken  from  Prussia  ;  Brunswick -Wolfenbiittel, 
taken  from  its  Duke  ;  and  of  Hesse-Cassel,  taken  from  its  Elector.  Hanover  was 
added  in  1810.  It  lost  Osnabruck,  etc.,  to  France  in  1810.  It  formed  part  of  the 
Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  to  which  it  furnished  a  contingent  of  25,000  and  event- 
ually of  26,000  men.  Jerome  Bonaparte  was  made  its  King,  and  was  married  to  the 
Princess  Catherine  of  Wiirtemberg.  He  had  to  abandon  it  in  1813,  and  it  was  broken 
up  in  1814, — its  States  returning  to  their  former  possessors. 


116         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807. 

the  political  coquetry  of  Napoleon,  consented  to  all  these 
arrangements,  acknowledged  in  globo  all  the  kings 
crowned  by  the  Emperor,  and  accepted  some  provinces 
which  had  belonged  to  his  despoiled  ally,  the  King  of 
Prussia,  doubtless  by  way  of  consolation  for  not  having 
been  able  to  get  more  restored  to  Prussia.  The  two  Em- 
perors parted  the  best  friends  in  the  world  ;  but  the 
Continental  system  was  still  in  existence. 


1807.  117 


CHAPTER    Xn. 

1807. 

Effect  produced  at  Altona  by  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit — The  Duke  of  Mecklen- 
burg-Schwerin's  departure  from  Hamburg — English  squadron  in  the 
Sound — Bombardment  of  Copenhagen — Perfidy  of  England — Remark 
of  Bonaparte  to  M.  Lemercier — Prussia  erased  from  the  map — Napo- 
leon's return  to  Paris — Suppression  of  the  Tribunate — Confiscation  of 
English  merchandise — Nine  millions  gained  to  France — M.  Caulain- 
court  Ambassador  to  Russia — Repugnance  of  England  to  the  inter- 
vention of  Russia — Affairs  of  Portugal — Junot  appointed  to  com- 
mand the  army— The  Prince  Regent's  departure  for  the  Brazils — The 
Code  Napoleon — Introduction  of  the  French  laws  into  Germany — 
Leniency  of  Hamburg  juries — The  stolen  cloak  and  the  Syndic  Door- 
mann. 

The  Treaty  of  Tilsit,  as  soon  as  it  was  known  at  Altona, 
spread  consternation  amongst  the  emigrants.  As  to  the 
German  Princes,  who  were  awaiting  the  issue  of  events 
either  at  Altona  or  Hamburg,  when  they  learned  that  a 
definitive  treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  between  France 
and  Russia,  and  that  two  days  after  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit 
the  Prussian  monarchy  was  placed  at  the  mercy  of 
Napoleon,  every  courier  that  arrived  threw  them  into 
indescribable  agitation.  It  depended  on  the  Emperor's 
will  whether  they  were  to  be  or  not  to  be.  The  Duke  of 
Mecklenbui-g-Schwerin  had  not  succeeded  in  getting  him- 
self re-established  in  his  states,  by  an  exceptional  decision, 
like  the  Duke  of  Weimar  ;  but  at  length  he  obtained  the 
restitution  of  his  territory  at  the  request  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  and  on  the  28th  of  July  he  quitted  Hamburg 
to  return  to  his  Duchy. 

The  Danish  charge  d'affaires  communicated  to  me  about 


118         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807 

the  same  time  an  official  report  from  his  Government. 
This  report  announced  that  on  Monday,  the  3d  of  August, 
a  squadron  consisting  of  twelve  ships  of  the  line  and 
twelve  frigates,  commanded  by  Admiral  Gambler,  had 
passed  the  Sound.  The  rest  of  the  squadron  was  seen  in 
the  Categat.  At  the  same  time  the  English  troops  which 
were  in  the  island  of  Rugen  had  re-embarked.  We  could 
not  then  conceive  what  enterprise  this  considerable  force 
had  been  sent  upon.  But  our  uncertainty  was  soon  at  an 
end.  M.  Didelot,  the  French  Ambassador  at  Copenhagen, 
arrived  at  Hamburg,  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the 
12th  of  August.  He  had  been  fortunate  enough  to  pass 
through  the  Great  Belt,  though  in  sight  of  the  English, 
without  being  stopped.  I  forwarded  his  report  to  Paris 
by  an  extraordinary  courier. 

The  English  had  sent  20,000  men  and  twenty-seven 
vessels  into  the  Baltic  ;  Lord  Cathcart  commanded  the 
troops.  The  coast  of  Zealand  was  blockaded  by  ninety 
vessels.  Mr.  Jackson,  w^ho  had  been  sent  by  England  to 
negotiate  with  Denmark,  which  she  feared  would  be  in- 
vaded by  the  French  troops,  supported  the  proiDositions 
he  was  charged  to  offer  to  Denmark  by  a  reference  to  this 
powerful  British  force.  Mr.  Jackson's  proposals  had  for 
their  object  nothing  less  than  to  induce  the  King  of  Den- 
mark to  place  in  the  custody  of  England  the  whole  of  his 
ships  and  naval  stores.  They  were,  it  is  true,  to  be  kept 
in  deposit,  but  the  condition  contained  the  words,  "  until 
the  conclusion  of  a  general  peace,"  which  rendered  the 
period  of  their  restoration  uncertain.  They  were  to  be 
detained  until  such  precautions  should  be  no  longer  nec- 
essary. A  menace  and  its  execution  followed  close  upon 
this  demand.  After  a  noble  but  useless  resistance,  and  a 
terrific  bombardment,  Copenhagen  surrendered,  and  the 
Danish  fleet  was  destroyed.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find 
in  history  a  more  infamous  and  revolting  instance  of  the 
abuse  of  power  against  weakness. 


1807.      DESTRUGTION   OF  PRUSSIA  PROPOSED.         119 

Sometime  after  this  event  a  pamphlet  entitled  "Ger- 
mania  "  appeared,  which  I  translated  and  sent  to  the  Em- 
peror. It  was  eloquently  written,  and  expressed  the  in- 
dignation which  the  conduct  of  England  had  excited  in 
the  author  as  in  every  one  else. ' 

I  have  stated  what  were  the  iirincipal  consequences  of 
the  Treaty  of  Tilsit ;  it  is  more  than  probable  that  if  the 
bombardment  of  Copenhagen  had  preceded  the  treaty  the 
Emperor  would  have  used  Prussia  even  worse  than  he  did. 
He  might  have  erased  her  from  the  list  of  nations  ;  but  he 
did  not  do  so,  out  of  regard  to  the  Emperor  Alexander. 
The  destruction  of  Prussia  was  no  new  project  with  Bona- 
parte. I  remember  an  observation  of  his  to  M.  Lemercier 
upon  that  subject  when  we  first  went  to  reside  at  Mal- 
maison.  M.  Lemercier  had  been  reading  to  the  First 
Consul  some  poem  in  which  Frederick  the  Great  was 
spoken  of.  "You  seem  to  admire  him  greatly,"  said 
Bonaparte  to  M.  Lemercier  ;  "  what  do  you  find  in  him  so 
astonishing?  He  is  not  equal  to  Tureune." — "General," 
replied  M.  Lemercier,  "it  is  not  merely  the  warrior  that  I 
esteem  in  Frederick  ;  it  is  impossible  to  refrain  from  ad- 
miring a  man  who  was  a  philosopher  even  on  the  throne." 
To  this  the  First  Consul  replied,  in  a  half  ill-humoured 
tone,  "■  Certainly,  Lemercier  ;  but  Frederick's  pliilosophy 
shall  not  prevent  me  from  erasing  his  kingdom  from  the 
map  of  Europe."  The  kingdom  of  Frederick  the  Great 
was  not,  however,  obliterated  from  the  map,  because  the 
Emperor  of  Russia  would  not  basely  abandon  a  faithful 

'  "  That  Gxpedition,"  said  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena,  "showed  great  energy  on  the 
part  of  your  Ministers  :  but  setting  aside  the  violation  of  the  laws  of  niitions  which 
you  committed — for  in  fact  it  was  nothing  but  a  robbery — I  think  that  it  was  in- 
jurious to  your  interests,  as  it  made  the  Danish  nation  iiTcconcilable  enemies  to  you, 
and  in  fact  shut  you  out  of  the  north  for  three  years.  When  I  heard  of  it  I  said,  I  am 
glad  of  it,  as  it  will  embroil  England  irrecoverably  with  the  Northern  Powers.  The 
Danes  being  able  to  join  rae  with  sixteen  sail  of  the  line  was  of  but  little  consequence. 
I  had  plenty  of  ships,  and  only  wanted  seamen,  whom  you  did  not  take,  and  whom 
I  obtained  afterwards,  while  by  the  expedition  your  Ministers  established  their 
characters  as  faithless,  and  as  persons  with  whom  no  engagements,  no  laws  were 
binding"  {Voice  from  St.  Helena), 


120  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807. 

ally  who  had  incurred  with  him  the  chances  of  fortune. 
Prussia  then  bitterly  had  to  lament  the  tergiversations 
which  had  prevented  her  from  declaring  herself  against 
France  during  the  campaign  of  Austerlitz. 

Napoleon  returned  to  Paris  abovit  the  end  of  July  after 
an  absence  of  ten  months,  the  longest  he  had  yet  made 
since  he  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  French  Government, 
whether  as  Consul  or  Emperor.  The  interview  at  Tilsit, 
the  Emperor  Alexander's  friendship,  which  was  spoken  of 
everywhere  in  terms  of  exaggeration,  and  the  peace  es- 
tablished on  the  Continent,  conferred  on  Napoleon  a 
moral  influence  in  public  opinion  which  he  had  not  pos- 
sessed since  his  coronation.  Constant  in  his  hatred  of 
deliberative  assemblies,  which  he  had  often  termed  col- 
lections of  babblers,  ideologists,  and  phrasemongers.  Na- 
poleon, on  his  return  to  Paris,  suppressed  the  Tribu- 
nate, which  had  been  an  annoyance  to  him  ever  since 
the  first  day  of  his  elevation.  The  Emperor,  who  was 
skilful  above  all  men  in  speculating  on  the  favourable 
disposition  of  opinion,  availed  himself  at  this  conjunct- 
ure of  the  enthusiasm  produced  by  his  interview  on  the 
Niemen.  He  therefore  discarded  from  the  fundamental 
institutions  of  the  government  that  which  still  retained 
the  shadow  of  a  popular  character.  But  it  was  neces- 
sary that  he  should  possess  a  Senate  merely  to  vote 
men  ;  a  mute  Legislative  Body  to  vote  money  ;  that  there 
should  be  no  opposition  in  the  one  and  no  criticism  in 
the  other  ;  no  control  over  him  of  any  description  ;  the 
power  of  arbitrarily  doing  whatever  he  pleased  ;  an  en- 
slaved press  ; — this  was  what  Napoleon  wished,  and  this 
he  obtained.  But  the  month  of  March  1814  resolved  the 
question  of  absolute  power ! 

In  the  midst  of  these  great  affairs,  and  while  Napoleon 
was  dreaming  of  universal  monarchy,  I  beheld  in  a  less 
extensive  sphere  the  inevitable  consequences  of  the  am- 
bition of  a  single  man.     Pillage  and  robbery  were  carried 


1807.  LEGALISED  ROBBERY.  131 

on  in  all  parts  over  which  my  diplomatic  jurisdiction 
extended.  Rapine  seemed  to  be  legally  authorised,  and 
was  perpetrated  with  such  fury,  and  at  the  same  time  with 
such  ignorance,  that  the  agents  were  frequently  unac- 
quainted with  the  value  of  the  articles  which  they  seized. 
Thus,  for  example,  the  Emperor  ordered  the  seizure  at 
Hamburg,  Bremen,  and  Liibeck  of  all  English  merchan- 
dise, whatever  might  be  its  nature  or  origin.  The  Prince 
of  Neufchatel  (Berthier)  wrote  to  me  from  the  Emperor 
that  I  must  j)rocure  10,000,000  francs  from  the  Hanse 
Towns.  M.  Daru,  the  Intendant-General,  whose  business 
it  was  to  collect  this  sort  of  levy,  which  Napoleon  had 
leai-ned  to  make  in  Egypt,  wrote  to  urge  me  to  obtain  a 
prompt  and  favourable  decision.  The  unfortunate  towns 
which  I  was  thus  enjoined  to  oppress  had  already  sujBfered 
sufficiently.  I  had  obtained,  by  means  of  negotiation, 
more  than  was  demanded  for  the  ransom  of  the  English 
merchandise,  which  had  been  seized  according  to  order. 
Before  I  received  the  letters  of  M.  Daru  and  the  Prince  of 
Neufchatel  I  had  obtained  from  Hamburg  16,000,000  in- 
stead of  10,000,000,  besides  nearly  3,000,000  from  Bremen 
and  Liibeck.  Thus  I  furnished  the  Government  with 
9,000,000  more  than  had  been  required,  and  yet  I  had  so 
managed  that  those  enormous  sacrifices  were  not  over- 
oppressive  to  those  who  made  them.  I  fixed  the  value  of 
the  English  merchandise  because  I  knew  that  the  high 
price  at  which  it  sold  on  the  Continent  would  not  only 
cover  the  proposed  rausom  but  also  leave  a  considerable 
profit.  Such  was  the  singular  effect  of  the  Continental 
system  that  when  merchandise  was  confiscated,  and  when 
afterwards  the  permission  to  sell  it  freely  was  given,  the 
price  fetched  at  the  sale  was  so  large  that  the  loss  was 
covered,  and  even  great  advantage  gained. 

Peace  being  concluded  with  Russia  it  was  necessary  to 
make  choice  of  an  Ambassador,  not  only  to  maintain  the 
new  relations  of  amity  between  Napoleon  and  Alexander, 


123         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807. 


but  likewise  to  urge  on  the  promised  intervention  of 
Russia  with  England, — to  bring  about  reconciliation  and 
peace  between  the  Cabinets  of  Paris  and  London.  The 
Emperor  confided  this  mission  to  Caulaincourt,  with  re- 
spect to  whom  there  existed  an  unfounded  prejudice  re- 
lating to  some  circumstances  which  preceded  the  death  of 
the  Due  d'Eughieu.  This  unfortunate  and  unjust  impres- 
sion had  preceded  Caulaincourt  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  it 
was  feared  that  he  would  not  experience  the  reception 
due  to  the  Fi*ench  Ambassador  and  to  his  own  personal 
qualities.  I  knew  at  the  time,  from  positive  information, 
that  after  a  short  explanation  with  Alexander  that  monarch 
retained  no  suspicion  unfavourable  to  our  Ambassador, 
for  whom  he  conceived  and  maintained  great  esteem  and 
friendship. 

Caulaincourt's  mission  was  not,  in  all  respects,  easy  of 
fulfilment,  for  the  invincible  repugnance  and  reiterated 
refusal  of  England  to  enter  into  negotiations  with  France 
through  the  medium  of  Russia  was  one  of  the  remarkable 
circumstances  of  the  period  of  which  I  am  speaking.  I 
knew  positively  that  England  was  determined  never  to 
allow  Napoleon  to  possess  himself  of  the  whole  of 
the  Continent, — a  project  which  he  indicated  too  undis- 
guisedly  to  admit  of  any  doubt  resj)ecting  it.  For  two 
years  he  had  indeed  advanced  with  rapid  strides  ;  but 
England  was  not  discouraged.  She  was  too  well  aware  of 
the  irritation  of  the  sovereigns  and  the  discontent  of  the 
people  not  be  certain  that  when  she  desired  it,  her  lever 
of  gold  would  again  raise  up  and  arm  the  Continent  against 
the  encroaching  power  of  Napoleon.  He,  on  his  part,  per- 
ceiving that  all  his  attempts  were  fruitless,  and  that  Eng- 
land would  listen  to  no  proposals,  devised  fresh  plans  for 
raising  up  new  enemies  against  England. 

It  probably  is  not  forgotten  that  in  1801  France  com- 
pelled Portugal  to  make  common  cause  with  her  against 
England.     In  1807  the  Emperor  did  again  what  the  First 


DUG    D'ABR  ANTES 


1807.  JUNOT  SENT  TO  POBTUOAL.  123 

Consul  had  done.  By  an  inexplicable  fatality  Junot  ob- 
tained the  command  of  the  troops  which  were  marching 
against  Portugal.  I  say  against  Portugal,  for  that  was  the 
fact,  though  France  represented  herself  as  a  protector  to 
deliver  Portugal  from  the  influence  of  England.  Be  that 
as  it  may,  the  choice  which  the  Emperor  made  of  a  com- 
mander astonished  everybody.  Was  Junot,  a  compound 
of  vanity  and  mediocrity,  the  fit  man  to  be  entrusted  with 
the  command  of  an  army  in  a  distant  country,  and  under 
circumstances  in  which  great  political  and  military  talents 
were  requisite  ?  For  my  own  part,  knowing  Junot's  inca- 
pacity, I  must  acknowledge  that  his  appointment  aston- 
ished me.  I  remember  one  day,  when  I  was  speaking  on 
the  subject  to  Bernadotte,  he  showed  me  a  letter  he  had 
received  from  Paris,  in  which  it  was  said  that  the  Em- 
peror bad  sent  Junot  to  Portugal  only  for  the  sake  of  de- 
priving him  of  the  government  of  Paris.  Junot  annoyed 
Napoleon  by  his  bad  conduct,  his  folly,  and  his  incredible 
extravagance.  He  was  alike  devoid  of  dignity — either  in 
feeling  or  conduct.  Thus  Portugal  was  twice  the  place 
of  exile  selected  by  Consular  and  Imperial  caprice  :  first, 
when  the  First  Consul  wished  to  get  rid  of  the  familiarity 
of  Lannes  ;  and  next,  when  the  Emperor  grew  weary  of 
the  misconduct  of  a  favourite. 

The  invasion  of  Portugal  presented  no  difficulty.  It  was 
an  armed  promenade  and  not  a  war  ;  but  how  many  events 
were  connected  with  the  occupation  of  that  country  !  The 
Prince  Regent  of  Portugal,  un\\'illing  to  act  dishonourably 
to  England,  to  which  he  was  allied  by  treaties,  and  un- 
able to  oppose  the  whole  power  of  Napoleon,  embarked 
for  Bi-azil,  declaring  that  all  defence  was  useless.  At  the 
same  time  he  recommended  his  subjects  to  receive  the 
French  troops  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  said  that  he  con- 
signed to  Providence  the  consequences  of  an  invasion 
which  was  without  a  motive.  He  was  answered  in  the  Em- 
peror's name  that,  Portugal  being  the  ally  of  England,  we 


124         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807. 

were  only  carrying  on  hostilities  against  the  latter  country 
by  invading  his  dominions. 

It  was  in  the  month  of  November  that  the  code  of 
French  jurisprudence,  ujjon  which  the  most  learned 
legislators  had  indefatigably  laboured,  was  established  as 
the  law  of  the  State,  under  the  title  of  the  Code  Napo- 
leon. Doubtless  this  legislative  monviment  will  redound 
to  Napoleon's  honour  in  history  ; '  but  was  it  to  be  sup- 
posed that  the  same  laws  would  be  equally  applicable 
throughout  so  vast  an  extent  as  that  comprised  within 
the  French  Empire  ?  Impossible  as  this  was,  as  soon 
as    the  Code  Napoleon  was   promulgated  I  received  or- 

'  This  great  code  of  Civil  Law  was  drawn  up  under  Napoleon's  orders  and  personal 
superintendence.  Much  had  been  prepared  uuder  the  Convention,  and  the  chief 
merits  of  it  were  due  to  the  labours  of  such  men  as  Tronchet,  Portalis,  Bigot  de 
Preamenen,  Maleville,  Cambac6r6s,  etc.  But  it  was  debated  under  and  by  Napo- 
leon, who  took  a  lively  interest  in  it.  It  was  first  called  the  "  Code  Civil,"  but  in 
1807  was  named  "Cede  Napoleon,"  or  eventually  "Les  Cinq  Codes  de  Napoleon." 
When  completed  in  1810  it  included  five  Codes— the  Code  Civil,  decreed  March  180.3 ; 
Code  de  Procedure  Civile,  decreed  April  1806  ;  Code  de  Commerce,  decreed  Septem- 
ber 1807;  Code  d'Instruction  Criminelle.  decreed  November  1808 ;  and  the  Code 
Penal,  decreed  February  1810.  It  had  to  be  retained  by  the  Bourbons,  and  its  prin- 
ciples have  worked  and  are  slowly  working  their  way  into  the  law  of  every  nation. 
Napoleon  was  justly  proud  of  this  work.  See  Thiers,  livre  xiii.  tome  iii.  p.  298,  and 
Lanfrey,  tome  ii.  p.  409.  The  introduction  of  the  Code  into  the  conquered  coun- 
tries was,  as  Bourrienne  says,  made  too  quickly.  Puymaigre,  who  was  employed  in 
the  administration  of  Hamburg  after  Bourrienne  left,  says,  "I  shall  always  remem- 
ber the  astoni.shment  of  the  Hamburgers  when  they  were  invaded  by  this  cloud  of 
French  officials,  who,  under  every  form,  made  researches  in  their  houses,  and  who 
came  to  apply  the  multiplied  demands  of  the  fiscal  system.  Like  Proteus,  the  ad- 
ministration could  take  any  shape.  To  only  speak  of  my  department,  which  certainly 
was  not  the  least  odious  one,  for  it  was  opposed  to  the  habits  of  the  Hamburgers  and 
annoyed  all  the  industries,  no  idea  can  be  formed  of  the  despair  of  the  inhabitants, 
subjected  to  perpetual  visits,  and  exposed  to  be  charged  with  contraventions  of  the 
law,  of  which  they  knew  nothing. 

"  Remembering  their  former  laws,  they  used  to  offer  to  meet  a  charge  of  fraud  by 
the  proof  of  their  oath,  and  could  not  imagine  that  such  a  guarantee  could  be  re- 
pulsed. When  they  were  independent  they  paid  almost  nothing,  and  such  was  the 
national  spirit,  that  in  urgent  cases  when  money  was  wanted  the  Senate  taxed  every 
citizen  a  certain  proportion  of  his  income,  the  tenth  or  twentieth.  A  Senator  pre- 
sided over  the  recovery  of  this  tax,  which  was  done  in  a  very  strange  manner.  A 
box,  covered  with  a  carpet,  received  the  offering  of  every  citizen,  without  any  person 
verifying  the  sum,  and  only  on  the  simple  moral  guarantee  of  the  honesty  c.f  the 
debtor,  who  himself  judged  the  sum  he  ought  to  pay.  When  the  receipt  was  finished 
the  Senate  always  obtained  more  than  it  had  calculated  on"  {Puymaigre,  pp.  131- 
132). 


1807.         DISPROPORTIONATE  PUNISHMENTS.  125 

ders  to  establish  it  in  the  Hanse  Towns.  The  long  and 
frequent  conversations  I  had  on  this  subject  with  the 
Senators  and  the  most  able  lawyers  of  the  country  soon 
convinced  me  of  the  immense  difficulty  I  should  have 
to  encounter,  and  the  danger  of  suddenly  altering  habits 
and  customs  which  had  been  firmly  established  by  time. 

The  jury  system  gave  tolerable  satisfaction  ;  but  the 
severe  punishments  assigned  to  certain  offences  by  the 
Code  were  disapproved  of.  Hence  resulted  the  frequent 
and  serious  abuse  of  men  being  acquitted  whose  guilt  was 
evident  to  the  jury,  who  pronounced  them  not  guilty 
rather  than  condemn  them  to  a  punishment  which  was 
thought  too  severe.  Besides,  their  leniency  had  another 
ground,  which  was,  that  the  people  being  ignorant  of  the 
new  laws  were  not  aware  of  the  penalties  attached  to  par- 
ticular offences.  I  remember  that  a  man  w'ho  was  accused 
of  stealing  a  cloak  at  Hamburg  justified  himself  on  the 
ground  that  he  committed  the  offence  in  a  fit  of  intoxica- 
tion. M.  Von  Einingeu,  one  of  the  jury,  insisted  that  the 
prisoner  was  not  guilty,  because,  as  he  said,  the  Syndic 
Doormann,  when  dining  with  him  one  day,  having  drunk 
more  wine  than  usual,  took  away  his  cloak.  This  defence 
per  Baccho  was  completely  successful.  An  argument 
founded  on  the  similarity  between  the  conduct  of  the 
Syndic  and  the  accused,  could  not  but  triumph,  other- 
wise the  little  debauch  of  the  former  would  have  been  con- 
demned in  the  person  of  the  latter.  This  ti'ial,  which 
terminated  so  whimsically,  nevertheless  proves  that  the 
best  and  the  gravest  institutions  may  become  objects  of 
ridicule  when  suddenly  introduced  into  a  country  whose 
habits  are  not  prepared  to  receive  them. 

The  Komans  very  wisely  reserved  in  the  Capitol  a  place 
for  the  gods  of  the  nations  they  conquered.  They  wished 
to  annex  provinces  and  kingdoms  to  their  empire.  Na- 
poleon, on  the  contrary,  wished  to  make  his  empire  encroach 
upon  other  states,  and  to  realise  the  impossible  Utopia  of 


126        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807. 


ten  diflfereut  nations,  all  having  different  customs  and  lan- 
guages, united  into  a  single  State.'  Could  justice,  that 
safeguard  of  human  rights,  be  duly  administered  in  the 
Hanse  Towns  when  those  towns  were  converted  into  French 
departments?  In  these  new  departments  many  judges 
had  been  appointed  who  did  not  understand  a  word  of 
German,  and  who  had  no  knowledge  of  law.  The  presi- 
dents of  the  tribunals  of  Liibeck,  Stade,  Bremerlehe,  and 
Minden  were  so  utterly  ignorant  of  the  German  language 
that  it  was  necessary  to  explain  to  them  all  the  joleadings 
in  the  council-chamber.  Was  it  not  absurd  to  establish 
such  a  judicial  system,  and  above  all,  to  appoint  such  men 
in  a  country  so  important  to  France  as  Hamburg  and  the 
Hanse  Towns?  Add  to  this  the  impertinence  of  some 
favourites  who  were  sent  from  Paris  to  serve  official  and 
legal  apprenticeships  in  the  conquered  provinces,  and  it 
may  be  easily  conceived  what  was  the  attachment  of  the 
people  to  Napoleon  the  Great. 

'  See  map  at  the  end  of  vol.  iiL 


1807.  127 


CHAPTER    Xm. 

1807-1808. 

Disturbed  state  of  Spain — Godoy,  Prince  of  the  Peace — Reciprocal  accu- 
sations between  the  King  of  Spain  and  his  son — False  promise  of  Na- 
poleon— Dissatisfaction  occasioned  by  the  presence  of  the  French 
troops — Abdication  of  Charles  IV. — The  Prince  of  the  Peace  made 
prisoner — Murat  at  Madrid — Important  news  transmitted  by  a  com- 
mercial letter — Murat's  ambition — His  protection  of  Godoy — Charles 
IV.  denies  his  voluntary  abdication — The  crown  of  Spain  destined  for 
Joseph — General  disapprobation  of  Napoleon's  conduct — The  Bourbon 
cause  apparently  lost — Lonis  XVIII.  after  his  departure  from  France 
—As  Comte  da  Provence  at  Coblentz— He  .seeks  refuge  in  Turin  and 
Verona — Death  of  Louis  XVII. — ^Louis  XVHI.  refused  an  asyhmi  in 
Austria,  Saxony,  and  Prussia— His  residence  at  Mittau  and  Warsaw — 
Alexander  and  Louis  XVIH.— The  King's  departure  from  Milan  and 
arrival  at  Yarmouth — Determination  of  the  King  of  England — M. 
Lemercier's  prophecy  to  Bonaparte— Fouche's  inquiries  respecting 
Comte  de  Rechteren — Note  from  Josephine — New  demands  on  the 
Hanse  Towns — Order  to  raise  3000  sailors  in  Hamburg. 

« 

The  disorders  of  Spain,  which  commenced  about  the  close 
of  the  year  1807,  in  a  short  time  assumed  a  most  compli- 
cated aspect.  Though  far  from  the  theatre  of  events  I 
obtained  an  intimate  knowledge  of  all  the  important  facts 
connected  with  the  extraordinary  transactions  in  the  Penin- 
sula. However,  as  this  point  of  history  is  one  of  the  most 
generally,  though  I  cannot  say  the  best,  known,  I  shall 
omit  in  my  notes  and  memoranda  many  things  which 
would  be  but  repetitions  to  the  reading  portion  of  the  pub- 
lic. It  is  a  remarlcable  fact  that  Bonaparte,  who  by  turns 
cast  his  eyes  on  all  the  States  of  Europe,  never  directed 
his  attention  to  Spain  as  long  as  his  greatness  was  confined 
to  mere  projects.     Whenever  he  spoke  of  his  future  des- 


128         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807 

tiny  lie  alluded  to  Italy,  Germany,  tlie  East,  and  the  de- 
struction of  the  English  power  ;  but  never  to  Spain.  Con- 
sequently, when  he  heard  of  the  first  symptoms  of  disor- 
der in  the  Peninsula  he  paid  but  little  attention  to  the 
business,  and  some  time  elapsed  before  he  took  any  part 
in  events  which  subsequently  had  so  great  an  influence  on 
his  fate.' 

Godoy  reigned  in  Spain  under  the  name  of  the  imbecile 
Charles  IV. "  He  was  an  object  of  execration  to  all  who 
were  not  his  creatures  ;  and  even  those  whose  fate  depend- 
ed upon  him  viewed  him  with  the  most  profound  con- 
tempt. The  hatred  of  a  people  is  almost  always  the  just 
reward  of  favourites.  "What  sentiments,  therefore,  must 
have  been  inspired  by  a  man  who,  to  the  knowledge  of  all 
Spain,  owed  the  favour  of  the  king  only  to  the  favours  of 
the  queen  !  Godoy's  ascendency  over  the  royal  family  was 
boundless ;  his  power  was  absolute  :  the  treasures  of 
America  were  at  his  command,  and  he  made  the  most  in- 
famous use  of  them.  In  short,  he  had  made  the  Court  of 
Madrid  one  of  those  places  to  which  the  indignant  muse  of 
Juvenal  conducts  the  mother  of  Britanniclis.  There  is  no 
doubt  that  Godoy  was  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  all 
the  misfortunes  which  have  overwhelmed  Spain  under  so 
many  various  forms. 

'  Mettertnich  (tome  ii.  p.  295)  puts  much  of  the  blame  of  the  Spanish  affair  on  the 
shoulders  of  Napoleon's  advisers : — "  Guided  by  his  own  insatiable  ambition,  en- 
couraged by  the  perfidious  advice  of  Murat,  who  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  filling 
the  throne  of  Spain  and  of  the  Indies,  all  his  measures  were  directed  to  one  end. 
Misguided  by  the  agents  of  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  he  believed  the  expulsion  of  the 
Bourbons  easy."  In  considering  this  reference  to  Murat,  Mettternich's  intimate  le- 
lation  with  Caroline  Bonaparte,  the  wife  of  Murat,  must  be  remembered.  To  Met- 
ternich  himself  Napoleon  in  August  1808  explained  his  conduct  as  directed  solely  by 
a  wish  for  security.  After  alluding  to  the  increase  of  the  Spanish  army  Napoleun 
went  on  : — "And  then  the  throne  was  occupied  by  Bourbons  ;  they  are  my  personal 
enemies.  They  and  I  cannot  occupy  thrones  at  the  same  time  in  Europe.  .  . 
I  must  have  on  the  throne  of  Spain  a  Prince  who  would  have  no  anxiety  on  my  ac- 
count, and  who  on  his  side  gives  me  none  ;  the  interests  of  Spain,  even  of  Amer- 
ica demand  it "  {ifetteritlch,  tome  ii.  pp.  252-25.3). 

^  Manuel  Godoy,  originally  a  private  in  the  guards,  became  the  paramour  of 
Charles  IV. 's  Queen  :  then  a  grandee;  and  then  the  supreme  ruler  of  the  State. — 
Eaito7'  of  1836  edition. 


1808.  SPANISH  FAMILY  QUARRELS.  129 

The  hatred  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  Prince  of  the 
Peace  was  general.  This  hatred  was  shared  by  the  Prince 
of  the  Asturias,  who  openly  declared  himself  the  enemy 
of  Godoy.  The  latter  allied  himself  with  France,  from 
which  he  hoped  to  obtain  powerful  protection  against  his 
enemies.  This  alliance  gave  rise  to  great  dissatisfaction 
in  Spain,  and  caused  France  to  be  regarded  with  an  un- 
favourable eye.  The  Prince  of  the  Asturias  '  was  encour- 
aged and  supported  by  the  complaints  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  wished  to  see  the  overthrow  of  Godoy's  power. 
Charles  IV.,  on  his  part,  regarded  all  opposition  to  the 
Prince  of  the  Peace  as  directed  against  himself,  and  in 
November  1807  he  accused  his  son  of  wishing  to  dethrone 
him.' 

The  King  of  Spain  did  not  confine  himself  to  verbal 
complaints.  He,  or  rather  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  act- 
ing in  his  name,  arrested  the  warmest  partisans  of  the 
Prince  of  the  Asturias.  The  latter,  understanding  the 
sentiments  of  his  father,  wrote  to  Napoleon,  soliciting  his 
support.  Thus  the  father  and  son,  at  open  war,  were 
appealing  one  against  another  for  the  support  of  him  who 
wished  only  to  get  rid  of  them  both,  and  to  put  one  of 

1  Afterwards  Ferdinand  VII. 

*  This  accusation  is  said  to  have  been  conveyed  to  Napoleon  in  the  foUowine;  let- 
tor,  addressed  to  him  by  Charles  IV. : — 

"  Sire,  my  Brother — At  the  moment  when  I  was  occupied  with  the  means  of 
co-operating  for  the  destruction  of  our  common  enemy,  when  I  believed  that  all  the 
plots  of  the  late  Queen  of  Naples  had  been  buried  with  her  daughter,  I  perceive,  with 
a  horror  that  makes  me  tremble,  that  the  most  dreadful  spirit  of  intrigue  has  pen- 
etrated even  into  the  heait  of  my  palace.  Alas !  my  lieart  bleeds  at  reciting  so 
dreadful  an  outrage.  My  eldest  son,  the  heir-presumptive  to  my  throne,  entered 
into  a  horrible  plot  to  dethrone  me  ;  he  even  went  to  the  extreme  of  attempting  the 
life  of  his  mother.  So  dreadful  a  crime  ought  to  be  punished  with  the  most  exem- 
plary rigour  of  the  laws.  The  latv  which  calls  him  Co  the  accession  ought  to  be  re- 
voked ;  one  of  his  brothers  icill  he  more  xoorthy  to  occupy  his  place,  both  in  my 
hecirt  and  on  the  throne.  I  am  at  this  moment  in  search  of  his  accomplices,  in  order 
to  sift  thoroughly  this  plan  of  most  atrocious  wickedness  ;  and  I  would  not  \qs^  a 
moment  in  informing  your  imperial  and  royal  Majesty  of  it,  and  beseeching  you  to 
assist  me  with  your  knowledge  and  counsel. 
"  For  which  I  pray,  etc. 

"  Chabij:8. 

"San  Lorenzo,  November  29,  1807." 

Vol.  III.— 9 


130         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807- 

his  brothers  in  their  place,  that  he  might  have  one  junior 
more  in  the  college  of  European  kings  :  but,  as  I  have 
already  mentioned,  this  new  ambition  Avas  not  premedi- 
tated ;  and  if  he  gave  the  throne  of  Spain  to  his  brother 
Joseph  it  was  only  on  the  refusal  of  his  brother  Louis 
(King  of  Holland)  to  accept  it. 

The  Emperor  had  promised  to  support  Charles  IV. 
against  his  son  ;  and,  not  -wishing  to  take  part  in  these 
family  quarrels,  he  had  not  answered  the  first  letters  of 
the  Prince  of  the  Asturias.  But  finding  that  the  in- 
trigues of  Madrid  were  taking  a  serious  turn,  he  com- 
menced provisionally  by  sending  troops  to  Spain.'  This 
gave  offence  to  the  people,  who  were  averse  to  the  inter- 
ference of  France.  In  the  provinces  through  which  the 
French  troops  passed  it  was  asked  what  was  the  object  of 
the  invasion.  Some  attributed  it  to  the  Prince  of  the 
Peace,  others  to  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  ;  but  it  excited 
general  indignation,  and  troubles  broke  out  at  Madrid 
accompanied  by  all  the  violence  peculiar  to  the  Spanish 
character. 

In  these  fearful  circumstances  Godoy  proposed  that 
Charles  IV.  should  remove  to  Seville,  where  he  would  be 
the  better  enabled  to  visit  the  factious  with  punishment. 
A  proposition  from  Godoy  to  his  master  was,  in  fact,  a 
command,  and  Charles  IV.  accordingly  resolved  to  depart. 
The  people  now  looked  upon  Godoy  as  a  traitor.  An  in- 
surrection broke  out,  the  palace  was  surrounded,  and  the 
Prince  of  the  Peace  was  on  the  point  of  being  massacred 
in   an   upper   apartment,    Avhere   he    had   taken   refuge. 

'  French  troops  had  appeared  in  Spain  some  months  before,  on  their  way  to  Por- 
tugal, the  conquest  of  which  country  by  Junot  was  to  be  aided  by  Godoy  and  a 
Spanish  force  of  27,000  men,  according  to  a  treaty  (more  disgraceful  to  the  Court  of 
Spain  than  to  Bonaparte)  which  had  been  ratified  at  Fontainebleau  on  the  27th  of 
October  1807.  Charles  IV.  was  little  better  than  an  idiot,  and  Godoy  and  the  French 
made  him  believe  that  Bonaparte  would  give  part,  or  the  whole  of  Portugal,  to 
Spain.  At  the  time  of  Juuot's  marcli  on  Lisbon  a  reserve  of  -10,000  Frencli  troops 
were  assembled  at  Bayonne — a  pretty  clear  indication,  though  the  factious  infatu- 
ated Court  of  Madrid  would  not  see  it,  that  Bonaparte  intended  to  seize  tlie  whole  of 
the  Peninsula. — Editor  of  1836  edition. 


1808.  ABDICATION   OF  CRAULES  IY.  18l 

One  of  the  mob  had  the  presence  of  mind  to  invoke  iu 
his  favour  the  name  of  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  :  this 
saved  his  Kfe.' 

Charles  IV.  did  not  preserve  his  crown  ;  he  was  easily 
intimidated,  and  advantage  was  taken  of  a  moment  of 
alarm  to  demand  that  abdication  which  he  had  not  spirit 
to  refuse.  He  sun-en dered  up  his  rights  to  his  son,  and 
thus  was  overthrown  the  insolent  power  of  the  Prince  of 
the  Peace  ;  the  favourite  was  made  prisoner,  and  the 
Spaniards,  who,  like  all  ignorant  people,  are  easily  excited, 
manifested  their  joy  on  the  occasion  with  barbarous  en- 
thusiasm. Meanwhile  the  unfortunate  King,  who  had 
escaped  from  imaginary  rather  than  real  dangers,  and 
who  was  at  first  content  with  having"  exchanged  the  right 
of  reigning  for  the  right  of  living,  no  sooner  found  him- 
self in  safety  than  he  changed  his  mind.  He  wrote  to 
the  Emperor  protesting  against  his  abdication,  and  ap- 
pealed to  him  as  the  arbiter  of  his  future  fate. 

'  The  Prince  of  the  Peace  himself  pretended  to  be  alarmeil,  and  perhaps  was 
really  so,  when  he  saw  the  advance  of  our  troops,  of  whom  part  had  arrived  at 
Burgos,  and  part  entered  Barcelona.  He  declared  that  the  royal  family  had  no 
alternative  but  to  retire  to  Seville,  and  call  the  Spanish  nation  to  arms.  It  was  said 
to  have  been  arranged  that  he  should  act  this  part  to  induce  the  King  and  the  royal 
family  to  depart  for  Seville,  and  that  he  was  to  escape  fioni  them  clandestinely  at 
Seville,  to  go  and  enjoy  the  advantages  ensured  to  him  by  the  Treaty  of  Fontaine- 
bleau.  Such  is  the  story  I  have  heard  :  but  I  saw  nothing  that  wunanted  me  in 
believing  it,  at  least  as  to  the  design  entertained  by  the  Prince  of  the  leace  taking 
possession  of  the  territories  he  had  secured  to  himself  in  Portugal.  Far  from  this, 
the  Prince  knew  the  decree  of  Milan,  by  which  Junot  was  made  Cxovernor  of  Portu- 
gal, and  authorised  to  exercise  his  functions  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor.  The 
principality  of  the  Algarves  was  now  no  longer  talked  of,  and  nO  doubt  the  Prince  had 
ceased  to  flatter  himself  with  any  thought  of  that  dominion.  He  assembled  the 
King's  Council  at  the  palace  of  Aranjuez,  and,  after  describing  the  misfortunes 
which  threatened  the  monarchy,  he  succeeded  in  prevailing  on  the  Council  to 
adopt  his  advice,  and  decree  the  removal  of  the  royal  family  to  Seville.  On  quitting 
this  Council  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  said  to  the  giiards,  as  he  passed  through  the 
haU  in  which  they  were  stationed,  "  The  Prince  of  the  Peace  is  a  traitor  :  he  wishes 
to  send  away  my  father.     Prevent  his  departure." 

This  observation  of  the  Prince  of  tlie  Asturias  was  rapidly  reported  through  the 
town.  The  populace  repaired  to  the  palace  of  the  Prince  of  the  Peace,  ransacked  it, 
and,  after  vigilant  search,  found  the  Prince  concealed  in  a  garret.  He  would  un- 
doubtedly have  fallen  a  victim  to  the  fury  of  the  mob  had  not  some  of  his  attendants 
saved  him  by  carrying  him  off  to  prison,  pretending  that  they  did  so  by  order  of  the 
Prince  of  the  Asturias  (^Memoirs  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  tome  iii.  p.  246). 


133         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807^ 

During  these  internal  dissensions  the  French  army  was 
continuing  its  march  towards  the  Pyrenees.  Those  bar- 
riers were  speedily  crossed,  and  Murat  entered  Madrid  in 
the  beginning  of  April  1808.  Before  I  received  any  de- 
spatch from  our  Government  I  learned  that  Murat's  pres- 
ence in  Madrid,  far  from  producing  a  good  effect,  had 
only  increased  the  disorder.  I  obtained  this  information 
from  a  merchant  of  Liibeck  who  came  to  Hamburg  on 
purpose  to  show  me  a  letter  he  had  received  from  his  cor- 
respondent in  Madrid.  In  this  letter  Spain  was  said  to 
be  a  prey  which  Murat  wished  to  appropriate  to  himself ; 
and  all  that  afterwards  came  to  my  knowledge  served  only 
to  prove  the  accuracy  of  the  writer's  information.  It  was 
perfectly  true  that  Murat  wished  to  conquer  Spain  for 
himself,  and  it  is  not  astonishing  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Madrid  should  have  understood  his  designs,  for  he  carried 
his  indiscretion  so  far  as  openly  to  express  his  wish  to  be- 
come King  of  Spain.  The  Emperor  was  informed  of  this, 
and  gave  him  to  understand,  in  very  significant  terms,  that 
the  throne  of  Spain  was  not  destined  for  him,  but  that  he 
should  not  be  forgotten  in  the  disposal  of  other  crowns. 

However,  Napoleon's  remonstrances  were  not  sufficient 
to  restrain  the  imprudence  of  Murat  ;  and  if  he  did  not 
gain  the  crown  of  Spain  for  himself  he  powerfully  con- 
tributed to  make  Charles  IV.  lose  it.  That  monarch, 
whom  old  habits  attached  to  the  Prince  of  the  Peace, 
solicited  the  Emperor  to  liberate  his  favourite,  alleging 
that  he  and  his  family  would  be  content  to  live  in  any 
place  of  security  provided  Godoy  were  with  them.  The 
unfortunate  Charles  seemed  to  be  thoroughly  disgusted 
with  greatness. 

Both  the  King  and  Queen  so  earnestly  implored 
Godoy's  libei'ation  that  Murat,  whose  vanity  was  flattered 
by  these  royal  solicitations,  took  the  Prince  of  the  Peace 
under  his  protection  ;  but  he  at  the  same  time  declared 
that,  in  spite  of  the  abdication  cf  Charles  IV.,  he  would 


1808.  BONAPARTE  AT  BAYONNE.  133 

acknowledge  none  but  that  Prince  as  King  of  Spain  until 
he  should  receive  contrary  orders  from  the  Emperoi-. 
This  declaration  placed  Murat  in  formal  opposition  to  the 
Spanish  people,  who,  through  their  hatred  of  Godoy,  em- 
braced the  cause  of  the  heir  of  the  throne,  in  whose 
favour  Charles  IV.  had  abdicated. 

It  has  been  remarked  that  Napoleon  stood  in  a  perplex- 
ing situation  in  this  conflict  between  the  King  and  his 
son.  This  is  not  correct.  King  Charles,  though  he  after- 
wards said  that  his  abdication  had  been  forced  from  him 
by  violence  and  threats,  had  nevertheless  tendered  it.  By 
this  act  Ferdinand  was  King,  but  Charles  declared  it  was 
done  against  his  will,  and  he  retracted.  The  Emperor's 
recognition  was  wanting,  and  he  could  give  or  withhold  it 
as  he  pleased. 

In  this  state  of  things  Napoleon  arrived  at  Bayonne. 
Thither  Ferdinand  was  also  invited  to  go,  under  pretence 
of  arranging  with  the  Emperor  the  differences  between  his 
father  and  himself.  It  was  some  time  before  he  could 
form  his  determination,  but  at  length  his  ill-advised 
friends  prevailed  on  him  to  set  off,  and  he  was  caught  in 
the  snare.  What  happened  to  him,  as  well  as  to  his 
father,  who  repaired  to  Bayonne  with  his  inseparable 
friend  the  Prince  of  the  Peace  is  well  known.  Napoleon, 
who  had  undertaken  to  be  arbiter  between  the  father  and 
son,  thought  the  best  way  of  settling  the  difference  was  to 
give  the  disputed  throne  to  his  brother  Joseph,  thus  verify- 
ing the  fable  of  the  "Two  Lawyers  and  the  Oyster."  The 
insurrection  in  Madrid  on  the  2d  of  May  accelerated  the 
fate  of  Ferdinand,  who  was  accused  of  being  the  author  of 
it ;  at  least  this  suspicion  fell  on  his  friends  and  adherents. 

Charles  TV.,  it  was  said,  would  not  return  to  Spain, 
and  solicited  an  asylum  in  France.  He  signed  a  renun- 
ciation of  his  rights  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  which  renun- 
ciation was  also  signed  by  the  Infantas. 

Napoleon  now  issued  a  decree,  appointing  "  his  dearly- 


134         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807. 

beloved  brother  Joseph  Napoleon,  King  of  Naples  and 
Sicily,  to  the  crowns  of  Spain  and  the  Indies."  By  a 
subsequent  decree,  15th  of  July,  he  appointed  "  his 
dearly-beloved  cousin,  Joachim  Murat,  Grand  Duke  of 
Berg,  to  the  throne  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  which  remained 
vacant  by  the  accession  of  Joseph  Napoleon  to  the  king- 
doms of  Spain  and  the  Indies."  Both  these  documents 
are  signed  Napoleon,  and  countersigned  by  the  Minister 
Secretary  of  State,  Maret. 

The  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden,  who  was  at  Hamburg  at 
this  time,  and  the  j\Iinisters  of  all  the  European  powers, 
loudly  condemned  the  conduct  of  Napoleon  with  respect 
to  Spain.  I  cannot  say  whether  or  not  M.  de  Talleyrand 
advised  the  Emperor  not  to  attempt  the  overthrow  of  a 
branch  of  the  house  of  Bourbon  ;  his  good  sense  and  ele- 
vated views  might  certainly  have  suggested  that  advice. 
But  the  general  opinion  was  that,  had  he  retained  the 
portfolio  of  foreign  affairs,  the  Spanish  revolution  would 
have  terminated  with  more  decorum  and  good  faith  than 
was  exhibited  in  the  tragi-comedy  acted  at  Madrid  and 
Bayonne. 

After  the  Treaty  of  Tilsit  and  the  bonds  of  friendship 
which  seemed  likely  to  produce  a  permanent  union  be- 
tween the  Emperors  of  France  and  Russia,  the  cause  of 
the  Bourbons  must  have  been  considered  irretrievably 
lost.  Indeed,  their  only  hope  consisted  in  the  impru- 
dence and  folly  of  him  who  had  usurped  their  throne,  and 
that  hope  they  cherished.  I  will  here  relate  what  I  had 
the  opportunity  of  learning  respecting  the  conduct  of 
Louis  XVin.  after  his  departure  from  France  ;  this  will 
naturally  bring  me  to  the  end  of  November  1807,  at 
which  time  I  read  in  the  Aheille  du  Nord  published  on  the 
9th  of  the  same  month,  that  the  Comte  de  Lille  and  the 
Due  d'Augouleme  had  set  off  for  England. 

The  Comte  de  Provence,^  as  Louis'  title  then  went,  left 

>  Afterwards  Louis  XVIII. 


1808.  THE   COMTE  DE  PROVENCE.  135 


Paris  on  the  21st  of  June  1791.  He  constantly  expressed 
his  wish  of  keeping  as  near  as  possible  to  the  frontiers  of 
France.  He  at  first  took  up  his  abode  at  Cobleutz,  and  I 
knew  from  good  authority  that  all  the  emigrants  did  not 
regard  him  with  a  favourable  eye.  They  could  not  pardon 
the  wise  principles  he  had  professed  at  a  period  when 
there  was  yet  time  to  prevent,  by  reasonable  concession, 
the  misfortunes  which  imprudent  irritation  brought  ujDon 
France.  When  the  emigrants,  after  the  campaign  of 
1792,  passed  the  Rhine,  the  Comte  de  Provence  resided  in 
the  little  town  of  Ham  on  the  Lippe,  where  he  remained 
until  he  was  persuaded  that  the  people  of  Toulon  had 
called  him  to  Provence.  As  he  could  not,  of  course,  pass 
through  France,  Monsieur  rejDaired  to  the  Court  of  his 
father-in-law,  the  King  of  Sardinia,  hoping  to  embark  at 
Genoa,  and  from  thence  to  reach  the  coast  of  Provence. 
But  the  evacuation  of  Toulon,  where  the  name  of  Bona- 
parte was  for  the  first  time  sounded  by  the  breath  of  fame, 
having  taken  place  before  he  was  able  to  leave  Turin, 
Monsieur  remained  there  four  months,  at  the  expiration 
of  which  time  his  father-in-law  intimated  to  him  the  im- 
possibility of  his  remaining  longer  in  the  Sardinian 
States.  He  was  afterwards  permitted  to  reside  at  Verona, 
where  he  heard  of  Louis  XVI. 's  death.  After  remaining 
two  3'ears  in  that  city  the  Senate  of  Venice  forbade  his 
presence  in  the  Venetian  States.  Thus  forced  to  quit 
Italy  the  Comte  repaired  to  the  army  of  Conde. 

The  cold  and  timid  policy  of  the  Austrian  Cabinet 
afforded  no  asylum  to  the  Comte  de  Provence,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  pass  through  Germany  ;  yet,  as  Louis  XVIIL 
repeated  over  and  over  again,  ever  since  the  Restoration, 
"He  never  intended  to  shed  French  blood  in  Germany  for 
the  sake  of  serving  foreign  interests."  Monsieur  had,  in- 
deed, too  much  penetration  not  to  see  that  his  cause  was 
a  mere  pretext  for  the  powers  at  war  with  France.  They 
felt  but  little  for  the  misfortunes  of  the  Prince,  and  merely 


136         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807- 

wished  to  veil  their  ambition  and  their  hatred  of  France 
under  the  false  pretence  of  zeal  for  the  House  of  Bourbon. 
When  the  Dauphin  died,  Louis  XVIII.  took  the  title 
of  King  of  France,  and  went  to  Prussia,  where  he  obtained 
an  asylum.'  But  the  pretender  to  the  crown  of  France 
had  not  yet  drained  his  cup  of  misfortune.  After  the  18th 
Fructidor  the  Directory  required  the  King  of  Prussia  to 
send  away  Louis  XVIQ.,  and  the  Cabinet  of  Berlin,  it 
must  be  granted,  was  not  in  a  situation  to  oppose  the  de- 
sire of  the  French  Government,  whose  wishes  were  com- 
mands. In  vain  Louis  XVIII.  sought  an  asylum  in  the 
King  of  Saxony's  States.  There  only  remained  Kussia 
that  durst  offer  a  last  refuge  to  the  descendant  of  Louis 
XrV.   Paul  I.,  who  was  always  in  extremes,  and  who  at  that 

'  Meneval,  tome  iii.  p.  378,  gives  the  wanderings  of  Louis  XVIII.  as  follows  :— 
He  emigrated  21st  June  1791,  the  same  day  that  Louis  XVI.  fled  to  Varennes.  He 
stayed  at  Coblentz  during  1791  and  1792.  He  followed  the  Prussian  army  into 
Champagne,  and  when  it  retired  in  1792  he  went  to  Ham  in  Westphalia.  After  the 
death  of  his  brother,  2 1st  January  179.3,  he  declared  himself  Regent,  and  went  to 
Turin  for  four  months,  and  then.  Sardinia  dreading  the  displeasure  of  the  French, 
he  applied  to  the  Government  of  Venice,  who  allowed  him  to  reside  in  Verona,  where, 
on  the  death  of  his  nephew  in  the  Temple  in  1795,  he  took  the  title  of  King  as  Louis 
XVIII.,  but  he  was  usually  styled  the  Comte  de  Lille.  Quitting  Verona  in  1796,  when 
Napoleon  was  conquering  Italy,  he  went  to  the  headquarters  of  the  army  of  Conde, 
and  from  there  to  Blankenboui-g  in  the  Duchy  of  Brunswick,  from  which  he  had  to 
retire  in  1797.  when  the  Treaty  of  Campo  Formio  made  Germany  at  peace  with 
France,  to  Mittau  in  Russia  till  forced  to  leave  it  in  January  ISUl.  Thence  he  went 
to  Konigsberg  for  a  brief  time,  and  then  was  permitted  by  Prussia  to  reside  in  War- 
saw, which  then  belonged  to  her.  In  1804  he  went  to  Grodno  in  Russia,  and  then  to 
Colmar  in  Sweden.  Thence  he  soon  removed  to  Mittau  in  Russia,  his  former  abode, 
which  he  left  after  Tilsit  in  1807,  when  he  crossed  to  England.  He  passed  the  time 
till  1810  at  Gosfield  Hall,  a  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham's,  and  then  lived  at 
HartwcU  till  he  returned  to  Prance  in  1814.  Louis  XVIII.  did  not  reside  at  Holy- 
rood,  which  was  occupied  by  his  brother.  The  youngest  of  the  three  grandsons  of 
Louis  XV.  (Louis  XVI.,  Louis  XVIII.,  Charles  X.),  the  Comte  d'Artois,  afterwards 
Charles  X.,  emigrated  in  1789,  and  went  to  Turin  and  Mantua  for  1789  and  179tl.    In 

1791  and  1792  he  lived  at  Coblentz,  Worms,  Brussels,  Vienna,  and  at  Turin.     From 

1792  to  1812  he  lived  at  Ham  on  the  Lippe  at  Westphalia,  at  Loudon,  and  for  most 
of  the  time  at  Holyrood,  Edinburgh.  During  this  time  he  visited  Russia  and  Ger- 
many, and  showed  himself  on  the  coast  of  France.  In  1813  he  went  to  Germany, 
and  in  1814  entered  France  in  rear  of  the  allies.  In  risking  his  person  in  the  daring 
schemes  of  the  followers  who  were  giving  their  lives  for  the  cause  of  his  family  he 
displayed  a  circumspection  which  w:is  characterised  by  them  with  natural  warmth. 
"  Sire,  the  cowardice  of  your  brother  has  ruined  all  :  "  so  Charette  is  said  to  have 
written  to  Louis  XVIII.,  but  see  the  whole  matter  treated  in  a  bitter  manner  in  the 
ffistoire  Geiteraledes  jiinigres,  by  Forneron,  Paris,  Plon.,  1884,  tome  ii.  pp.  131-145. 


1808.  WANDERINGS  OF  LOUIS  XVIII.  137 

time  entertained  a  violent  feeling  of  hatred  towards  France, 
earnestly  offered  Louis  XVIIL  a  residence  at  Mittau.  He 
treated  him  with  the  honours  of  a  sovereign,  and  loaded 
him  with  marks  of  attention  and  respect.  Three  years 
had  scarcely  passed  when  Paul  was  seized  with  mad  en- 
thusiasm for  the  man  who,  twelve  years  later,  ravaged  his 
ancient  capital,  and  Louis  XVIII.  found  himself  expelled 
irom  that  Prince's  territory  with  a  harshness  equal  to  the 
kindness  with  which  he  had  at  first  been  received. 

It  was  during  his  three  years'  residence  at  Mittau  that 
Louis  XVm.,  who  was  then  known  by  the  title  of  Comte 
de  Lille,  wrote  to  the  First  Consul  those  letters  which 
have  been  referred  to  in  these  Memoirs.  Prussia,  being 
again  solicited,  at  length  consented  that  Louis  XVIIL 
should  reside  at  Warsaw  ;  but  on  the  accession  of  Napo- 
leon to  the  Empire  the  Prince  quitted  that  residence  in 
order  to  coni'Mt  respecting  his  new  situation  with  the 
only  sovereign  who  had  not  deserted  him  in  his  misfort- 
une, viz.  the  King  of  Sweden.  They  met  at  Colmar,  and 
from  that  city  was  dated  the  protest  which  I  have  already 
noticed.  Louis  XVIII.  did  not  stay  long  in  the  States  of 
the  King  of  Sweden.  Russia  was  now  on  the  point  of 
joining  her  eagles  with  those  of  Austria  to  oppose  the  new 
eagles  of  imperial  France.  Alexander  offered  to  the 
Comte  de  Lille  the  asylum  which  Paul  had  granted  to  him 
and  afterwards  withdrawn.  Louis  XV ill.  accepted  the 
offer,  but  after  the  peace  of  Tilsit,  fearing  lest  Alexander 
might  imitate  the  second  act  of  his  father  as  well  as  the 
first,  he  plainly  saw  that  he  must  give  \x\)  all  intention  of 
residing  on  the  Continent  ;  and  it  was  then  that  I  read  in 
the  Aheille  du  Nord  the  article  before  alluded  to.  There  is, 
however,  one  fact  upon  which  I  must  insist,  because  I  know 
it  to  be  true,  viz.  that  it  was  of  his  own  free  will  that  Louis 
XVlil.  quitted  Mittau  ;  and  if  he  was  afi-aid  that  Alexander 
would  imitate  his  father's  conduct  that  fear  was  without 
foundation.     The  truth  is,  that  Alexander  was  ignorant 


138         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1807^ 

even  of  the  King's  intention  to  go  away  until  he  heard 
from  Baron  von  Driesen,  Governor  of  IVIittau,  that  he  had 
actually  departed.  Having  now  stated  the  truth  on  this 
point  I  have  to  correct  another  error,  if  indeed  it  be  only 
an  error,  into  which  some  writers  have  fallen.  It  has 
been  falsely  alleged  that  the  King  left  Mittau  for  the  pur- 
pose of  fomenting  fresh  troubles  in  France.  The  friends 
of  Loviis  XVin.,  who  advised  him  to  leave  Mittau,  had 
great  hopes  from  the  last  war.  They  cherished  still 
greater  hopes  from  the  new  wars  which  Bonaparte's  ambi- 
tion could  not  fail  to  excite,  but  they  were  not  so  ill- 
informed  respecting  the  internal  condition  of  France  as 
to  expect  that  disturbances  would  arise  there,  or  even  to 
believe  in  the  possibility  of  fomenting  them.  The  j^ear 
loas  not  yet  ripe  for  Louis  XYIQ. 

On  the  29th  of  November  the  contents  of  a  letter  Avhich 
had  arrived  from  London  by  way  of  Sweden  wei-e  com- 
municated to  me.  This  letter  was  dated  the  3d  of  Novem- 
ber, and  contained  some  particulars  respecting  the  Comte 
de  Lille's  arrival  in  England.  That  Prince  had  arrived  at 
Yarmouth  on  the  31st  of  October  1807,  and  it  was  stated 
that  the  King  was  obliged  to  wait  some  time  in  the 
port  vmtil  certain  difficulties  respecting  his  lauding  and  the 
continuance  of  his  journey''  should  be  removed.  It  moreover 
appeared  from  this  letter  that  the  King  of  England  thought 
proper  to  refuse  the  Comte  de  Lille  permission  to  go  to 
London  or  its  neighbourhood.  The  palace  of  Holyrood 
in  Edinburgh  was  assigned  as  his  place  of  residence  ;  and 
Mr.  Ross,  secretary  to  Mr.  Canning,  conveyed  the  determi- 
nation of  the  King  of  England  to  Louis  XVIII.  at  Yai-mouth. 

The  precaution  of  the  English  Ministry  in  not  permit- 
ting the  refugee  King  to  go  near  London  appeared  to 
me  remarkable,  considering  the  relative  position  of  the 
Governments  of  France  and  England,  and  I  regarded  it 
as  a  corroboration  of  what  the  Prince  Wittgenstein  had 
told  me  respecting  Mr.  Canning's  inclination  for  an  amic* 


1808.     FO  UCHE  AND  THE  COMTE  DE  RECRTEREN.     139 

able  arrangement.  But  the  moment  was  approaching 
when  the  affairs  of  Spain  were  to  raise  an  invincible  ob- 
stacle to  peace,  to  complicate  more  than  ever  the  inter- 
ests of  the  powers  of  Europe,  and  opeji  to  Napoleon  that 
vast  career  of  ambition  which  proved  his  ruin.  He  did 
not  allow  the  hopes  of  the  emigrants  to  remain  chimer- 
ical, and  the  year  1814  witnessed  the  realisation  of  the 
prophetic  remark  made  by  M.  Lemercier,  in  a  conversa- 
tion with  Bonaparte  a  few  days  before  the  foundation  of 
the  Empire  :  "If  you  get  into  the  bed  of  the  Bourbons, 
General,  you  will  not  lie  in  it  ten  years."  Napoleon  oc- 
cupied it  for  nine  years  and  nine  months. 

Fouche,  the  grand  investigator  of  the  secrets  of  Europe, 
did  not  fail,  on  the  first  report  of  the  agitations  in  Spain, 
to  address  to  me  question  on  question  respecting  the 
Comte  de  Rechteren,  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Hamburg, 
who,  however,  had  left  that  city,  with  the  permission  of  his 
Court,  four  mouths  after  I  had  entered  on  my  functions. 
This  was  going  back  very  far  to  seek  information  respect- 
ing the  affairs  of  the  day.  At  the  very  moment  when  I 
transmitted  a  reply  to  Fouche  which  was  not  calculated 
to  please  him,  because  it  afforded  no  ground  for  susj^icion 
as  to  the  personal  conduct  of  M.  de  Rechteren,  I  received 
from  the  amiable  Josephine  a  new  mark  of  her  remem- 
brance.    She  sent  me  the  following  note : — 

"M.  Milon,  who  is  now  in  Hambm-g,  wishes  me,  my 
dear  Bourrienne,  to  request  that  you  will  use  your  interest 
in  his  favour.  I  feel  the  more  pleasure  in  making  this  re- 
quest as  it  affords  me  an  opportunity  of  renewing  the  as- 
surance of  my  regax'd  for  you." 

Josephine's  letter  was  dated  from  Fontainebleau, whither 
the  Emperor  used  to  make  journeys  in  imitation  of  the  old 
Court  of  France.  During  these  excursions  he  sometimes 
partook  of  the  pleasures  of  the  chase,  but  merely  for  the 
sake  of  reviving  an  old  custom,  for  in  that  exercise  he  found 
as  little  amusement  as  Montaigne  did  in  the  game  of  chesa 


140         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1807- 

At  Fontainebleau,  as  everywhere  else,  liis  mind  was  engaged 
with  the  means  of  augmenting  his  greatness,  but,  unfoi't- 
unately,  the  exactions  he  imposed  on  distant  countries 
were  calculated  to  alienate  the  affections  of  the  people. 
Thus,  for  example,  I  received  an  order  emanating  from  him, 
and  transmitted  to  me  by  M.  Daru,  the  Intendant-General 
of  the  army,  that  the  pay  of  all  the  French  troops  station- 
ed in  the  Hanse  Towns  should  be  defrayed  by  these  towns. 
I  lamented  the  necessity  of  making  such  a  communication 
to  the  Senates  of  Bremen,  Liibeck,  and  Hamburg  ;  but 
my  duty  compelled  me  to  do  so,  and  I  had  long  been  ac- 
customed to  fulfil  duties  even  more  painful  than  this. 
I  tried  every  possible  means  with  the  three  States,  not  col- 
lectively but  separately,  to  induce  them  to  comply  with 
the  measure,  in  the  hope  that  the  assent  of  one  Avould  help 
me  to  obtain  that  of  the  two  others.  But,  as  if  they  had 
been  all  agreed,  I  only  received  evasive  expressions  of  regret. 
Knowing  as  I  did,  and  I  may  say  better  than  any  one 
else,  the  hopes  and  designs  of  Bonaparte  respecting  the 
north  of  Germany,  it  was  not  without  pain,  nor  even  with- 
out alarm,  that  I  saw  him  doing  everything  calculated  to 
convert  into  enemies  the  inhabitants  of  a  country  which 
would  always  have  remained  quiet  had  it  only  been  per- 
mitted to  preserve  its  neutrality.  Among  the  orders  I  re- 
ceived were  often  many  which  could  only  have  been  the 
result  of  the  profoundest  ignorance.  For  example,  I  was 
one  day  directed  to  press  3000  seamen  in  the  Hanse  Towns. 
Tiiree  thousand  seamen  out  of  a  population  of  200,000  !  It 
was  as  absurd  as  to  think  of  raising  500,000  sailors  in 
France.  This  project  being  impossible,  it  was  of  coui'se 
not  executed  ;  but  I  had  some  difficulty  in  persuading  the 
Emperor  that  a  sixth  of  the  number  demanded  was  the 
utmost  the  Hanse  Towns  could  supply.  Five  hundred 
seamen  were  accordingly  furnished,  but  to  make  up  that 
number  it  was  necessary  to  include  many  men  who  were 
totally  unfit  for  war  service. 


1808.  141 


CHAPTER     XIV. 

1808. 

Departure  of  the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo — Prediction  and  superstition — 
Stoppage  of  letters  addressed  to  the  Spanish  troops — La  Romana  and 
Romanillos— Illegible  notifications — Eagerness  of  the  German  Princes 
to  join  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine — Attack  upon  me  on  account 
of  M.  Hue — Bernadotte's  successor  in  Hamburg — Exactions  and 
tyrannical  conduct  of  General  Dupas — Disturbance  in  Hamburg — 
Plates  broken  in  a  fit  of  rage — ^ly  letter  to  Bernadotte — His  reply — 
Bernadotte's  return  to  Hamburg,  and  departure  of  Dupaa  for  Liibeck 
— Noble  conduct  of  the  aide  de  camp  Barral. 

In  the  spring  of  1808  a  circumstance  occurred  wliich  gave 
me  much  uneasiness  ;  it  was  the  departure  of  Bernadotte, 
Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo,  who  received  orders  to  repair  to 
Copenhagen.'  He  left  Hamburg  on  the  8th  of  March,  as 
he  was  to  reach  his  destination  on  the  14th  of  the  same 
month.  The  Danisli  charge  d'affaires  also  received  orders 
to  join  the  Prince,  and  discharge  the  functions  of  King's 
commissary.  It  was  during  his  government  at  Hamburg 
and  his  stay  in  Jutland  that  Bernadotte  unconsciously 
paved  his  way  to  the  throne  of  Sweden.  I  recollect  that 
he  had  also  his  presages  and  his  predestinations.  In 
short,  he  believed  in  astrology,  and  I  shall  never  forget 
the  serious  tone  in  which  he  one  day  said  to  me,  "  Would 
you  believe,  my  dear  friend,  that  it  was  pi'edicted  at  Paris 
that  I  should  be  a  King,  but  that  I  must  cross  the  sea  to 

*  He  was  Oirected  to  take  the  command  of  the  French  troops  whom  the  Emperor 
sent  into  Benm  irk  after  the  bomb.irdment  of  Copenhagen  by  the  English. — Bour^ 
rlenne.  Whether  the  English  ha.i  bombarded  Copenhai^en  or  not,  Bernadotte  wouH 
have  been  sent  into  Denmark,  and  if  we  had  not  secured  the  fleet  he  would  have 
seized  it  for  hia  then  master. — Edilur  o/  Ibou  cdiliun. 


143         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1808. 


reach  my  throne  ?  "  I  could  not  help  smiling  with  him  at 
this  weakness  of  mind,  from  which  Bonaparte  was  not  far 
removed.  It  certainly  was  not  any  supernatural  influence 
which  elevated  Bernadotte  to  sovereign  rank.  That  ele- 
vation was  solely  due  to  his  excellent  character.  He  had 
no  other  talisman  than  the  wisdom  of  his  government, 
and  the  promptitude  which  he  always  showed  to  oppose 
unjust  measures.  This  it  was  that  united  all  •opinions  in 
his  favour. 

The  bad  state  of  the  roads  in  the  north  prolonged  Berna- 
dotte's  journey  one  day.  He  set  out  on  the  8th  of  March  ; 
he  was  expected  to  arrive  at  Copenhagen  on  the  14th,  but 
did  not  reach  there  till  the  15th.  He  arrived  precisely  two 
hours  before  the  death  of  Christian,  King  of  Denmark,  an 
event  with  which  he  made  me  acquainted  by  letter  written 
two  days  after  his  arrival. 

On  the  6th  of  April  following  I  received  a  second  letter 
from  Bernadotte,  in  which  he  desired  me  to  order  the 
Grand  Ducal  postmaster  to  keep  back  all  letters  addressed 
to  the  Spanish  troops,  who  had  been  placed  under  his  com- 
mand, and  of  which  the  corps  of  Romana  formed  part. 
The  postmaster  was  ordered  to  keep  the  letters  until  he 
received  orders  to  forward  them  to  their  destinations. 
Bernadotte  considered  this  step  indispensable,  to  prevent 
the  intrigues  which  he  feared  might  be  set  on  foot  in 
ox'der  to  shake  the  fidelity  of  the  Spaniards  he  commanded. 
I  saw  from  his  despatch  that  he  feared  the  plotting  of 
Romanillos,'  who,  however,  was  not  a  person  to  cause 
much  apprehension.  Romanillos  was  as  commonplace  a 
man  as  could  well  be  conceived  ;  and  his  speeches,  as  well 
as  his  writings,  were  too  innocent  to  create  any  influence 
on  public  opinion. 

In  addition  to  the  functions  with  which  the  Emperor  at 

'  Romanillos  was  secretary  of  the  Spanish  Legation  at  Hamburg,  and  chargt 
d'affaires  from  the  Cabinet  of  Madrid  after  the  departure  of  M.  de  Rechteren.^ 
Sourrienae. 


1808.     THE    CONFEDERATION  OF  TEE  RHINE.        143 

first  invested  me,  I  had  to  discliarge  the  duties  of  French 
Consul-General  at  Hamburg,  and  in  that  character  I  was 
obHged  to  present  to  the  IMinister  for  Foreign  Affairs  a 
very  singular  request,  viz.  that  the  judicial  notifications, 
which  as  Consul-General  I  had  to  make  known  to  the 
people  of  Hamburg,  might  be  written  in  a  more  legible 
hand.  Mauy  of  these  notifications  had  been  disregarded 
on  account  of  the  impossibility  of  reading  them.  With 
respect  to  one  of  them  it  was  declared  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  discover  whether  the  writing  was  Gei'man,  French, 
or  Chinese. 

I  shall  not  record  all  the  acts  of  spoliation  committed  by 
second-rate  ambitious  aspirants  who  hoped  to  come  in  for 
their  share  in  the  division  of  the  Continent.  The  Emperor's 
lieutenants  regarded  Europe  as  a  twelfth-cake,'  but  none 
of  them  ventured  to  dispute  the  best  bit  with  Napoleon. 
Long  would  be  the  litany  were  I  to  enregister  all  the  fraud 
and  treachery  which  they  committed,  either  to  augment 
their  fortunes  or  to  win  the  favour  of  the  chief  who  wished 
to  have  kings  for  his  subjects.  The  fact  is,  that  all  the 
Princes  of  Germany  displayed  the  greatest  eagerness  to 
range  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Napoleon  by 
joining  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine.^  I  received  from 
those  Princes  several  letters  which  served  to  prove  at  once 
the  influence  of  Napoleon  in  Germany  and  the  facility  with 
which  men  bend  beneath  the  yoke  of  a  new  power.  I  must 
say  that  among  the  emigrants  who  remained  faithful  to 
their  cause  there  were  some  who  evinced  more  firmness  of 
character  than  the  foreign  Princes.  I  may  mention,  for 
example,  M.  Hue,  the  valet  de  chambre  of  Louis  XYI.     I 

'  The  Emperor's  lieutenants  regarded  Europe  as  a  twelfth-cake  (iin  gdteau  des 
rois),  but  none  of  them  ventured  to  dispute  the  bean  {la  five)  with  Napoleon.  la 
French  twellth-caliea  there  is  a  bean  concealed  in  the  midst,  and  in  the  division  of  the 
cake  the  person  to  whose  lot  the  bean  falls  is  proclaimed  king  for  the  night.  This 
stands  in  lieu  of  our  custom  of  drawiny  for  king  and  queen. — Editor  of  1S36  edUio7i. 

'  Many  of  these  smaller  German  Princes  had,  it  is  said,  to  bribe  Talleyrand  heavily 
tofcuy  their  admission  to  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  ;  see  Jf.  de  TalUyiand,  by 
Sainte-Beuve,  p.  90. 


144         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 

do  not  intend  to  deny  the  higli  regard  I  entertained  for 
that  faithful  servant  of  the  martyred  King  ;  but  the  atten- 
tions which  I  congratulate  myself  on  having  shown  to  an 
excellent  man  should  not  have  subjected  me  to  false  im- 
putations. 

I  have  read  the  following  statement  in  a  publication : 
"  M.  Hue  retired  to  Hamburg,  where  he  passed  nine 
mouths  in  perfect  obscurity.  He  afterwards  went  to  Hol- 
land, provided  with  a  passport  from  Bourrienne,  who  was 
Napoleon's  Minister,  though  in  disgrace,  and  who,  fore- 
seeing what  was  to  happen,  sought  to  ingratiate  himself  in 
the  favour  of  the  Bourbons." 

The  above  passage  contains  a  falsehood  in  almost  every 
line.  M.  Hue  wished  to  reside  in  Hamburg,  but  he  did 
not  wish  to  conceal  himself.  I  invited  him  to  visit  me, 
and  assured  him  that  he  might  remain  in  Hamburg  with- 
out apprehension,  provided  he  acted  prudently.  He 
wished  to  go  to  Holland,  and  I  took  upon  myself  to  give 
him  a  passport.  I  left  M.  Hue  in  the  free  management  of 
his  business,  the  nature  of  which  I  knew  very  well,  and 
which  was  very  honourable  ;  he  was  deputed  to  pay  the 
pensions  which  Louis  XVHI.  granted  to  the  emigrants. 
As  for  myself,  I  had  tendered  my  resignation  of  private 
secretary  to  Bonaparte  ;  and  even  admitting  I  was  in  dis- 
grace in  that  character,  I  was  not  so  as  Minister  and 
Consul-General  at  Hamburg.  My  situation,  which  was  of 
little  consequence  at  the  time  I  w^as  appointed  to  it,  was 
later  on  rendered  exceedingly  important  by  circumstances. 
It  was,  in  fact,  a  sort  of  watch-tower  of  the  Government, 
whence  all  the  movements  of  northern  Germany  were  ob- 
served; and  during  my  residence  in  the  Hanse  Towns  I  con- 
tinually experienced  the  truth  of  what  Bonaparte  said  to 
me  at  my  farewell  audience — "  Youi's  is  a  place  indepen- 
dent and  apart." 

It  is  absurd  to  say  that  the  kindness  I  showed  to  M. 
Hue  was  an  attempt  to  ingratiate  myself  with  the  Boiir- 


1808.  BOURRIENNE  AS  CONSUL-GENERAL.  145 

bons.  M}^  attentioDS  to  liim  were  dictated  solely  by 
humanity,  unaccompanied  by  any  afterthought.  Napoleon 
had  given  me  his  confidence,  and  by  mitigating  the 
severity  of  his  orders  I  served  him  better  than  they  who 
executed  them  in  a  way  which  could  not  fail  to  render  the 
French  Government  odious.  If  I  am  accused  of  extending 
every  possible  indulgence  to  the  unfortunate  emigrants,  I 
plead  g"uilty ;  and,  far  from  wishing  to  defend  myself 
against  the  charge,  I  consider  it  honourable  to  me.  But  I 
defy  any  one  of  them  to  say  that  I  betrayed  in  their 
favour  the  interests  with  which  I  was  entrusted.  They 
who  urged  Bonaparte  to  usurp  the  crown  of  France 
served,  though  jDerhaps  unconsciously,  the  cause  of  the 
Bourbons.  I,  on  the  contrary,  used  all  my  endeavours  to 
dissuade  him  from  that  measure,  which  I  clearly  saw 
must,  in  the  end,  lead  to  the  restoration,  though  I  do  not 
pretend  that  I  was  sufficiently  clear-sighted  to  guess  that 
Napoleon's  fall  was  so  near  at  hand.  The  kindness  I 
showed  to  M.  Hue  and  his  companions  in  misfortune  was 
prompted  by  humanity,  and  not  by  mean  speculation.  As 
well  might  it  be  said  that  Bernadotte,  who,  like  myself, 
neglected  no  o^Dportunity  of  softening  the  rigour  of  the 
orders  he  was  deputed  to  execute,  was  by  this  means 
working  his  way  to  the  throne  of  Sweden. 

Bernadotte  had  proceeded  to  Denmark  to  take  the  com- 
mand of  the  Spanish  and  French  troops  who  had  been  re- 
moved from  the  Hanse  Towns  to  occupy  that  kingdom, 
which  was  then  threatened  by  the  English.  His  de- 
parture was  a  great  loss  to  me,  for  we  had  always  agreed 
respecting  the  measures  to  be  adopted,  and  I  felt  his 
absence  the  more  sensibly  when  I  was  enabled  to  make  a 
comparison  between  him  and  his  successor.  It  is  painful 
to  me  to  detail  the  misconduct  of  those  who  injured  the 
French  name  in  Germany,  but  in  fulfilment  of  the  task  I 
have  undertaken,  I  am  bound  to  tell  the  truth. 

In  April  1808  General  Dupas  came  to  take  the  command 
Vol.  III.— 10 


14G         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       180ft. 


of  Hamburg,  but  only  under  the  orders  of  Bernadotte, 
who  retained  the  supreme  command  of  the  French  troops 
in  the  Hanse  Towns.  By  the  appointment  of  General 
Dupas  the  Emperor  cruelty  thwarted  the  wishes  and  hopes 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Lower  Saxony.  That  General  said 
of  the  people  of  Hamburg,  "  As  long  as  I  see  those  .  .  . 
driving  in  their  carriages  I  can  get  money  from  them." 
It  is,  however,  only  just  to  add,  that  his  dreadful  exac- 
tions were  not  made  on  his  own  account,  but  for  the 
benefit  of  another  man  to  whom  he  owed  his  all,  and  to 
whom  he  had  in  some  measure  devoted  his  existence. 

I  will  state  some  particulars  respecting  the  way  in 
which  the  generals  who  commanded  the  French  troops  at 
Hamburg  were  maintained.  The  Senate  of  Hamburg 
granted  to  the  Marshals  thirty  friederichs  a  day  for  the 
expenses  of  their  table  exclusive  of  the  hotel  in  which 
they  were  lodged  by  the  city.  The  generals  of  division 
had  only  twenty  friederichs.  General  Dupas  wished  to 
be  provided  for  on  the  same  footing  as  the  Marshals. 
The  Senate  having,  with  reason,  rejected  this  demand, 
Dupas  required  that  he  should  be  daily  served  with  a 
breakfast  and  a  dinner  of  thirty  covers.  This  was  an 
inconceivable  burden,  and  Dupas  cost  the  city  more  than 
any  of  his  predecessors. 

I  saw  an  account  of  his  expenses,  which  during  the 
twenty-one  weeks  he  remained  at  Hamburg  amounted  to 
122,000  marks,  or  about  183,000  francs.  None  but  the 
most  exquisite  wines  were  drunk  at  the  table  of  Dupas. 
Even  his  servants  were  treated  with  champagne,  and  the 
choicest  fruits  were  brought  from  the  fine  hothouses  of 
Berlin.  The  inhabitants  were  irritated  at  this  extrava- 
gance, and  Dupas  accordingly  experienced  the  resistance 
of  the  Senate. 

Among  other  vexations  there  was  one  to  which  the  peo- 
ple could  not  readily  submit.  In  Hambui-g,  which  had 
formerly  been  a  fortified  town,  the  custom  was  preserved 


1808.  AN  EXECRABLE  COMMANDER.  14? 

of  closing  the  gates  at  nightfall.  On  Sundays  they  were 
closed  three-quarters  of  an  hour  later,  to  avoid  interrupt- 
ing the  amusements  of  the  peojjle. 

While  General  Dupas  was  Governor  of  Hamburg  an 
event  occurred  which  occasioned  considerable  irritation  in 
the  public  mind,  and  might  have  been  attended  by  fatal 
consequences.  From  some  whim  or  other  the  General 
ordered  the  gates  to  be  closed  at  seven  in  the  evening, 
and  consequently  while  it  was  broad  daylight,  for  it  was 
in  the  middle  of  spring  ;  no  exception  was  made  in  favour 
of  Sunday,  and  on  that  day  a  great  number  of  the  inhab- 
itants who  had  been  walking  in  the  outskirts  of  the  city 
presented  themselves  at  the  gate  of  Altona  for  admittance. 
To  their  surprise  they  found  the  gate  closed,  though  it 
was  a  greater  thoroughfare  than  any  other  gate  in  Ham- 
burg. The  number  of  persons  requiring  admittance  in- 
creased, and  a  considerable  crowd  soon  collected.  After 
useless  entreaties  had  been  addressed  to  the  chief  officer 
of  the  post  the  people  were  determined  to  send  to  the 
Commandant  for  the  keys.  The  Commandant  arrived, 
accompanied  by  the  General.  When  they  appeared  it 
was  supposed  they  had  come  for  the  purpose  of  opening 
the  gates,  and  they  were  accordingly  saluted  with  a  gen- 
eral hurrah  !  which  throughout  almost  all  the  north  is  the 
usual  cry  for  expressing  popular  satisfaction.  General 
Dupas  not  understanding  the  meaning  of  this  hurrah  ! 
supposed  it  to  be  a  signal  for  sedition,  and  instead  of 
ordering  the  gates  to  be  opened  he  commanded  the  mili- 
tary to  fire  upon  the  peaceful  citizens,  who  only  Avanted 
to  return  to  their  homes.  Several  persons  were  killed, 
and  others  more  or  less  seriously  wounded.  Fortunately, 
after  this  first  discharge  the  fui-y  of  Dupas  was  appeased  ; 
but  still  he  persisted  in  keeping  the  gates  closed  at  night. 
Next  day  an  order  was  posted  about  the  city  prohibiting 
the  cry  of  hurrah !  under  pain  of  a  severe  punishment. 
It  was  also  forbidden  that  more  than  three  persons  should 


148         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 

collect  together  in  the  streets.  Thus  it  was  that  certain 
persons  imi^osed  the  French  yoke  upon  towns  and  prov- 
inces which  were  j)reviously  happy. 

Dupas  was  as  much  execrated  in  the  Hanse  Towns  as 
Clarke  had  been  in  Berlin  when  he  was  governor  of  that 
capital  during  the  campaign  of  1807.  Clarke  had  bur- 
dened the  people  of  Berlin  with  every  kind  of  oppi'ession 
and  exaction.  He,  as  well  as  many  others,  manifested  a 
ready  obedience  in  executing  the  Imperial  orders,  how- 
ever tyrannical  they  might  be  ;  and  Heaven  knows  what 
epithets  invariably  accompanied  the  name  of  Clarke  when 
pronounced  by  the  lips  of  a  Prussian. 

Dupas  seemed  to  have  taken  Clarke  as  his  model.  An 
artillery  officer,  who  was  in  Hamburg  at  the  time  of  the 
disturbance  I  have  just  mentioned,  told  me  that  it  was  he 
who  was  directed  to  place  two  pieces  of  light  ai'tillery 
before  the  gate  of  Altona.  Having  executed  this  order, 
he  went  to  General  Dupas,  whom  he  found  in  a  furious 
fit  of  passion,  breaking  and  destroying  everything  within 
his  reach.  In  the  presence  of  the  officer  he  broke  more 
than  two  dozen  plates  which  were  on  the  table  before 
him  :  these  plates,  of  course,  had  cost  him  very  little  ! 

On  the  day  after  the  disturbance  which  had  so  fatal  a 
termination  I  wrote  to  inform  the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo 
of  what  had  taken  place  ;  and  in  my  letter  I  solicited  the 
sujDpression  of  an  extraordinary  tribunal  which  had  been 
created  by  General  Dupas.  He  returned  me  an  immedi- 
ate answer,  complying  with  my  request.  His  letter  was 
as  follows  : — 

I  have  received  your  letter,  my  dear  Minister  :  it  forcibly  con- 
veys the  expression  of  your  right  feeling,  which  revolts  against 
oppression,  severity,  and  the  abuse  of  power.  I  entirely  concur 
in  your  view  of  the  subject,  and  I  am  distressed  whenever  I  see 
such  acts  of  injustice  committed.  On  an  examination  of  the  events 
which  took  place  on  the  19th  it  is  impossible  to  deny  that  the  officer 
who  ordered  the  gates  to  be  closed  so  soon  was  in  the  wrong  ;  and 
next,  it  may  be  asked,  why  were  not  the  gates  opened  instead  of 


1808.  DISTURBANCES  IN  HAMBURG.  149 

the  military  being  ordered  to  fire  on  the  jieople  ?  But,  on  the  other 
hand,  did  not  the  people  evince  decided  obstinacy  and  insubordina- 
tion ?  were  they  not  to  blame  in  throwing  stones  at  the  guard,  forc- 
ing the  palisades,  and  even  refusing  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the 
magistrates  ?  It  is  melancholy  that  they  should  have  fallen  into 
these  excesses,  from  which,  doubtless,  they  would  have  refrained 
had  they  listened  to  the  civil  chiefs,  who  ought  to  be  their  first 
directors.  Finally,  my  dear  Minister,  the  Senator  who  distributed 
money  at  the  gate  of  Altona  to  appease  the  multitude  would  have 
done  better  had  he  advised  them  to  wait  patiently  until  the  gates 
were  opened  ;  and  he  might,  I  think,  have  gone  to  the  Comman- 
dant or  the  General  to  solicit  that  concession. 

Whenever  an  irritated  mob  resorts  to  violence  there  is  no  safety 
for  any  one.  The  protecting  power  must  then  exert  its  utmost 
authority  to  stop  mischief.  The  Senate  of  ancient  Rome,  so 
jealous  of  its  prerogatives,  assigned  to  a  Dictator,  in  times  of 
trouble,  the  power  of  life  and  death,  and  that  magistrate  knew  no 
other  code  than  his  own  will  and  the  axe  of  his  lictors.  The 
ordinary  laws  did  not  resume  their  course  until  the  people  returned 
to  submission. 

The  event  which  took  place  in  Hamburg  produced  a  feeling  of 
agitation  of  which  evil-disposed  persons  might  take  advantage  to 
stir  up  open  insurrection.  That  feeling  could  only  be  repressed  by 
a  severe  tribunal,  which,  however,  is  no  longer  necessary.  General 
D upas  has,  accordingly,  received  orders  to  dissolve  it,  and  justice 
will  resume  her  usual  course.  J.  Bernadotte. 

Densel,  Ath  May,  1808. 

When  Bernadotte  returned  to  Hamburg  he  sent  DujDas 
to  Liibeck.  That  city,  which  was  poorer  than  Hamburg, 
suffered  cruelly  from  the  visitation  of  such  a  guest. 
Dupas  levied  all  his  exactions  in  kind,  and  indignantly 
spurned  every  offer  of  accepting  money,  the  very  idea  of 
which,  he  said,  shocked  his  delicacy  of  feeling.  But  his 
demands  became  so  extravagant  that  the  city  of  Liibeck 
was  utterly  unable  to  satisfy  them.  Besides  his  table, 
which  was  provided  in  the  same  style  of  profusion  as  at 
Hamburg,  he  required  to  be  furnished  with  plate,  linen, 
wood,  and  candles  ;  in  short,  with  the  most  trivial  articles 
of  household  consumption. 

The  Senate  deputed  to  the  incorruptible  General  Dupa.s 


150         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808 


M.  Nolting,  a  venerable  old  man,  who  mildly  represented 
to  iiim  the  abuses  which  were  everywhere  committed  in 
his  name,  and  entreated  that  he  would  vouchsafe  to  accept 
twenty  louis  a  day  to  defray  the  expenses  of  his  table 
alone.  At  this  proposition  General  Dupas  flew  into  a 
rage.  To  offer  him  money  was  an  insult  not  to  be 
endured  !  He  fviriously  drove  the  terrified  Senator  out  of 
the  house,  and  at  once  ordered  his  aide  de  camp  Barral  to 
imprison  him.  M.  de  Barral,  startled  at  this  extraordi- 
nary order,  ventured  to  remonstrate  with  the  General,  but 
in  vain  ;  and,  though  against  his  heart,  he  was  obliged  to 
obey.  The  aide  de  camp  accordingly  waited  upon  the 
Senator  Nolting,  and  overcome  by  that  feeling  of  respect 
which  gray  hairs  involuntarily  inspire  in  youth,  instead  of 
arresting  him,  he  besought  the  old  man  not  to  leave  his 
house  until  he  should  prevail  on  the  General  to  retract 
his  orders.  It  was  not  till  the  following  day  that  M.  de 
Barral  succeeded  in  getting  these  orders  revoked — that  is 
to  say,  he  obtained  M.  Nolting's  release  from  confine- 
ment ;  for  Dupas  would  not  be  satisfied  until  he  heard  that 
the  Senator  had  suffered  at  least  the  commencement  of  the 
punishment  to  which  his  capricious  fury  had  doomed  him. 
In  sj)ite  of  his  parade  of  disinterestedness  General 
Dupas  yielded  so  far  as  to  accept  the  twenty  louis  a  day 
for  the  expense  of  his  table  which  M.  Nolting  had  offered 
him  on  the  part  of  the  Senate  of  Liibeck  ;  but  it  was  not 
without  murmurings,  complaints,  and  menaces  that  he 
made  this  generous  concession  ;  and  he  exclaimed  more 
than  once,  "  These  fellows  have  portioned  out  my  allow- 
ance for  me."  Liibeck  was  not  released  from  the  pres- 
ence of  General  Dupas  until  the  month  of  March  1809, 
when  he  was  summoned  to  command  a  division  in  the 
Emperor's  new  campaign  against  Austria.  Strange  as  it 
may  appear,  it  is  nevertheless  the  fact,  that,  oppressive  as 
had  been  his  presence  at  Liibeck,  the  Hanse  Towns  soon 
had  reason  to  regret  him. 


1808.  151 


CHAPTER    XV. 

1808. 

Promulgation  of  the  Code  of  Commerce — Conquests  by  Senatus-consuUe 
— Three  events  in  one  day — Recollectio7is — Application  of  a  line  of 
Voltaire — Creation  of  the  Imperial  nobility — Res<,oration  of  the  uni- 
versity— Aggrandisement  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  at  the  expense  of 
Rome — Cardinal  Caprara's  departure  from  Paris — The  interview  at 
Erfurt. 

The  year  1808  was  fertile  in  remarkable  events.  Occupied 
as  I  was  with  my  own  duties,  I  yet  employed  my  leisure 
hours  in  observing  the  course  of  those  great  acts  by  which 
Bonaparte  seemed  determined  to  mark  every  day  of  his 
life.  At  the  commencement  of  1808  I  received  one  of  the 
first  copies  of  the  Code  of  Commerce,  promulgated  on  the 
1st  of  January  by  the  Emperor's  order.  This  code  ap- 
peared to  me  an  act  of  mockery  ;  at  least  it  was  extraordi- 
nary to  publish  a  code  respecting  a  subject  which  it  was 
the  effect  of  all  the  Imperial  decrees  to  destroy.  What 
trade  could  possibly  exist  under  the  Continental  system, 
and  the  ruinous  severity  of  the  customs  ?  The  line  was 
already  extended  widely  enough  when,  by  a  SenatuS' 
consulle,  it  was  still  further  widened.  The  Emperor,  to 
whom  all  the  Continent  submitted,  had  recourse  to  no 
other  formality  for  the  purpose  of  annexing  to  the  Empire 
the  towns  of  Kehl,  Cassel  near  Mayence,  Wesel,  and 
Flushing,  with  the  territories  depending  on  them.'     These 

1  A  resolution  of  the  Senate,  or  a  "  Scnatus-consnlte,"  was  the  means  invented  by 
Napoleon  for  altering  the  Imperial  Constitutions,  and  even  the  extent  of  the  Empire. 
By  one  of  these,  dated  21st  January  1808,  the  towns  of  Kehl,  Casse),  and  Wesel,  with 
Flushing,  all  already  seized,  were  definitely  united  to  France.  The  loss  of  Wesel, 
which  belonged  to  Murafs  Grand  Duchy  of  Berg,  was  a  very  sore  point  with  Murat, 
who  talked  of  nothing  less  than  that  he  would  throw  himself  into  the  town  of  WeseJ 


153         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 

conquests,  gained  by  decrees  and  senatorial  decisions,  had 
at  least  the  advantage  of  being  effected  without  blood- 
shed. All  these  things  were  carefully  communicated  to 
me  by  the  IVIinisters  with  whom  I  corresponded,  for  my 
situation  at  Hamburg  had  acquired  such  importance  that 
it  was  neccessary  I  should  know  everything. 

At  this  period  I  observed  among  the  news  which  I 
received  from  difierent  places  a  singular  coincidence  of 
dates,  worthy  of  being  noted  by  the  authors  of  ephem- 
erides.  On  the  same  day — namely,  the  1st  of  February 
— Paris,  Lisbon,  and  Rome  were  the  scenes  of  events  of 
different  kinds,  but,  as  they  all  happened  on  one  day, 
affording  a  striking  example  of  the  rapidity  of  movement 
which  marked  the  reign  of  Bonaparte.  At  Paris  the  niece 
of  Josephine,  Mademoiselle  de  Tascher, '  whom  Napoleon 
had  lately  exalted  to  the  rank  of  Princess,  was  married  to 
the  reigning  Prince  of  Ahremberg,  Avhile  at  the  same  time 
Junot  declared  to  Portugal  that  the  house  of  Braganza 
had   ceased  to  reign,''  and  French  troops  were,  under  the 

with  his  army  and  defend  it.  "  He  should  see  whether  the  Emperor  would  have  the 
face  to  come  and  besiege  him  before  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  ;  and  as  for  himself,  he 
should  hold  out  to  the  last  extremity.  These  words  were  all  smoke,  aud  ended  in  a 
fine  treaty  of  exchange."  See  Eeugnot  (tome  i.  p.  276),  who  goes  on  to  say  that 
''  this  ridiculous  little  struggle  of  the  Grand  Duke  (JIurat)  may  have  contributed 
somewhat  to  his  discomflture  in  the  affairs  of  this  country  (Spain).  Possibly  the 
petty  strife  raised  up  by  the  Marshal  for  the  town  of  Wesel  caused  the  Emperor  to 
lay  aside  the  idea  of  entrusting  to  him  a  position  of  so  much  importance  as  Spain  and 
the  Indies.  So  he  had  to  resign  himself  to  the  throne  of  the  Two  Sicilies,  which  he 
received  ungraciously  enough.  This  is  worth  noting  for  the  instruction  of  posterity  " 
{Bmtgnot,  vol.  i.  p.  277). 

'  Mademoiselle  d'Avrillion,  when  she  first  entered  the  service  of  Josephine,  was 
Iiliiced  about  the  person  of  Mademoiselle  Tascher  de  la  Pagerie  ;  and  in  her  Memoirs 
^ho  draws  rather  an  interesting  character  of  the  young  and  handsome  Creole,  who 
was  singularly  attached  to  her  aunt,  then  only  Madame  Bonaparte,  wife  of  the  First 
Consul.  "  Everybody,"'  says  ib.e  fenune  de  ckambre,  "  was  satisfied  with  this  mar- 
riage, except  the  bride  herself,  whose  taste  was  the  first  that  ought  to  have  been 
consulted.  Mademoiselle  de  Tascher  assented  to  the  union  with  the  greatest  repug- 
nance :  she  had  a  thorough  antipathy  for  the  Prince  d' Ahremberg,  and  she  never 
could  overcome  %but  she  never  could  have  dared  to  resist  the  toil!  and  command  of 
Napoleon."  The  marriage  was  a  wretched  one  :  it  ended  in  a  divorce,  after  which 
Madame  d' Ahremberg  married  the  Comte  de  Guitry. 

2  This  was  a  pet  expression  of  Bonaparte"?.  In  the  same  way  he  said,  in  1806, 
when  he  made  his  brother  Joseph  King  of  Kajiles,,  "the  Bourbons  of  Naples  have 
ceased  to  reign." 


1808.  RUSSIAN  TROOPS  IN  SWEDEN.  153 

command  of  General  MioUis,  occupying  Rome.  This  oc- 
cupation was  the  commencement  of  prolonged  struggles, 
during  which  Pius  VII.  expiated  the  condescension  he 
had  shown  in  going  to  Paris  to  crown  Napoleon. 

Looking  over  my  notes,  I  see  it  was  the  day  after  these 
three  events  occurred  that  Bonaparte  gave  to  his  brother- 
in-law,  Prince  Borghese,  the  Governorship-General  of  the 
departments  beyond  the  Alps  which  he  had  just  founded, 
and  of  which  he  made  the  eighth  Grand  Dignitary  of  the 
Empire.  General  Menou,  whom  I  had  not  seen  since 
Egypt,  was  obliged  by  this  appointment  to  leave  Turin, 
where  he  had  always  remained.  Bonaparte,  not  wishing 
to  permit  him  to  come  to  Paris,  sent  Menou  to  preside 
over  the  Junta  of  Tuscany,  of  which  he  soon  afterwards 
made  another  General-Governorship,  which  he  entrusted 
to  the  care  of  his  sister  Elisa.' 

My  correspondence  relative  to  what  passed  in  the  south 
of  France  and  of  Europe  presented  to  me,  if  I  may  so  ex- 
press myself,  merely  an  anecdotal  interest.  Not  so  the 
news  which  came  from  the  north.  At  Hamburg  I  was  like 
the  sentinel  of  an  advanced  post,  always  on  the  alert.  I 
frequently  informed  the  Government  of  what  would  take 
place  before  the  event  actually  happened.  I  was  one  of 
the  first  to  hear  of  the  j)lans  of  Russia  relative  to  Sweden. 
The  courier  whom  I  sent  to  Paris  arrived  there  at  the  very 
moment  when  Russia  made  the  declaration  of  war.  About 
the  end  of   February  the  Russian  troops  entered  Swedish 

'  Prince  Camille  Philippe  Louis  Borghese  (1775-18.32),  an  Italian,  had  married, 
6th  November  1803,  Pauline  Bonaparte,  the  sister  of  Xapoleon,  and  the  widow  of 
General  Leclerc.  He  had  been  made  Prince  and  Duke  of  Guastalla  when  that  duchy 
was  given  to  his  wife,  30th  March  18U6.  He  separated  from  his  wife  after  a  few 
years.  Indeed  Pauline  was  impossible  as  a  wife  if  half  of  the  stories  about  her  are 
true.  It  was  she  who,  finding  that  a  lady  was  surprised  at  her  having  sat  naked 
while  a  statue  of  her  was  being  modelled  for  Canova,  believed  she  had  satisfac- 
torily explained  matters  by  saying,  "  but  there  icas  afire  in  the  room." 

Elisa  Bonaparte  had  maiTied  Felix  Bacciochi,  and  had  been  made  Princesse  de  Pi- 
ombino  et  de  Luccques  1805.  In  March  1809  she  was  made  Grande  Duchesse  de  Tos- 
cane,  the  dignity  to  which  Bouirienne  alludes.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  as  has 
already  been  stated,  that  900  unopened  letters  were  found  in  Menou's  cabinet  after 
he  had  left.     See  Marnwnt,  tome  i.  p.  411. 


154         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 


Finland,  and  occupied  also  the  capital  of  that  province, 
which  had  at  all  times  been  coveted  by  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment. It  has  been  said  that  at  the  interview  at  Erfurt 
Bonaparte  consented  to  the  usurpation  of  that  province  by 
Alexander  in  return  for  the  complaisance  of  the  latter  in 
acknowledging  Joseph  as  King  of  Spain  and  the  Indies. 

The  removal  of  Joseph  from  the  throne  of  Naples  to  the 
throne  of  Madrid  belongs,  indeed,  to  that  period  respect- 
ing which  I  am  nov/  throwing  together  a  few  recollections. 
Murat  had  succeeded  Joseph  at  Naples,  and  this  accession 
of  the  brother-in-law  of  Napoleon  to  one  of  the  thrones  of 
the  House  of  Bourbon  gave  Bonaparte  another  junior  in 
the  college  of  kings,  of  which  he  would  have  infallibly  be- 
come the  senior  if  he  had  gone  on  as  he  began. 

I  will  relate  a  little  circumstance  which  now  occurs  to 
me  respecting  the  kings  manufactured  by  Napoleon.  I 
recollect  that  during  the  King  of  Etruria's  stay  in  Paris  the 
First  Consul  went  with  that  Prince  to  the  Comedie  Fran- 
yaise,  where  Voltaire's  ffi'tiipws  was  performed.  This  piece, 
I  may  observe,  Bonaparte  liked  better  than  anything  Vol- 
taire ever  wrote.  I  was  in  the  theatre,  but  not  in  the 
First  Consul's  box,  and  I  observed,  as  all  i^resent  must 
have  done,  the  eagerness  with  which  the  audience  applied 
to  Napoleon  and  the  King  of  Etruria  the  line  in  which 
Philoctetes  says — 

"  J'ai  fait  des  souverains  et  n'ai  pas  voulu  I'etre."  ' 

The  application  was  so  marked  that  it  could  not  fail  to 
Ijecome  the  subject  of  conversation  between  the  First  Con- 
sul and  me.  "  You  remarked  it,  Bourrienne  ?  "  .  .  .  "Yes, 
General."  ..."  The  fools  !  .  .  .  They  shall  see  !  They 
shall  see  !  "  We  did  indeed  see.  Not  content  with  mak- 
ing kings,  Bonaparte,  when  his  brow  was  encircled  by  a 
double  crown,  after  ci-eating  princes  at  length  realised  the 
object  he  had  long  contemplated,  namely,  to  found  a  new 

1  "  I  have  made  sovereigns,  but  have  not  wished  to  be  one  myself." 


1808.     BONAPARTE'S  SYSTEM   OF  EDUCATION.        155 

nobility  endowed  with  hereditary  rights.  It  was  at  the 
commencement  of  March  1808  that  he  acconipHshed  this 
project ;  and  I  saw  in  the  Moniteur  a  long  Hst  of  princes, 
dukes,  counts,  bai'ous,  and  knights  of  the  Empire  ;  there 
were  wanting  only  viscounts  and  marquises.' 

At  the  same  time  that  Bonaparte  was  founding  a  new 
nobility  he  determined  to  raise  up  the  old  edifice  of  the 
university,  but  on  a  new  foundation.  The  education  of 
youth  had  always  been  one  of  his  ruling  ideas,  and  I  had 
an  opportunity  of  observing  how  he  was  changed  by  the 
exercise  of  sovereign  power  when  I  received  at  Hamburg 
the  statutes  of  the  new  elder  daughter  of  the  Emperor  of 
the  French,  and  compared  them  with  the  ideas  Avhich  Bo- 
naparte, when  General  and  First  Consul,  had  ofteu  ex- 
pressed to  me  respecting  the  education  which  ought  to  be 
given  you-th.  Though  the  sworn  enemy  of  everything 
like  liberty,  Bonaparte  had  at  first  conceived  a  vast  system 
of  education,  comprising  above  all  the  study  of  history, 
and  those  positive  sciences,  such  as  geology  and  astronomy, 
which  give  the  utmost  degree  of  development  to  the  hu- 
man mind.  The  Sovereign,  however,  slirunk  from  the  first 
ideas  of  the  man  of  genius,  and  his  university,  confided  to 
the  elegant  suppleness  of  M.  de  Fontaines,  was  merely  a 
school  capable  of  producing  educated  subjects  but  not  en- 
lightened men. 

Before  taking  complete  possession  of  Rome,  and  making 
it  the  second  city  of  the  Empire,  the  vaunted  moderation 
of  Bonaparte  was  confined  to  dismembering  from  it  the 

'  For  a  list  of  the  chief  titles  granted  by  Napoleon  sec  Jfailaine  Jiinot.  London, 
Bcntlcy,  1883,  vol.  iii.  p.  512.  Tho  barons  and  counts  were  legion.  It  will  be  seen 
that  all  the  territorial  titles,  if  the  phrase  can  be  used  in  this  case,  were  placed  in 
foreign  countries.  This  was  one  of  the  characteristic  precautions  taken  by  Napoleon 
in  creating  a  fresh  nobility.  The  passions  of  the  Revolutionary  party  would  have 
been  violently  excited  by  a  creation  of  French  titles, — a  measure  which  would  also 
have  displeased  the  old  nobility.  But  when  titles  such  as  Due  de  Castiglione  were 
given,  it  was  difficult  for  any  Frenchman  to  object  to  a  dignity  which  recalled  a 
French  triumph  and  French  ascendency.  Their  inconvenience  was  afterwards 
shown  in  the  case  of  Marmont,  whom  the  Court  of  Vienna  refused  to  receive  after 
the  fall  of  Napoleon  unless  his  title  of  Ragusa  was  dropped. 


156         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 

legations  of  Ancona,  Urbino,  Macerata,  and  Cameriuo, 
which  were  divided  into  thi'ee  departments,  and  added  to 
the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  The  patience  of  the  Holy  See  could 
no  longer  hold  out  against  this  act  of  violence,  and  Cardi- 
nal Caprara,  who  had  remained  in  Paris  since  the  corona- 
tion, at  last  left  that  capital.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Grand 
Duchies  of  Parma  and  Piacenza  were  united  to  the  French 
Empire,  and  annexed  to  the  government  of  the  depart- 
ments beyond  the  Alps.  These  transactions  were  coinci- 
dent with  the  events  in  Spain  and  Bayonne  before  men- 
tioned. 

After  the  snare  laid  at  Bayonne  the  Emperor  entered 
Paris  on  the  14th  of  August,  the  eve  of  his  birthday. 
Scarcely  had  he  arrived  in  the  capital  when  he  experi- 
enced fresh  anxiety  in  consequence  of  the  conduct  of  Rus- 
sia, which,  as  I  have  stated,  had  declared  open  war  with 
Sweden,  and  did  not  conceal  the  intention  of  seizing  Fin- 
land. But  Bonaparte,  desirous  of  actively  carrying  on  the 
war  in  Spain,  felt  the  necessity  of  removing  his  trooj^s 
from  Prussia  to  the  Pyrenees.  He  then  hastened  the  in- 
terview at  Erfurt,  where  the  two  Emperors  of  France  and 
Russia  had  agreed  to  meet.  He  hoped  that  this  interview 
would  insure  the  tranquillity  of  the  Continent,  while  he 
should  complete  the  subjection  of  Spain  to  the  sceptre  of 
Joseph.  That  Prince  had  been  proclaimed  on  the  8th  of 
June  ;  and  on  the  21st  of  the  same  month  he  made  his 
entry  into  Madrid,  but  having  received,  ten  days  after,  in- 
formation of  the  disaster  at  Baylen,  he  was  obliged  to 
leave  the  Spanish  capital. ' 

Bonaparte's  wishes  must  at  this  time  have  been  limited 
to  the  tranquillity  of  the  Continent,  for  the  struggle  be- 
tween him  and  England  was  more  desperate  than  ever, 
England  had  just  sent  troops  to  Portugal  under  the  com- 
mand  of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley.     There  was  no  longer  any 

1  The  important  battle  of  Baylen,  where  the  French,  under  General  Dupont,  were 
beaten  by  the  Spaniards,  was  fought  ou  the  19th  of  July  18C8. 


1808.  NAPOLEON  AND  ALEXANDER.  157 

hope  of  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain.  The  inter- 
view at  Erfurt  having  been  determined  on,  the  Emperor, 
who  had  returned  from  Bayonne  to  Paris,  again  left  the 
capital  about  the  end  of  Septembei*,  and  arrived  at  Metz 
without  stopping,  except  for  the  pui'pose  of  reviewing  the 
regiments  which  were  echeloned  on  his  route,  and  which 
were  on  their  march  from  the  Grand  Army  to  Spain. ' 

I  had  heard  some  time  pre^dously  of  the  interview  which 
was  about  to  take  place,  and  which  was  so  memox'able  in 
the  life  of  Napoleon.  It  excited  so  much  interest  in  Ger- 
many that  the  roads  wei'e  covered  with  the  equi^Dages  of 
the  Princes  who  were  going  to  Erfurt  to  witness  the  meet- 
ing. The  French  Emperor  arrived  there  before  Alexan- 
der, and  went  forward  three  leagues  to  meet  him.^  Na- 
poleon was  on  horseback,  Alexander  in  a  carriage.  They 
embraced,  it  is  said,  in  a  manner  expressive  of  the  most 

1  Talleyrand  talked  a  great  deal  after  dinner  about  Napoleon  at  Erfurt,  where  he 
accompanied  him  as  chamberlain.  [He  had  given  up  the  Foreign  Oflfice  in  August 
1807.J  The  cordiality  amongst  the  sovereigns  was  more  real  at  that  time  than  at  any 
other,  and  the  adulation  of  Napoleon  quite  extraordinary.  As  an  instance  of  this 
he  told  me  that  in  all  the  theatrical  pieces  represented  before  the  sovereigns  any  pos- 
sible allusion  to  Napoleon's  history  was  seized  upon  and  rapturously  applauded  by 
all  the  Kings  and  Hereditary  Princes  present  (£ettt'6«//of«  Diary  of  Henry  Orevilie, 
p.  T6). 

Talleyrand  at  the  time  seems  to  have  dreaded  Napoleon's  plans  :  thus  he  tried  to 
induce  the  Emperor  of  Aus-tria  to  attend,  saying  to  Metternich,  '■  The  Prince  who 
is  not  there  will  have  the  appearance  of  being  either  a  neutral  or  an  enemy.  The 
Emperor  of  Austria  cannot  be  in  the  first  case,  for  nothing  can  take  place  in 
Europe  without  his  offering  either  a  hindrance  or  a  facilicy.  For  myself,  I  would 
desire  that  at  the  right  moment  the  Emperor  Francis  should  arrive  as  a  hindrance "' 
{Metternich,  tome  ii.  p.  270).  As  to  the  result  of  the  conferences  Metternich  (tomeii. 
p.  288)  says,  "  One  truth  very  evident  to  me  is  that  the  result  of  the  Erfurt  confer- 
ences has  not  at  all  corresponded  with  the  ideas  which  were  taken  there." 

"^  The  whole  of  the  month  of  September  ISOS  was  spent  in  settling  the  day  for  the 
departure  of  the  respective  sovereigns  from  St.  Petersburg  and  Paris,  so  that  each 
might  regulate  his  journey  so  as  to  arrive  neither  too  soon  nor  too  late. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  appointed  the  guards,  provided  the  quarters,  and  de- 
frayed the  expenses  of  the  tables,  etc.,  not  only  for  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  but  also 
for  the  other  sovereigns  who  attended  the  interview.  Accordingly  a  troop  of  cooks, 
stewards,  and  lackeys  were  sent  from  the  department  of  the  grand  marshal. 

The  company  of  the  Theatre  Fran^'ais  also  proceeded  to  Erfurt  for  the  purpose 
of  performing  our  best  tragedies  and  comedies.  Finally,  nothing,  however  trifling, 
was  neglected  that  could  contribute  to  the  amusement  of  the  sovereigns  during 
their  stay  at  Erfurt  {iferaoirs  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  tome  ill.  p.  459). 


158         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808 


cordial  friendship.  This  interview  was  witnessed  by 
most  of  the  sovereign  Princes  of  Germany.  However, 
neither  the  King  of  Prussia  nor  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
was  present.  The  latter  sovereign  sent  a  letter  to  Na- 
poleon, of  which  I  obtained  a  copy.     It  was  as  follows  : — 

Stre,  my  Brother — My  Ambasisador  in  Paris  informs  rae  tliat 
your  Majesty  is  about  to  proceed  to  Erfurt  to  meet  the  Emperor 
Alexander.  I  eagerly  seize  the  opportunity  of  3'Our  approach  to 
my  frontier  to  renew  those  testimonials  of  friendship  and  esteem 
which  I  have  pledged  to  you ;  and  I  send  my  Lieuteuant-General, 
Baron  Vincent,  to  convey  to  you  the  assurance  of  my  unalterable 
sentiments.  If  the  false  accounts  that  have  been  circulated  re- 
specting the  internal  institutions  which  I  have  established  in  my 
monarchy  should  for  a  moment  have  excited  your  Majesty's  doubts 
as  to  my  intentions,  I  flatter  myself  that  the  explanations  given  on 
that  subject  by  Count  Metternich  to  your  Minister  will  have  en- 
tirely removed  tliem.  Baron  Vincent  is  enabled  to  confirm  to  your 
Majesty  all  that  has  been  said  by  Count  Metternich  on  the  subject, 
and  to  add  any  further  explanations  you  may  wish  for.  I  beg  that 
your  Majesty  will  grant  him  the  same  gracious  reception  he  experi- 
enced at  Paris  and  at  Warsaw.  The  renewed  marks  of  favour  you 
may  bestow  on  him  will  be  an  unequivocal  pledge  of  the  reciprocity 
of  your  sentiments,  and  will  seal  that  confidence  which  will  render 
our  satisfaction  mutual. 

Deign  to  accept  the  assurance  of  the  unalterable  affection  and  re- 
spect with  which  I  am,  Sire,  my  Brother,  Your  imperial  and  royal 
Majesty's  faithful  brother  and  friend,  (Signed)         Fkancis. 

PKE8BURB,  8^/i  September  18US. 

This  letter  appears  to  be  a  model  of  ambiguity,  by 
which  it  is  impossible  Napoleon  could  have  been  imposed 
upon.  However,  as  yet  he  had  no  suspicion  of  the  hos- 
tility of  Austria,  which  speedily,  became  manifest ;  his 
grand  object  then  was  the  Spanish  business,  and,  as  I 
have  before  observed,  one  of  the  secrets  of  Napoleon's 
genius  was,  that  he  did  not  apply  himself  to  more  than 
one  thing  at  a  time. 

At  Erfurt  Bonaparte  attained  the  principal  object  he 
had  promised  himself  by  the  meeting.     Alexander  recog- 


1808.  NAPOLEON  AND  ALEXANDER.  159 

nised  Joseph  in  his  new  character  of  King  of  Spain  and 
the  Indies.  It  has  been  said  that  as  the  price  of  this 
recognition  Napoleon  consented  that  Alexander  should 
have  Swedish  Finland  ;  but  for  the  truth  of  this  I  cannot 
vouch.  However,  I  remember  that  when,  after  the  inter- 
view at  Erfurt,  Alexander  had  given  orders  to  his  ambassa- 
dor to  Charles  IV.  to  continue  his  functions  under  King 
Joseph,  the  Swedish  charge  d'affaires  at  Hamburg  told  me 
that  confidential  letters  received  by  him  from  Erfurt  led 
him  to  fear  that  the  Emperor  Alexander  had  communi- 
cated to  Napoleon  his  designs  on  Finland,  and  that  Na- 
poleon had  given  his  consent  to  the  occupation.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  as  soon  as  the  interview  was  over  Napoleon 
returned  to  Paris,  where  he  presided  with  much  splendour 
at  the  opening  of  the  Legislative  Body,  and  set  out  in  the 
month  of  November  for  Spain. 


160  180a 


CHAPTER     XVI. 
1808. 

The  Spanish  troops  in  Hamburg — Romana's  siesta — His  departure  for 
Funen — Celebration  of  Napoleon's  birthday — -Romana's  defection — 
English  agents  and  the  Dutch  troops — Facility  of  communication  be- 
tween England  and  the  Continent — -Delay  of  couriers  from  Russia — 
Alarm  and  complaints — The  people  of  Hamburg — Montesquieu  and 
the  Minister  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany — Invitations  at  six  months 
— Napoleon's  journey  to  Italy — Adoption  of  Eugene — Lucien's  daugh- 
ter and  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias — M.  Auguste  de  Stael's  interview 
with  Napoleon. 

Previous  to  the  interview  at  Erfurt  an  event  took  place 
which  created  a  strong  interest  in  Hamburg  and  through- 
out Europe,  an  event  which  was  planned  and  executed 
with  inconceivable  secrecy.  I  allude  to  the  defection  of 
the  Marquis  de  la  Eomana,  which  I  have  not  hitherto 
noticed,  in  order  that  I  might  not  separate  the  different 
facts  which  came  to  my  knowledge  respecting  that  defec- 
tion and  the  circumstances  which  accompanied  it. 

The  Marquis  de  la  Romana  had  come  to  the  Hanse 
Towns  at  the  head  of  an  army  corps  of  18,000  men,  which 
the  Emperor  in  the  preceding  campaign  claimed  in  virtue 
of  treaties  previously  concluded  with  the  Spanish  Govern- 
ment. The  Spanish  troops  at  first  met  with  a  good  recep- 
tion in  the  Hanse  Towns.  The  difference  of  language, 
indeed,  occasionall}'  caused  discord,  but  when  better 
acquainted  the  inhabitants  and  their  visitors  became  good 
friends.  The  Marquis  de  la  Romana  was  a  little  swarthy 
man,  of  unprepossessing  and  rather  common  appearance  ; 
but  he  had  a  considerable  share  of  talent  and  informa- 
tion.    He  had  travelled  in   almost  every  part  of  Europe, 


1808.  R0MANA8  SIESTA.  161 

and  as  he  had  been  a  close  observer  of  all  he  saw  his  con- 
versation was  exceedingly  agreeable  and  instructive. 

During  his  stay  at  Hamburg  General  Romana  spent  al- 
most every  evening  at  my  house,  and  invariably  fell  asleep 
over  a  game  at  whist,  Madame  de  Bourrienne  was 
usually  his  partner,  and  I  recollect  he  perpetually  offered 
apologies  for  his  involuntary  breach  of  good  manners. 
This,  however,  did  not  hinder  him  from  being  guilty  of 
the  same  oflfence  the  next  evening.  I  will  presently  ex- 
plain the  cause  of  this  regular  siesta. 

On  the  King  of  Spain's  birthday  tlie  Marquis  de  la  Ro- 
mana gave  a  magnificent  entertainment.  The  decorations 
of  the  ballroom  consisted  of  military  emblems.  The  Mar- 
quis did  the  honours  with  infinite  grace,  and  paid  par- 
ticular attention  to  the  French  generals.  He  always 
spoke  of  the  Emj)eror  in  very  respectful  terms,  without 
any  appearance  of  aftectation,  so  that  it  was  impossible  to 
suspect  him  of  harbouring  disaffection.  He  played  his 
part  to  the  last  with  the  utmost  address.  At  Hamburg 
we  had  ah'eady  received  intelligence  of  the  fatal  result  of 
the  battle  of  the  Sierra  Morena,'  and  of  the  capitulation 
of  Dupont,  which  disgraced  him  at  the  very  moment  when 
the  whole  army  marked  him  out  as  the  man  most  likely 
next  to  receive  the  baton  of  Marshal  of  France. 

Meanwhile  the  Marquis  de  la  Romana  departed  for  the 
Danish  island  of  Funen,  in  compliance  with  the  order 
s^hich  Marshal  Bernadotte  had  transmitted  to  him. 
There,  as  at  Hamburg,  the  Spaniards  were  well  liked,  for 
their  general  obliged  them  to  observe  the  strictest  disci- 
pline. Great  preparations  were  made  in  Hambui'g  on  the 
approach  of  Saint  Napoleon's  day,  which  was  then  cele- 
brated with  much  solemnity  in  every  town  in  which 
France  had  representatives.  The  Prince  de  Ponte-Corvo 
was  at  Travemunde,  a  small  seaport  near  Liibeck,  but  that 
did  not  prevent  him  from  giving  directions  for  the  festival 

'  The  surrender  of  General  Dupont  at  liaylen. 

Vol.  III.— 11 


163         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1808. 


of  the  15th  of  August.  The  Marquis  de  la  Romana,  the 
better  to  deceive  the  Marshal,  despatched  a  courier,  re- 
questing permission  to  visit  Hamburg  on  the  day  of  the 
fete  in  order  to  join  his  prayers  to  those  of  the  French, 
and  to  receive,  on  the  day  of  the  ftte,  from  the  hands  of 
the  Prince,  the  grand  order  of  the  Legion  of  Honour, 
which  he  had  solicited,  and  wliich  Napoleon  had  granted 
him.  Three  days  after  Bernadotte  received  intelligence  of 
the  defection  of  de  la  Romana.  The  Marquis  had  con- 
trived to  assemble  a  great  number  of  English  vessels  on 
the  coast,  and  to  escape  with  all  his  troops  except  a  dej^^t 
of  GOO  men  left  at  Altona.  We  afterwards  heard  that  he 
experienced  no  interruption  on  his  passage,  and  that  he 
landed  with  his  troops  at  Corunua.  I  now  knew  to  what 
to  attribute  the  drowsiness  which  always  overcame  the 
Marquis  de  la  Romana  when  he  sat  down  to  take  a  hand 
at  whist.  The  fact  was,  he  sat  up  all  night  making  prep- 
arations for  the  escape  which  he  had  long  meditated, 
while  to  lull  suspicion  he  showed  himself  everywhere 
during  the  day,  as  usual.' 

'  The  Marquis  of  Londonderry's  Narratim  of  the  Peninsular  War  contains  the  fol- 
lowing particulars  relative  to  Romana's  defection  :  — 

'•  Whilst  the  naval  and  military  commanders  in  the  Mediterranean  were  exerting 
themselves  an  effort  was  made  in  the  north,  with  complete  success,  to  restore  to  the 
service  of  his  country  one  of  the  ablest  ofllcera  of  which  Spain  could  at  that 
time  boast.  One  of  Bonaparte's  first  measures,  when  meditating  the  subjugation  of 
the  Peninsula,  was  to  demand  from  Spain  a  corps  of  10,000  veteran  troops,  whom, 
under  the  Marquis  de  la  Romana,  he  employed  for  a  time  on  the  banks  of  the  Vis- 
tula, and  afterwards  removed  to  the  shores  of  the  Great  Belt.  They  were  dis- 
tributed at  different  points  in  that  district  when  the  standard  of  indepcndmioe  was 
raised,  and  one  of  the  earliest  measures  of  the  supreme  junta  was  to  issue  a  procla- 
mation calling  upon  them,  in  the  name  of  their  country,  to  return  to  its  defence. 
This  was  necessarily  consigned  to  the  care  of  the  British  cruisers ;  and  it  was  not 
given  to  them  in  vain.  A  scheme  for  its  delivery,  as  well  as  for  the  removal  of  the 
soldiers,  should  they,  as  it  was  believed  they  would,  desire  to  comply  with  its  terms, 
was  immediately  devised  in  London  ;  and  the  execution  of  it  was  committed  to  Vicc- 
Admiral  Keats,  an  officer  well  worthy  of  the  trust.  It  succeeded  to  admiration  ;  and 
7,000  men,  with  Romana  at  their  head,  were  transferred  from  the  ranks  of  the 
enemy  at  a  moment  of  critical  interest  to  those  of  the  patriotic  army."  Shut  up  at 
Funcn  in  the  Baltic  the  Spaniards  for  some  time  could  obtain  no  information  from 
their  own  distant  country.  The  post-officea  of  Europe  were  in  the  handa  of 
Napoleon — his  spies  were  in  the  camp  of  Romana  ;  but  nevertheless  a  bold  and  skil- 
ful agent,  a  Catholic  priest  of  Scotch  extraction  named  Robertson,  succceeded  ia 


1808.  DEFECTION  OF  DUTCH  TROOPS.  163 


On  the  defection  of  the  Spanish  troops  I  received  letters 
from  Government  requiring  me  to  augment  my  vigilance, 
and  to  seek  out  those  persons  who  might  be  supposed  to 
have  been  in  the  confidence  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Romana. 
I  was  informed  that  English  agents,  dispersed  through  the 
Hanse  Towns,  were  endeavouring  to  foment  discord  and 
dissatisfaction  among  the  King  of  Holland's  troops.  These 
manoeuvres  were  connected  with  the  treason  of  the  Span- 
iards and  the  arrival  of  Danican  in  Denmark.  Insubor- 
dination had  already  broken  out,  but  it  was  promptly 
repressed.  Two  Dutch  soldiers  were  shot  for  striking 
their  oificers,  but  notwithstanding  this  severity  desertion 
among  the  troops  increased  to  an  alarming  degree.  Inde- 
fatigable agents  in  the  pay  of  the  English  Government 
laboured  incessantly  to  seduce  the  soldiers  of  King  Louis 
(of  Holland)  fi-om  their  duty.  Some  of  these  agents  being 
denounced  to  me  were  taken  almost  in  the  act,  and  posi- 
tive proof  being  adduced  of  their  guilt  they  were  con- 
demned to  death. 

These  indispensable  examples  of  severity  did  not  check 
the  manoeuvres  of  England,  though  they  served  to  cool 
the  zeal  of  her  agents.  I  used  every  endeavour  to  second 
the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  in  tracing  out  the  persons 
employed  by  England.  It  was  chiefly  from  tlie  small 
island  of  Heligoland  that  they  found  their  way  to  the 
Continent.  This  communication  was  facilitated  by  the 
numerous  vessels  scattered  about  the  small  islands  which 
lie  along  that  coast.  Five  or  six  pieces  of  gold  defrayed 
the  expense  of  the  passage  to  or  from  Heligoland.  Thus 
the  Spanish  news,  which  was  printed  and  often  fabricated 
at  London,  was  profusely  circulated  in  the  north  of  Ger- 
many. Packets  of  papers  addressed  to  merchants  and 
well-known  persons  in  the  German  towns  were  put  into 

getting  ashore  at  Funen  In  disgiuKe,  and  in  opening  commnnications  between  the 
Spanish  general  and  the  British  Admir;il  Keats.  Tlie  combinations  tlien  resorted  to 
by  Romana  to  extricate  his  troops  are  entitled  to  nmoh  ^irinse.  —  KilUor  of  I806 
edition. 


104         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 


the  post-offices  of  Embden,  Kiiipphausen,  Varel,  Olden- 
burg, Delmeiiborst,  and  Bremen.  Generally  speaking, 
this  part  of  the  coast  was  not  sufficiently  well  watched  to 
prevent  espionage  and  smuggling  ;  with  regard  to  smug- 
gling, indeed,  no  power  could  have  entirely  prevented  it. 
Tiie  Continental  system  had  made  it  a  necessity,  so  that  a 
great  part  of  the  population  dejjended  on  it  for  subsistence. 
In  the  beginning  of  December  1808  we  remarked  that 
the  Kussian  courier  who  passed  through  Konigsberg  and 
Berlin,  was  regularly  detained  four,  five,  and  even  six 
hours  on  his  way  to  Hamburg.  The  trading  portion  of 
the  population,  always  suspicious,  became  alarmed  at  this 
change  in  the  courier's  hours,  into  which  they  inquired 
and  soon  discovered  the  cause.  It  was  ascertained  that 
two  agents  had  been  stationed  by  the  postmaster  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Berg  at  Hamburg,  in  a  village  called 
Eschburg  belonging  to  the  province  of  Lauenburg.  There 
the  courier  from  Berlin  was  stopped,  and  his  packets  and 
letters  opened.  As  soon  as  these  facts  were  known  in 
Hamburg  there  was  a  general  consternation  among  the 
trading  class — that  is  to  say,  the  influential  population  of 
the  city.  Important  and  well-grounded  complaints  were 
made.  Some  letters  had  been  suppressed,  enclosures  had 
been  taken  from  one  letter  and  put  into  another,  and  sev- 
eral bills  of  exchange  had  gone  astray.  The  intelligence 
soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo,  and 
was  confirmed  by  the  official  report  of  the  commissioner 
for  the  Imperial  and  Royal  Post-office,  who  complained  of 
the  delay  of  the  courier,  of  the  confusion  of  the  packets, 
and  of  want  of  confidence  in  the  Imperial  Post-office.  It 
was  impolitic  to  place  such  agents  in  a  village  where  there 
was  not  even  a  post-office,  and  where  the  letters  were 
opened  in  an  inn  without  any  supervision.  This  examina- 
tion of  the  letters,  sometimes,  perhaps,  necessary,  but 
often  dangerous,  and  always  extremely  delicate,  created 
additional  alarm,  on  account  of  the  persons  to  whom  the 


1808.  THE  PEOPLE  OF  HAMBURG.  165 

business  was  entrusted.  If  the  Emperor  wished  to  be 
made  acquainted  with  the  correspondence  of  certain  per- 
sons in  the  north  it  would  have  been  natural  to  entrust 
the  business  to  his  agents  and  his  commissioner  at  Ham- 
burg, and  not  to  two  unknown  individuals — another  in- 
convenience attending  black  cabinets.  At  my  suggestion 
the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  gave  orders  for  jjutting  a  stop 
to  the  clandestine  business  at  Eschburg.  The  two  agents 
were  taken  to  Hamburg  and  their  conduct  inquired  into. 
They  were  severely  punished.  They  deserved  this,  how- 
ever, less  than  those  who  had  entrusted  them  with  such 
an  honourable  mission ;  but  leaders  never  make  much 
scruple  about  abandoning  their  accomplices  in  the  lower 
ranks. 

But  for  the  pain  of  witnessing  vexations  of  this  sort, 
which  I  had  not  always  power  to  prevent,  especially  after 
Bernadotte's  removal,  my  residence  at  Hamburg  would 
have  been  delightful.  Those  who  have  visited  that  town 
know  the  advantages  it  possesses  from  its  charming  sit- 
uation on  the  Elbe,  and  above  all,  the  delightful  country 
which  surrounds  it  like  a  garden,  and  extends  to  the  dis- 
tance of  more  than  a  league  along  the  banks  of  the  Eyder. 
The  manners  and  customs  of  the  inhabitants  bear  the 
stamp  of  peculiarity  ;  they  are  fond  of  pursuing  their 
occupations  in  the  open  air.  The  old  men  are  often  seen 
sitting  round  tables  placed  before  their  doors  sipping  tea, 
while  the  children  play  before  them,  and  the  young  people 
are  at  their  work.  These  groups  have  a  very  picturesque 
effect,  and  convey  a  gratifying  idea  of  the  happiness  of 
the  people.  On  seeing  the  worthy  citizens  of  Hamburg 
assembled  round  their  doors  I  could  not  help  thinking  of 
a  beautiful  remark  of  Montesquieu.  When  he  went  to 
Florence  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  to  the  Prime 
Minister  of  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  he  found  him 
sitting  at  the  threshold  of  his  door,  inhaling  the  fresh  air 
and  conversing  with  some  friends,     "I  see,"  said  Montes- 


166         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       180^. 

quieu,  "that  I  am  arrived  among  a  happy  people,  since 
their  Prime  Minister  can  enjoy  his  leisure  moments  thus." 

A  sort  of  2>T'triarchal  simplicity  characterises  the  man- 
ners of  the  inhabitants  of  Hamburg.  They  do  not  visit 
each  other  much,  and  only  by  invitation  ;  but  on  such  oc- 
casions they  display  great  luxury  beneath  their  simple  ex- 
terior. They  are  methodical  and  punctual  to  an  extra-or- 
dinary degree.  Of  this  I  recollect  a  curious  instance. 
I  was  very  intimate  with  Baron  Woght,  a  man  of  talent 
and  information,  and  exceedingly  amiable  manners.  One 
day  he  called  to  make  us  a  farewell  visit  as  he  intended  to 
set  out  on  the  following  day  for  Paris.  On  Madame  de 
Bourrienne  expressing  a  hope  that  he  would  not  protract 
his  absence  beyond  six  months,  the  period  he  had  fixed 
upon,  he  replied,  "Be  assured,  madame,  nothing  shall 
prevent  me  getting  home  on  the  day  I  have  appointed,  for 
I  have  invited  a  party  of  friends  to  dine  with  me  on  the 
day  after  my  return."  The  Baron  returned  at  the  ap- 
pointed time,  and  none  of  his  guests  required  to  be 
i-eminded  of  his  invitation  at  six  months'  date.' 

Napoleon  so  well  knew  the  efifect  which  his  presence 
produced  that  after  a  conquest  he  loved  to  show  himself 
to  the  people  whose  territories  he  added  to  the  Empire. 
Duroc,  who  always  accompanied  him  when  he  was  not  en- 
gaged on  missions,  gave  me  a  curious  account  of  Napo- 
leon's journey  in  1807  to  Venice  and  the  other  Italian  prov- 

'  Among  the  peculiarities  of  n  former  Lord  Guildford  was  a  similar  one :  he  would 
invite  friends  to  dine  with  him  at  London  six  or  eight  months  after  the  date  of  the 
invitation  ;  he  would  then  start  for  the  Ionian  Islands,  where  he  was  organising  a 
university  for  the  Greeks — stay  there  for  months,  and  then,  getting  over  to  Otranto 
or  Brindisi,  he  would  travel  back  through  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  France  to  meet  his 
dinner-party  in  London.  He  generally  so  timed  matters  as  to  reach  his  home  only 
a  few  hours  before  the  dinner  was  to  be  on  table.  In  all  this,  no  doubt,  there  was 
considerable  calculation,  and  some  affectation,  but  it  amused  his  lordship,  and  did 
no  harm  to  any  one.  He  once  refused  an  invitation  to  prolong  his  stay  for  a  day  or 
two  in  the  city  of  Lecce,  at  the  extremity  of  the  Italian  peninsula,  because  he  had  a 
party  fixed  for  such  a  day  in  London,  and  must  travel  on  in  order  to  be  punctual  to 
the  hour  I  This  oddity  certainly  made  tlie  Italian  gentry  stare  with  astonishment.-" 
Editor  0/1836  €d«20n. 


•1880.  NAPOLEON  ADOPTS  EUGENE.  167 

iiices,  which,  conformably  with  the  treaty  of  Presburg, 
were  annexed  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy. 

In  this  journey  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  Napoleon  had 
several  important  objects  in  view.  He  was  planning  great 
alliances  ;  and  he  loaded  Eugene  with  favours  for  the  pur- 
pose of  sounding  him  and  preparing  him  for  his  mother's 
divorce.  At  the  same  time  he  intended  to  have  an  inter- 
view with  his  brother  Lucien,  because,  wishing  to  dispose 
of  the  hand  of  his  brother's  daughter,  he  thought  of  mak- 
ing her  marry  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias  (Ferdinand),  who 
before  the  Spanish  war,  when  the  first  dissensions  between 
father  and  son  had  become  manifest,  had  solicited  an 
alliance  with  the  Emperor  in  the  hope  of  getting  his  sup- 
port.' This  was  shortly  after  the  eldest  son  of  Louis  had 
died  in  Holland  of  crovip.  It  has  been  wrongly  believed 
that  Napoleon  had  an  affection  for  this  child  beyond  that 
of  an  uncle  for  a  nephew.  I  have  ah'eady  said  the  truth 
about  this. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  Napoleon  now 
seriously  contemplated  a  divorce  from  Josephine.  If  there 
had  been  no  other  proof  of  this  I,  who  from  long  habit 
knew  how  to  read  Napoleon's  thoughts  by  his  acts,  found 
a  sufficient  one  in  the  decree  issued  at  Milan  by  which  Na- 
poleon adopted  Eugene  as  his  son  and  successor  to  the 

'  For  Lucien's  account  of  the  interview  with  his  brother  at  Mantua  on  the  12th 
December  1807  see  lung's  Lucien,  tome  iii.  pp.  82-157.  Napoleon  offered  Lucien 
everything  if  he  would  divorce  his  second  wife,  lladaine  Jouberthon,  and  spoke  of 
his  own  divorce  from  Josephine.  He  even  hinted,  says  Lucien,  that  he  might  marry 
Charlotte,  the  daughter  of  Lucien.  The  brothers  separated  on  fair  terms,  but  did 
not  see  one  another  again  till  1815.  In  February  1810  Lucien's  daughter  Charlotte 
was  sent  to  the  Imperial  Court  to  be  ready  for  a  marriage  with  the  Prince  of  tha 
Asturias,  later  Ferdinand  VII.  of  Spain,  who  had  prayed  Napoleon  to  grant  him  the 
honour  of  an  alliance  mth  an  august  princess  of  his  family  {Vxi  Casse,  tome  iv.  p. 
859).  Erreurs  (tome  ii.  p.  172)  denies  this,  but  Bourrienne  is  here  right.  Another 
possible  claimant  of  her  hand  was  the  Archduke  Ferdinand,  Grand  Duke  of  Wurzburg, 
brother  of  the  Emperor  Francis  of  Austria.  Napoleon  seems  also  to  have  felt  his  way 
in  1810  for  a  marriage  between  her  and  the  Austriaii  Prince  Imperial  (see  Metteriiich, 
tome  ii.  p.  372).  The  girl  disliked  the  Court,  and  ridiculed  its  members  and  their 
manners  in  her  letters  to  her  parents.  These  letters  were  opened  by  Napoleon,  and 
read  by  him  to  his  indignant  family,  and  the  girl  was  sent  back  to  her  father  She 
married  Prince  Mario  trabrielli  in  1815. 


168         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 


crown  of  Italy,  in  default  of  male  and  legitimate  children 
directly  descended  from  him.  Lucieu  went  to  Mantua  on 
his  brother's  invitation,  and  this  was  the  last  interview 
they  had  before  the  Cent  Jours.  Lucien  consented  to  give 
liis  daughter  to  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias,  but  this  mar- 
riage did  not  take  place.  I  learned  from  Duroc  to  what 
a  height  the  enmity  of  Lucien  towards  the  Beauharnais 
family,  an  enmity  which  I  have  often  had  occasion  to  speak 
of,  had  been  renewed  on  this  occasion.  Lucien  could  not 
pardon  Josephine  for  the  rebuff  of  the  counsels  which 
he  had  given  her,  and  which  she  had  rejected  with  such 
proper  indignation.  Lucien  had  besides  another  special 
reason  for  giving  his  daughter  to  the  Prince  of  the  Asturias. 
He  particularly  wished  to  prevent  that  Prince  marrying 
Mademoiselle  de  Tascher,  the  niece  of  Josephine,  a  mar- 
riage for  which  M.  de  Beauharnais,  then  Ambassador  of 
France  at  Madrid,  was  working  with  all  his  might.  Lucien 
also,  with  his  Kepublicau  stolidity,  submitted  without  too 
much  scruple  to  the  idea  of  having  a  Bourbon  King  as 
son-in-law.  It  was  also  during  this  journey  of  Napoleon 
that  he  annexed  Tuscany  to  the  Empire. 

Bonaparte  returned  to  Paris  on  the  1st  of  Jauuarj^  1808. 
On  his  way  he  stopped  for  a  short  time  at  Chambery, 
where  a  young  man  had  been  waiting  for  him  several  days. 
This  was  Madame  de  Stael's  son,  who  was  then  not  more 
than  seventeen  years  of  age.  M.  Auguste  de  Stael  lodged 
at  the  house  of  the  postmaster  of  Chambery,  and  as  the 
Emperor  was  expected  in  the  course  of  the  night,  he  gave 
ot'ders  that  he  should  be  called  up  on  the  arrival  of  the 
first  courier.  The  couriers,  wdio  had  been  delayed  on  the 
road,  did  not  ai'rive  until  six  in  the  morning,  and  were 
almost  immediately  followed  by  the  Emperor  himself,  so 
that  M.  de  Stael  was  awakened  by  the  cries  of  Vive 
VEmpereur!  He  had  just  time  to  dress  himself  hastily,  and 
fly  to  meet  Napoleon,  to  whom  he  delivered  a  letter,  which 
he  had  prepared  beforehand  for  the  purpose  of  soliciting' 


1808.  AUGUSTS  DE  STAEL.  169 

an  audience.  Lauriston,  the  aide  de  camp  on  duty,  took 
the  letter,  it  being  his  business  to  receive  all  the  letters 
and  petitions  which  were  presented  to  Napoleon  on  his 
wa}'.  Before  breakfast  the  Emperor  opened  the  letters 
which  Lauriston  had  laid  on  the  table  ;  he  merely  looked 
at  the  signatures,  and  then  laid  them  aside.  On  opening 
M.  de  Stael's  letter  he  said,  "  Ah  !  ah  !  what  have  we  here  ? 
a  letter  from  M.  de  Stael !  .  .  .  He  wishes  to  see  me.  .  .  . 
What  can  he  want  ?  .  .  .  Can  there  be  anything  in  com- 
mon between  me  and  the  refugees  of  Geneva  ?  " — "  Sire, ' 
observed  Lauriston,  "  he  is  a  very  young  man  ;  and,  as 
well  as  I  could  judge  from  the  little  I  saw  of  him,  there  is 
something  very  prepossessing  in  his  appearance." — "  A 
very  young  man,  say  you  ?  .  .  .  Oh,  then  I  will  see  him. 
.  .  .  Rustan,  tell  him  to  come  in."  M.  de  Stael  presented 
himself  to  Napoleon  with  modesty,  but  without  any  unbe- 
coming timidity.  When  he  had  respectfully  saluted  the 
Emperor  a  conversation  ensued  between  them,  which 
Duroc  described  to  me  in  nearly  the  following  manner. 

As  M.  de  StaC'l  advanced  towards  the  Emperor  the 
latter  said,  "  Whence  do  you  come  ?  " — "  From  Geneva, 
Sire." — "Where  is  your  mother?" — "She  is  either  in 
Vienna  or  will  soon  be  there." — "At  Vienna!  .  .  .  Well, 
that  is  where  she  ought  to  be  ;  and  I  suppose  she  is 
happy.  .  .  .  She  will  now  have  a  good  opportunity 
of  learning  German," — "Sire,  bow  can  you  imagine  my 
mother  is  happy  when  she  is  absent  from  her  country 
and  her  friends  ?  If  I  were  permitted  to  lay  before  your 
Majesty  my  mother's  confidential  letter  you  would  see 
how  unhappy  she  is  in  her  exile." — "Ah,  bah  !  your 
laother  unhappy,  indeed  !  .  .  .  However,  I  do  not 
mean  to  say  she  is  altogether  a  bad  woman.  .  .  .  She 
has  talent— perhaps  too  much  ;  and  hers  is  an  unbridled 
talent.  She  was  educated  amidst  the  chaos  of  the  sub- 
verted monarchy  and  the  Revolution  ;  and  out  of  these 
events  she  makes  an  amalgamation  of  her  own  !     All  thia 


170         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 


might  become  very  dangerous.  Her  enthusiasm  is  likely 
to  make  proselytes.  I  must  keep  watch  upon  her.  She 
does  not  like  me  ;  and  for  the  interests  of  those  whom 
she  would  endanger  I  must  prohibit  her  coming  to  Paris." 
Young  De  Stael  stated  that  his  object  in  seeking  the 
interview  with  the  Emperor  was  to  petition  for  his 
mother's  return  to  Paris.  Napoleon  having  listened  with- 
out impatience  to  the  reasons  he  urged  in  support  of 
his  request,  said,  "  But  supj^osing  I  were  to  permit  your 
mother  to  return  to  Paris,  six  months  would  not  elapse 
before  I  should  be  obliged  to  send  her  to  the  Bicetre  or 
to  the  Temple.  This  I  should  be  sorry  to  do,  because 
the  affair  would  make  a  noise,  and  injure  me  in  public 
opinion.  Tell  your  mother  that  my  determination  is 
formed,  that  my  decision  is  irrevocable.  She  shall  never 
set  foot  in  Paris  as  long  as  I  live." — "Sire,  I  cannot  be- 
lieve that  you  would  arbitrarily  imprison  my  mother  if 
she  gave  you  no  reason  for  such  severity." — "She  would 
give  me  a  dozen!  ...  I  know  her  well." — "Sire,  per- 
mit me  to  say  that  I  am  certain  my  mother  would  live 
in  Paris  in  a  way  that  would  afford  no  ground  of  re- 
l^roach  ;  she  would  live  i-etired,  and  would  see  only  a  very 
few  friends.  In  spite  of  your  Majesty's  refusal  I  venture 
to  entreat  that  you  will  give  her  a  trial,  were  it  only  for 
six  weeks  or  a  month.  Permit  her.  Sire,  to  pass  that 
time  in  Paris,  and  I  conjure  you  to  come  to  no  final  de- 
cision beforehand." — "  Do  you  think  lam  to  be  deceived 
by  these  fair  promises?  ...  I  tell  3'ou  it  cannot  be. 
Slie  would  serve  as  a  rallying  point  for  the  Faubourg  St. 
Germain.  She- see  nobody,  indeed!  Could  she  make 
that  sacrifice?  She  would  visit  and  receive  compai^. 
She  would  be  guilty  of  a  thousand  follies.  She  would  be 
saying  things  which  she  may  consider  as  very  good 
jokes,  but  which  I  should  take  seriously.  My  govern- 
ment is  no  joke  :  I  wish  this  to  be  well  known  by  every- 
body."—  "Sire,  will  your  Majesty  permit  me  to  repeat 


1808.  NAPOLEON  ON  NECKEB.  171 

that  my  mother  has  no  wish  whatever  to  mingle  in  so- 
ciety? She  would  confine  herself  to  the  circle  of  a  few 
friends,  a  list  of  whom  she  would  give  to  your  Majesty. 
You,  Sire,  who  love  France  so  well,  may  form  some  idea 
of  the  misery  toy  mother  suffers  in  her  banishment.  I 
conjure  your  Majesty  to  yield  to  my  entreaties,  and  let 
us  he  included  in  the  number  of  your  faithful  subjects." 
— "You!" — "Yes,  Sire;  or  if  your  Majesty  persist  in 
your  refusal,  permit  a  son  to  inquire  what  can  have 
raised  your  displeasure  against  his  mother.  Some  say 
that  it  was  my  grandfather's  last  work  ;  but  I  can  assure 
your  Majesty  that  my  mother  had  nothing  to  do  with 
that," — "Yes,  certainly,"  added  Napoleon,  with  more  ill- 
humour  than  he  had  hitherto  manifested.  "  Yes,  certain- 
ly, that  work  is  very  objectionable.  Your  grandfather 
was  an  ideologist,  a  fool,  an  old  lunatic.  At  sixty  years 
of  age  to  think  of  forming  plans  to  overthrow  my  consti- 
tution !  States  would  be  well  governed,  truly,  under  such 
theorists,  who  judge  of  men  from  books  and  the  world 
from  the  map." — "Sire,  since  my  grandfather's  plans  are, 
in  your  Majesty's  eyes,  nothing  but  vain  theories,  I  can- 
not conceive  why  they  should  so  highly  excite  your  dis- 
pleasure. There  is  no  political  economist  who  has  not 
traced  out  plans  of  constitutions." — "  Oh  !  as  to  political 
economists,  they  are  mere  visionaries,  who  are  dreaming 
of  plans  of  finance  while  they  are  unfit  to  fulfil  the  duties 
of  a  schoolmaster  in  the  most  insignificant  village  in  the 
Empire.  Your  grandfather's  work  is  that  of  an  obstinate 
old  man  who  died  abusing  all  governments." — "Sire,  may 
I  presume  to  suppose,  from  the  way  in  which  you  speak 
of  it,  that  your  Majesty  judges  from  the  report  of  malig- 
nant persons,  and  that  you  have  not  yourself  read  it." — 
"That  is  a  mistake,  I  have  read  it  myself  from  begin- 
ning to  end." — "Then  your  Majesty  must  have  seen  how 
my  grandfather  renders  justice  to  your  genius." — 
"  Fine  justice,  truly !  .  .  .  He  calls  me  the  indispensable 


173         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 


man,  but,  judging  from  his  arguments,  the  best  thing 
that  could  be  done  would  be  to  cut  my  throat !  Yes,  I 
was  indeed  indisj)ensable  to  repair  the  foUies  of  your 
grandfather,  and  the  mischief  he  did  to  France.  It  Avas 
he  who  overturned  the  monarchy  and  led  Louis  XVL  to 
iho  scaffold." — "  Sire,  you  seem  to  forget  that  my  grand- 
father's property  was  confiscated  because  he  defended  the 
King." — "  Defended  the  King  !  A  fine  defence,  truly  ! 
You  might  as  well  say  that  if  I  give  a  man  poison  and 
present  him  with  an  antidote  when  he  is  in  the  agonies  of 
death  I  wish  to  save  him  !  Yet  that  is  the  way  your 
grandfather  defended  Louis  XVL  ...  As  to  the  con- 
fiscation you  speak  of,  what  does  that  prove  ?  Nothing. 
Why,  the  property  of  Robespierre  was  confiscated  !  And 
let  me  tell  you  that  Robespierre  himself,  Marat,  and 
Danton  did  much  less  mischief  to  France  than  M.  Necker. 
It  was  he  who  brought  about  the  Revolution.  You,  Mon- 
sieur de  Stael,  did  not  see  this  ;  but  I  did.  I  witnessed 
all  that  passed  in  those  days  of  terror  and  public  calam- 
ity. But  as  long  as  I  live  those  daj'^s  shall  never  return. 
Your  speculators  trace  their  Utopian  schemes  upon  paper  ; 
fools  read  and  believe  them.  All  are  babbling  about 
general  happiness,  and  presently  the  people  have  not 
bread  to  eat ;  then  comes  a  revolution.  Such  is  usually 
the  fruit  of  all  these  fine  theories !  Your  grandfather 
was  the  cause  of  the  saturnalia  which  desolated  France.  He 
is  responsible  for  all  the  blood  shed  in  the  Revolution  !  " 

Duroc  informed  me  that  the  Emperor  uttered  these  last 
words  in  a  tone  of  fury  which  made  all  present  tremble 
for  young  De  Stael.  Fortunately  the  young  man  did  not 
lose  his  self-possession  in  the  conflict,  while  the  agitated 
expression  of  his  countenance  evidently  showed  what  was 
passing  in  his  mind.  He  was  suflSciently  master  of  him- 
self to  reply  to  the  Emperor  in  a  calm  though  rather 
faltering  voice  :  "Sire,  permit  me  to  hope  that  posterity 
will  judge  of  my  grandfather  more  favourably  than  your 


1808.  THE  DIVINE  ORIGIN  OF  POWER.  173 

Majesty  does.  During  his  administration  he  was  ranked 
by  the  side  of  Sully  and  Colbert  ;  and  let  me  repeat  again 
that  I  trust  posterity  will  render  him  justice." — "Posterity 
will,  probably,  say  little  about  him." — "I  venture  to  hope 
the  contrary,  Sire." 

Then,  added  Duroc,  the  Emperor  turning  to  us  said 
with  a  smile,  "  After  all,  gentlemen,  it  is  not  for  me  to  say 
too  much  against  the  Revolution  since  I  have  gained  a 
throne  by  it."  Then  again  turning  to  M.  de  Stael  he 
said,  "  The  reign  of  anarchy  is  at  an  end.  I  must  have 
subordination.  Respect  the  sovereign  authority,  since  it 
comes  from  God.'  You  are  young,  and  well  educated, 
therefore,  follow  a  better  course,  and  avoid  those  bad 
principles  which  endanger  the  welfare  of  society." — "Sire, 
since  your  Majesty  does  me  the  honour  to  think  me  well 
educated,  you  ought  not  to  condemn  the  principles  of  my 
grandfather  and  my  mother,  for  it  is  in  those  principles 
that  I  have  been  brought  up." — "Well,  I  advise  3'ou  to 
keep  right  in  politics,  for  I  will  not  pardon  any  offences  of 
the  Necker  kind.     Every  one  should  keep  right  in  politics.'" 

This  conversation,  Duroc  informed  me,  had  continued 
the  whole  time  of  breakfast,  and  the  Emperor  rose  just  as 
he  pronounced  these  last  words  :  "  Every  one  should  keep 
right  in  politics."  At  that  moment  young  De  Stael  again 
renewed  his  solicitations  for  his  mother's  recall  from  exile. 
Bonaparte  then  stepped  up  to  him  and  pinched  his  ear 
with  that  air  of  familiarity  which  was  customary  to  him 
when  he  was  in  good  humour  or  wished  to  appear  so. 

'  This  belief  in  the  Divine  origin  of  power  was  dear  to  the  mind  of  Napoleon. 
"Napoleon  was  also  much  impressed  with  the  idea  of  deriving  the  origin  of  supreme 
authority  from  the  Divinity.  He  said  to  me  one  day  at  Compi^gne,  shortly  after 
his  marriage  with  the  Archduchess,  '  I  see  that  the  Empress,  in  writing  to  her 
father,  addresses  her  letter  to  His  Sacred  and  Imperial  Majesty.  Is  this  title  cus- 
tomary with  you  ?  '  I  told  him  that  it  was,  from  the  tradition  of  the  old  Germmi 
Empire,  which  bore  the  title  of  the  Holy  Empire,  and  because  it  was  also  attached  t''> 
the  Apontolic  crown  of  Hungary.  Napoleon  then  replied  in  a  grave  tone,  '  It  is  a 
fine  custom  and  a  good  expression.  Power  comes  from  God,  and  it  is  that  alone 
which  places  it  beyond  the  attacks  of  men.  Hence  I  shall  adopt  the  title  some 
day  '  "  {Metier nicft.  tome  i.  p.  27ti). 


174         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 


"  You  are  young,"  said  lie  ;  "  if  you  had  my  age  and  ex- 
perience you  would  judge' of  things  more  correctly.  I  am 
far  from  being  displeased  with  your  frankness.  I  like  to 
see  a  son  plead  his  mother's  cause.  Your  mother  has 
given  you  a  difficult  commission,  and  you  have  executed 
it  cleverly.  I  am  glad  I  have  had  this  opportunity  of  con- 
versing with  you.  I  love  to  talk  with  young  people  when 
they  are  unassuming  and  not  too  fond  of  arguing.  But  in 
spite  of  that  I  will  not  hold  out  false  hopes  to  you.  Murat 
has  already  spoken  to  me  on  the  subject,  and  I  have  told 
him,  as  I  now  tell  you,  that  my  will  is  irrevocable.  If 
your  mother  were  in  prison  I  should  not  hesitate  to  liber- 
ate her,  but  nothing  shall  induce  me  to  recall  her  from 
exile." — "But,  Sire,  is  she  not  as  unhappy  in  being 
banished  from  her  country  and  her  friends  as  if  she  were 
in  prison?" — "Oh!  these  are  your  mother's  romantic 
ideas.  She  is  exceedingly  unhappy,  and  much  to  be 
pitied,  no  doubt !  .  .  .  With  the  exception  of  Paris 
she  has  all  Europe  for  her  prison." — "  But,  Sire,  her 
friends  are  in  Paris." — "  With  her  talents  she  may  make 
friends  anywhere.  After  all,  I  cannot  understand  why  she 
should  be  so  anxious  to  come  to  Paris.  Why  should  she 
wish  to  place  herself  immediately  within  the  reach  of  my 
tyranny  ?  Can  she  not  go  to  Eome,  to  Berlin,  to  Vienna, 
to  Milan,  or  to  London  ?  Yes,  let  her  go  to  London  ;  that 
is  the  place  for  her.  There  she  may  libel  me  as  much  as 
she  pleases.  In  short,  she  has  my  full  liberty  to  be  any- 
where but  in  Paris.  You  see,  Monsieur  de  Stael,  that  is 
the  place  of  my  residence,  and  there  I  will  have  only  those 
who  are  attached  to  me.  I  know  from  experience  that  if 
I  were  to  allow  your  mother  to  come  to  Paris  she  would 
spoil  everybody  about  me.  She  would  finish  the  spoiling 
of  Garat.  It  was  she  who  ruined  the  Tribunate.  I  know 
she  would  promise  wonders  ;  but  she  cannot  refrain  from 
meddling  with  politics." — "I  can  assure  your  Majesty  that 
my  mother  does  not  now  concern  herself  about  politics. 


1808.  STATE  DEBTS  ALWATS  SACRED.  173 

She  devotes  herself  exclusively  to  the  society  of  her 
friends  and  to  literature." — "Ah,  there  it  is !  .  .  . 
Literature  !  Do  jou  think  I  am  to  be  imposed  upon  by 
that  word  ?  While  discoursing  on  literature,  morals,  the 
fine  arts,  and  such  matters,  it  is  easy  to  dabble  in  politics. 
Let  women  mind  their  knitting.  If  your  mother  were  in 
Paris  I  should  hear  all  sorts  of  reports  about  her.  Things 
might,  indeed,  be  falsely  attributed  to  her  ;  but,  be  that 
as  it  may,  I  will  have  nothing  of  the  kind  going  on  in  the 
capital  in  which  I  reside.  All  things  considered,  advise 
your  mother  to  go  to  London.  That  is  the  best  place  for 
her.  As  for  your  grandfather,  I  have  not  spoken  too 
severely  of  him.  M.  Necker  knew  nothing  of  the  art  of 
government.  I  have  learned  something  of  the  matter 
during  the  last  twenty  years." — "All  the  world.  Sire, 
renders  justice  to  your  Majesty's  genius,  and  there  is  no 
one  but  acknowledges  that  the  finances  of  France  are  now 
more  prosperous  than  ever  they  were  before  your  reign. 
But  permit  me  to  observe  that  your  Majesty  must,  doubt- 
less, have  seen  some  merit  in  the  financial  regulations  of 
my  grandfather,  since  you  have  adopted  some  of  them  in 
the  admirable  system  you  have  established." — "  That 
proves  nothing  ;  for  two  or  three  good  ideas  do  not  con- 
stitute a  good  system.  Be  that  as  it  may,  I  say  again,  I 
will  never  allow  your  mother  to  retui'u  to  Paris." — "  But, 
Sire,  if  sacred   interests  should   absolutely  require   her 

presence  thei-e  for  a  few  days  would  not "  — "How  ! 

Sacred  interests  !  What  do  you  mean  ?  " — "  Yes,  Sire,  if 
you  do  not  allow  her  to  return  I  shall  be  obliged  to  go 
there,  unaided  by  her  advice,  in  order  to  recover  from 
your  Majesty's  Government  the  payment  of  a  sacred 
debt. "—"Ah !  bah !  Sacred !  Ai-e  not  all  the  debts  of  the 
State  sacred  ?  " — "  Doubtless,  Sire  ;  but  ours  is  attended 
with  circumstances  which  give  it  a  peculiar  cliaracter." — 
"  A  peculiar  character !  Nonsense  !  Does  not  every 
State  creditor  say  the  same  of  his  debt  ?     Besides,  I  know 


176         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 

notliing  of  your  claim.  It  does  not  concern  me,  and  I 
•will  not  meddle  with  it.  If  you  have  the  law  on  your  side 
so  much  the  better  ;  but  if  you  want  favour  I  tell  you  I 
will  not  interfere.  If  I  did,  I  should  be  rather  against 
you  than  otherwise." — "  Sire,  my  brother  and  myself  had 
intended  to  settle  in  France,  but  how  can  we  live  in  a 
country  where  our  mother  cannot  visit  us?"— -"I  do  not 
care  for  that.  I  do  not  advise  you  to  come  here.  Go  to 
England.  The  English  like  wrangling  politicians.  Go 
there,  for  in  France,  I  tell  you  candidly,  that  I  should  be 
rather  against  you  than  for  you." 

"  After  this  conversation,"  added  Duroc,  "  the  Emperor 
got  into  the  carriage  with  me  without  stopping  to  look 
to  the  other  petitions  which  had  been  jDresented  to  him. 
He  preserved  unbroken  silence  until  he  got  nearly  opposite 
the  cascade,  on  the  left  of  the  road,  a  few  leagues  from 
Chambery.  He  appeared  to  be  absorbed  in  reflection. 
At  length  he  said,  '  I  fear  I  have  been  somewhat  too  harsh 
with  this  young  man.  .  .  .  But  no  matter,  it  will  prevent 
others  from  troubling  me.  These  people  calumniate 
everything  I  do.  They  do  not  understand  me,  Duroc  ; 
their  place  is  not  in  France.  How  can  Necker's  family  be 
for  the  Bourbons,  whose  first  duty,  if  ever  they  returned 
to  France,  would  be  to  hang  them  all."  ' 

This  conversation,  related  to  me  by  Duroc,  interested 
me  so  much  that  I  noted  it  down  on  paper  immediately 
after  my  interview. ° 

1  After  all  the  outcry  which  has  been  raised  about  the  tyrannical  conduct  of 
Napoleon  towards  Madame  de  Stael,  there  is  some  point  in  his  question  as  to  why 
she  was  so  anxious  to  place  herself  under  his  tyranny.  Napoleon  knew  her  as  a 
cljver,  meddling,  ambitious  woman,  and  he  prevented  her  from  stirring  up  political 
strife  in  Paris  at  a  time  when  the  land  calU-d  for  internal  even  more  than  for  exter- 
nal peace.  As  Napoleon  said  to  Jlctternich,  "If  Madame  de  Staiil  would  be,  or 
could  be,  either  a  Royalist  or  a  Republican,  I  should  have  nothing  to  s.ny  against  her  ; 
but  she  is  a  machine  in  motion  which  will  make  a  disturbance  in  the  salons.  It 
is  only  in  France  that  such  a  woman  is  to  be  feared,  and  I  will  not  agree  to  it  (her 
return)  {Metier nich.  tome  i.  p.  281). 

"  After  the  fall  of  Bonaparte  Auguste  de  Stagl  became  an  orator  and  a  political 
writer  of  high  reputation.     See  his  CEuvrea  diverses,  Paris,  1829. 


1808.  171 


CHAPTEK    XVn. 

1808. 

The  Republic  of  Batavia — The  crown  of  Holland  offered  to  Louis — Offer 
and  refusal  of  the  crown  of  Spain — Napoleon's  attempt  to  get  posses- 
sion of  Brabant — Napoleon  before  and  after  Erfurt — A  remarkable 
letter  to  Louis — Louis  summoned  to  Paris — His  honesty  and  courage 
— His  bold  language — Louis'  return  to  Holland,  and  his  letter  to 
Napoleon — Harsh  letter  from  Napoleon  to  Louis — Affray  at  Amster- 
dam— Napoleon's  displeasure  and  last  letter  to  his  brother — Louis' 
abdication  in  favour  of  his  son — Union  of  Holland  to  the  French 
Empire — Protest  of  Louis  against  that  measure — Letter  from  M. 
Otto  to  Louis. 

Whilk  Bonaparte  was  the  chief  of  the  French  RepubHc  he 
had  no  objection  to  the  existence  of  a  Batavian  KepubHc 
in  the  north  of  France,  and  he  equally  tolerated  the 
Cisalpine  Republic  in  the  south.  But  after  the  coronation 
all  the  RejDublics,  which  were  grouped  like  satellites 
round  the  grand  Republic,  were  converted  iiito  kingdoms 
subject  to  the  Emj^ire,  if  not  avowedly,  at  least  in  fact. 
In  this  respect  there  was  no  difference  between  the 
Batavian  and  Cisalpine   Republics.'      The  latter  having 

'  It  may  be  interesting  to  detail  the  various  Republics  formed  or  renamed  during 
the  Revolutionary  wars.  France  itself,  declared  a  Republic  on  21st  September  1792, 
became  an  Empire  in  1804.  The  Batavian  Republic  was  formed  of  Holland  in  1795  ; 
it  became  a  Kingdom  under  Louis  Bonaparte  in  1806,  and  after  being  annexed  to 
the  French  Empire  in  1810  fell  to  the  House  of  Orange  in  1815.  Switzerland  became 
the  Helvetian  Republic  in  1798,  and  the  Swiss  Confederation  in  1803.  The  Valaie, 
occupied  by  the  French  in  1801,  was  made  a  separate  Republic  in  1802  :  it  was  an- 
nexed to  the  Empire  in  1810,  and  restored  to  Switzerland  in  1815.  Another  of  the 
Swiss  States,,  the  Pays  de  Vaud,  was  named  the  Ri'publique  Lemanique  in  1798,  and 
ended  as  a  separate  Canton.  The  Republic  of  the  Seven  Islands  was  formed  of  the 
Ionian  Islands,  taken  from  Venice  and  given  to  France  in  1797  by  the  Treaty  of 
Campo-Formio.  Then,  having  been  taken  by  the  Russians  and  Turks,  they  were 
formed  into  the  Republique  des  Sept  Isles  in  1800,  and  were  so  recognised  by  the 
Treaty  of  Amiens  in  1803.     They  were  restored  to   France   by  Russia  under  the 

Vol.  III.— 12 


178         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 


been  metamorphosed  into  the  Kingdom  of  Italy,  it  was 
necessary  to  find  some  pretext  for  transforming  the  former 
into  the  Kingdom  of  Holland.  The  government  of  the 
Republic  of  Batavia  had  been  for  some  time  past  merely 
the  shadow  of  a  government,  but  still  it  preserved,  even 
in  its  submission  to  France,  those  internal  forms  of  free- 
dom which  console  a  nation  for  the  loss  of  independence. 
The  Emperor  kept  up  such  an  extensive  agency  in  Hol- 
land that  he  easily  got  up  a  deputation  soliciting  him  to 
choose  a  king  for  the  Batavian  Republic.  This  submissive 
deputation  came  to  Paris  in  1806  to  solicit  the  Emperor, 
as  a  favour,  to  place  Prince  Louis  on  the  throne  of  Hol- 
land. The  address  of  the  deputation,  the  answer  of  Na- 
poleon, and  the  speech  of  Louis  on  being  raised  to  the 
sovereign  dignity,  have  all  been  published. 

Louis  became  King  of  Holland  much  against  his  in- 
clination, for  he  opposed  the  proposition  as  much  as  he 
dared,  alleging  as  an  objection  the  state  of  his  health,  to 
which  certainly  the  climate  of  Holland  was  not  favourable ; 
but  Bonaparte  sternly  replied  to  his  remonstrance,  "It  is 

Treaty  of  Tilsit  in  1807,  but  were  taken  by  the  English  in  1809.  From  1815  the  Be- 
public  remained  under  English  protection  till  1864,  when  the  English  withdrew,  and 
the  Republic  joined  Greece.  The  little  Kepublic  of  Ragusa  was  occupied  by  the 
French  iu  1806,  and  its  government  was  broken  up  in  1808,  after  which  it  became 
part  of  the  lUyrian  provinces,  eventually  falling  to  Austria  in  1815.  The  Italian 
Republics  were  many.  The  Transpadane  Republic  had  been  intended  by  Napoleon 
to  be  formed  of  Lombardy,  but  in  1797  it  was  joined  to  the  Cispadane  to  form  the 
Cisalpine  Republic.  The  Cispadane  Republic  was  first  formed  by  Napoleon  in  1796 
from  the  Legations  of  Bologna  and  Ferrara,  Modena,  Reggio,  etc.  In  1797  th« 
Cispadane  and  the  Transpadane  were  united  to  form  the  Cisalpine  Republic,  which 
included  Lombardy  and  the  former  Austrian  and  Venetian  provinces  of  Modena, 
Reggio,  Brescia,  Mantua,  the  three  Legations  of  Bologna,  Fen-ara,  and  Romagna, 
and  the  Valtelline,  with  a  population  of  about  3,600,000.  The  Cisalpiue  became  the 
Italian  Republic  in  1801,  and  in  1805  was  changed  into  the  Eliugdom  of  Italy, 
Napoleon  himself  assuming  the  crown,  which,  however,  was  not  to  be  ngain  united  to 
that  of  France.  The  Ligurian  Republic  was  formed  in  1797  of  Genoa  ;  in  1805  it  was 
annexed  to  France,  and  in  1815  It  fell  to  Sardinia,  much  to  its  discontent.  The 
Roman  or  Tiberine  Republic  was  formed  in  February  1798,  when  Berthier  occupied 
the  city,  but  it  fell  when  Italy  was  reconquered  fi-om  the  French  in  1799,  again 
coming  under  the  Pope.  The  Parthenopean  Republic,  formed  of  Naples  in  January 
1799,  only  existed  till  July  1799,  when  the  Bourbons  retook  it.  The  little  Republic 
of  Lucca,  in  1805,  was  converted  into  a  Principality  for  Elisa  Bonaparte  (Princess 
Bacciochi).    Bale  was  the  Republic  of  Raurasia  from  1795  to  1793. 


1808.         LOmS  AND   THE  SPANISH  THRONE.  179 

better  to  die  a  king  than  live  a  prince."  He  was  then 
obliged  to  accept  the  crown.  He  went  to  Holland  accom- 
panied by  Horteuse,  who,  however,  did  not  stay  long 
there.  The  new  King  wanted  to  make  himself  beloved  by 
his  subjects,  and  as  they  were  an  entirely  commercial 
people  the  best  way  to  win  their  affections  was  not  to 
adopt  Napoleon's  ligid  laws  against  commercial  inter- 
course with  England.  Hence  the  first  coolness  between  the 
two  brothers,  which  ended  in  the  abdication  of  Louis. 

I  know  not  whether  Napoleon  recollected  the  motive 
assigned  by  Louis  for  at  first  refusing  the  crown  of  Hol- 
land, namely,  the  chmate  of  the  country,  or  whether  he 
calculated  upon  greater  submission  in  another  of  his 
brothers ;  but  this  is  certain,  that  Joseph  was  not  called 
from  the  throne  of  Naples  to  the  throne  of  Spain  until 
after  the  refusal  of  Louis.  I  have  in  my  possession  a 
copy  of  a  letter  written  to  him  by  Napoleon  on  the  sub- 
ject. It  is  without  date  of  time  or  place,  but  its  contents 
prove  it  to  have  been  written  in  March  or  April  1808.  It 
is  as  follows  : — 

Brothek— The  King  of  Spain,  Charles  IV.,  has  just  abdicated. 
The  Spanish  people  loudly  appeal  to  me.  Certain  of  obtaining  no 
solid  peace  with  England  unless  I  cause  a  great  movement  on  the 
Continent,  I  have  determined  to  place  a  French  King  on  the  throne 
of  Spain.  The  climate  of  Holland  does  not  agree  with  you  ;  be- 
sides, Holland  cannot  rise  from  her  ruins.  In  the  whirlwind  of 
events,  whether  we  have  peace  or  not,  there  is  no  possibility  of  her 
maintaining  herself.  In  this  state  of  things  I  have  thought  of  the 
throne  of  Spain  for  you.  Give  me  your  opinions  categorically  on 
this  measure.  If  I  were  to  name  you  King  of  Spain  would  you  ac- 
cept the  ofPer  ?  May  I  count  on  you  ?  Answer  me  these  two  ques- 
tions. Say,  "I  have  received  your  letter  of  such  a  day,  I  answer 
Yes,"  and  then  I  shall  count  on  your  doing  what  I  wish  ;  or  say 
"  No"  if  you  decline  my  proposal.  Let  no  one  enter  into  your  con- 
fidence, and  mention  to  no  one  the  object  of  this  letter.  The  thing 
must  be  done  before  we  confess  having  thought  about  it. ' 

(Signed)        Napoleon. 

>  Garden  (tome  xi.  p,  200)  alleges  that  the  throne  of  Spain  was  first  offered  by 


180         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808. 

Before  finally  seizing  Holland  Napoleon  formed  the 
project  of  separating  Brabant  and  Zealand  from  it  in  ex- 
change for  other  provinces,  the  possession  of  which  was 
doubtful,  but  Louis  successfully  resisted  this  first  act  of 
usurpation.  Bonaparte  was  too  intent  on  the  great  busi- 
ness in  Spain  to  risk  any  commotion  in  the  north,  where 
the  declaration  of  Russia  against  Sweden  already  suffi- 
ciently occujDied  him.  He  therefore  did  not  insist  upon, 
and  even  affected  indifference  to,  the  proposed  augmenta- 
tion of  the  territory  of  the  Empire.  This  at  least  may  be 
collected  from  another  letter,  dated  St.  Cloud,  17th 
August,  written  upon  hearing  from  M.  Alexandre  de  la 
Rochefoucauld,  his  Ambassador  in  Holland,  and  from  his 
brother  himself,  the  opposition  of  Louis  to  his  project. 

The  letter  was  as  follows  : — 

Brother — I  have  received  your  letter  relating  to  that  of  the 
Sieur  de  la  Eochefoucauld.  He  was  only  authorised  to  make  the 
proposals  indirectly.  Since  the  exchange  does  not  please  you,  let 
us  think  no  more  about  it.  It  was  useless  to  make  a  parade  of 
principles,  though  I  never  said  that  yoxx  ought  not  to  consult  the 
nation.  The  well-informed  part  of  the  Dutch  people  had  already 
acknowledged  their  indifference  to  the  loss  of  Brabant,  which  is 
connected  with  France  rather  than  with  Holland,  and  interspersed 
with  expensive  fortresses  ;  it  might  have  been  advantageously  ex- 
changed for  the  northern  provinces.  But,  once  for  all,  since  you 
do  not  like  this  arrangement,  let  no  more  be  said  about  it.  It  was 
useless  even  to  mention  it  to  me,  for  the  Sieur  de  la  Rochefoucauld 
was  instructed  merely  to  hint  the  matter. 

Though  ill-humour  here  evidently  peeps  out  beneath 
affected  condescension,  yet  the  tone  of  this  letter  is  singu- 
larly moderate, — I  may  even  say  kind,  in  comparison  with 
other  letters  which  Naj^oleon  addressed  to  Louis.  This 
letter,  it  is  true,  was  written  previously  to  the  interview 

Napoleon  to  Louis  on  27th  March  1808.  Du  Casse  (tome  iv.  p.  285)  allows  that  this 
may  be  true,  as  the  first  hint  given  to  Joseph  of  his  being  called  to  Spain  is  dated 
18th  April  1808  ;  see  Du  Casse,  tome  iv.  p.  227.  Thiers  (tome  viii.  p.  622)  assume* 
that  Joseph  was  the  only  choice. 


1808.  NAPOLEON  TO  LOUIS.  181 

at  Erfurt,  when  Napoleon,  to  avoid  alarming  Russia,  made 
his  ambition  ajDpear  to  slumber.  But  when  he  got  his 
brother  Joseph  recognised,  and  when  he  had  himself  struck 
an  important  blow  in  the  Peninsula,  he  began  to  change 
his  tone  to  Louis.  On  the  20th  of  December  he  wrote  a 
very  remarkable  letter,  which  exhibits  the  unreserved  ex- 
pression of  that  tyranny  which  he  wished  to  exercise  over 
all  his  family  in  order  to  make  them  the  instruments  of 
his  despotism.  He  reproached  Louis  for  not  following 
his  system  of  policy,  telling  him  that  he  had  forgotten  he 
was  a  Frenchman,  and  that  he  wished  to  become  a  Dutch- 
man.    Among  other  things  he  said  : — 

Your  Majesty  has  doue  morfi :  you  took  advantage  of  the  moment 
when  I  was  involved  in  the  affairs  of  the  Continent  to  renew  the 
relations  between  Holland  and  England^to  violate  the  laws  of  the 
blockade,  wliich  are  the  only  means  of  effectually  destroying  the 
latter  power.  I  expressed  my  dissatisfaction  by  forbidding  you  to 
come  to  France,  and  I  have  made  you  feel  that  even  without  the 
assistance  of  my  armies,  by  merely  closing  the  Rhine,  the  Weser, 
the  Scheldt,  and  the  Meuse  against  Holland,  I  should  have  placed 
lier  in  a  situation  more  critical  than  if  I  had  declared  war  against 
her.  Your  Majesty  implored  my  generosity,  appealed  to  my  feel- 
ings as  a  brother,  and  promised  to  alter  your  conduct.  I  thought 
this  warning  would  be  sufficient.  I  raised  my  custom-house  prohi- 
bitions, but  your  Majesty  has  returned  to  your  old  system.  .  .  . 
Your  Majesty  received  all  the  American  ships  that  presented  them- 
selves in  the  ports  of  Holland  after  having  been  expelled  from 
those  of  France.  I  have  been  obliged  a  second  time  to  prohibit 
trade  with  Holland.  In  this  state  of  things  we  may  consider 
ourselves  really  at  war.  In  my  speech  to  the  Legislative  Body  I 
manifested  my  displeasure  ;  for  I  will  not  conceal  from  you  that 
my  intention  is  to  unite  Holland  with  France.  This  will  be  the 
most  severe  blow  I  can  aim  against  England,  and  will  deliver  me 
from  the  perpetual  insults  which  the  plotters  of  your  Cabinet  are 
constantly  directing  against  me.  The  mouths  of  the  Rhine  and  of 
the  Meuse  oiight,  indeed,  to  belong  to  me.  The  principle  that  the 
Tlmlweg  (towing-path)  of  the  Rhine  is  the  boundary  of  France  is  a 
fundamental  principle.  Your  Majesty  writes  to  me  on  the  17tli  that 
you  are  sure  of  being  able  to  prevent  all  trade  between  Holland  and 
England.     I  am  of  opinion  that  your  Majesty  promises  more  than 


182         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       180a 

you  can  fulfil.  I  shall,  however,  remove  my  custom-house  prohi- 
bitions whenever  the  existing  treaties  may  be  executed.  The  fol- 
lowing are  my  conditions  : — First,  The  interdiction  of  all  trade  and 
communication  with  England.  Second,  The  supply  of  a  fleet  of 
fourteen  sail  of  the  line,  seven  frigates  and  seven  brigs  or  corvettes, 
armed  and  manned.  Third,  An  army  of  25,000  men.  Fourth, 
The  sni^pression  of  the  rank  of  marshals.  Fifth,  The  abolition  of 
all  the  privileges  of  nobility  which  are  contrary  to  the  constitution 
which  I  have  given  and  guaranteed.  Your  Majesty  may  negotiate 
on  these  bases  with  the  Due  de  Cadore,  through  the  medium  of  your 
Minister ;  but  be  assured  that  on  the  entrance  of  the  first  packet- 
boat  into  Holland  I  will  restore  my  prohibitions,  and  that  the  first 
Dutch  officer  who  may  'presume  to  insult  my  flag  slmll  he  seized  and 
hanged  at  the  mainyard.  Your  Majesty  will  find  in  me  a  brother  if 
you  prove  yourself  a  Frenchman  ;  but  if  you  forget  the  sentiments 
which  attach  you  to  our  common  country  you  cannot  think  it  ex- 
traordinary that  I  should  lose  sight  of  those  which  nature  created 
between  us.  In  short,  the  union  of  Holland  and  France  will  be,  of 
all  things,  most  useful  to  France,  to  Holland,  and  the  whole  Conti- 
nent, because  it  will  be  most  injurious  to  England.  This  union 
must  be  effected  willingly  or  by  force.  Holland  has  given  me  suf- 
ficient reason  to  declare  war  against  her.  However,  I  shall  not  scruple 
to  consent  to  an  arrangement  which  will  secure  to  me  the  limit  of 
the  Rhine,  and  by  which  Holland  will  pledge  herself  to  fulfil  the 
conditions  stipulated  above.' 

Here  the  correspondence  between  the  two  brothers  was 
suspended  for  a  time  ;  but  Louis  still  continued  exposed 
to  new  vexatious  on  the  part  of  Napoleon.  About  the  end 
of  1809  the  Emperor  summoned  all  the  sovereigns  who 
might  be  called  his  vassals  to  Paris.     Among  the  number 

I  Much  of  the  manner  in  which  Napoleon  treated  occupied  countries  such  as  Hol- 
land is  explained  by  the  spirit  of  his  answer  when  Beugnot  complained  to  him  of  the 
harm  done  to  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Berg  by  the  monopoly  of  tobacco.  "  It  is  extraor- 
dinary that  you  should  not  have  discovered  the  motive  that  makes  me  persist  in 
the  establishment  of  the  monopoly  of  tobacco  in  the  Grand  Duchy.  The  question  is 
not  about  your  Grand  Duchy  but  about  France.  I  am  very  well  aware  that  it  is  not 
to  your  benefit,  and  that  you  very  possibly  lose  by  it,  but  what  does  that  signify  if  it 
be  for  the  good  of  France  ?  I  tell  you,  then,  that  in  every  country  where  there  is  a 
monopoly  of  tobacco,  but  which  is  contiguous  to  one  where  the  sale  is  free,  a 
regular  smuggling  infiltration  must  be  reckoned  on,  supplying  the  consumption  for 
twenty  or  twenty-five  miles  into  the  country  subject  to  the  duty.  That  is  what  I 
intend  to  preserve  France  from.  You  must  protect  yourselves  as  well  as  you  can 
from  this  infiltration.  It  is  enough  for  me  to  drive  it  back  more  than  twenty  or 
twenty-five  miles  from  my  frontier  {Beugnot,  vol.  ii.  p.  26). 


1808.  A  PLEA  FOB  HOLLAND.  183 


was  Louis,  who,  however,  did  not  show  himself  very  will- 
ing to  quit  his  States.  He  called  a  council  of  his  Minis- 
ters, who  wer$  of  opinion  that  for  the  interest  of  Hol- 
land he  ought  to  make  this  new  sacrifice.  He  did  so  with 
resignation.  Indeed,  every  day  passed  on  the  throne  was 
a  sacrifice  made  by  Louis. 

He  lived  very  quietly  in  Paris,  and  was  closely  watched 
by  the  police,  for  it  was  supposed  that  as  he  had  come 
against  his  will  he  would  not  protract  his  stay  so  long  as 
Napoleon  wished.  The  system  of  espionage  under  which 
he  found  himself  placed,  added  to  the  other  circumstances 
of  his  situation,  inspired  him  with  a  degree  of  energy  of 
which  he  was  not  believed  to  be  capable  ;  and  amidst  the 
general  silence  of  the  servants  of  the  Empire,  and  even  of 
the  Kings  and  Princes  assembled  in  the  capital,  he  vent- 
ui'ed  to  say,  "  I  have  been  deceived  by  promises  which 
were  never  intended  to  be  kept.  Holland  is  tired  of  being 
the  sport  of  France."  The  Emperor,  who  was  unused  to 
such  language  as  this,  was  highly  incensed  at  it.  Louis 
had  now  no  alternative  but  to  yield  to  the  incessant  exac- 
tions of  Napoleon  or  to  see  Holland  united  to  France.  He 
chose  the  latter,  though  not  before  he  had  exerted  all  his 
feeble  power  in  behalf  of  the  subjects  whom  Napoleon 
had  consigned  to  him  ;  but  he  would  not  be  the  accom- 
plice of  the  man  who  had  resolved  to  make  those  subjects 
the  victims  of  his  hatred  against  England.  Who,  indeed, 
could  be  so  blind  as  not  to  see  that  the  ruin  of  the  Conti- 
nent would  be  the  triumph  of  British  commerce  ? 

Louis  was,  however,  permitted  to  return  to  his  States  to 
contemplate  the  stagnating  effect  of  the  Continental  block- 
ade on  every  branch  of  trade  and  industry  formerly  so  ac- 
tive in  Holland.  Distressed  at  witnessing  evils  to  which 
he  could  apply  no  remedy,  he  endeavoured  by  some  pru- 
dent remonstrances  to  avert  the  utter  ruin  with  which 
Holland  was  threatened.  On  the  23d  of  March  1810  he 
wrote  tlie  following  letter  to  Napoleon  : — 


184         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       180a 

If  you  wish  to  consolidate  the  present  state  of  France,  to  obtain 
maritime  peace,  or  to  attack  England  with  advantage,  those  objects 
are  not  to  be  obtained  by  measures  like  the  blockading  system,  the 
destruction  of  a  kingdom  raised  by  yourself,  or  the  enfeebling  of 
your  allies,  and  setting  at  defiance  their  most  sacred  rights  and  the 
first  principles  of  the  law  of  nations.  You  should,  on  the  contrary, 
win  their  affections  for  France,  and  consolidate  and  reinforce  your 
allies,  making  them  like  your  brothers,  in  whom  you  may  place  con- 
fidence. The  destruction  of  Holland,  far  from  being  the  means  of 
assailing  England,  will  serve  only  to  increase  her  strength,  by  all 
the  industry  and  wealth  which  will  fly  to  her  for  refuge.  There 
are,  in  reality,  only  three  ways  of  assailing  England,  namely,  by 
detaching  Ireland,  getting  possession  of  the  East  Indies,  or  by  inva- 
sion. These  two  latter  modes,  which  would  be  the  most  effectual, 
cannot  be  executed  without  naval  forte.  But  I  am  astonished  that 
the  first  should  have  been  so  easily  relinquished.  That  is  a  more 
secure  mode  of  obtaining  peace  on  good  conditions  than  the  system 
of  injuring  ourselves  for  the  sake  of  committing  a  greater  injury 
upon  the  enemy. 

(Signed)        Louis. 

Written  remonstrances  were  no  more  to  Napoleon's 
taste  than  verbal  ones  at  a  time  when,  as  I  was  informed 
by  my  friends  whom  fortune  chained  to  his  destiny,  no 
one  presumed  to  address  a  word  to  him  except  in  answer 
to  his  questions.  Cambaceres,  who  alone  had  retained 
that  privilege  in  public  as  his  old  colleague  in  the  Consul- 
ate, lost  it  after  Napoleon's  marriage  with  the  daughter  of 
Imperial  Austria.  His  brother's  letter  highly  roused  his 
displeasure.  Two  months  after  he  received  it,  being  on  a 
journey  in  the  north,  he  replied  from  Ostend  by  a  letter 
which  cannot  be  read  without  a  feeling  of  pain,  since  it 
serves  to  show  how  weak  are  the  most  sacred  ties  of  blood 
in  comparison  with  the  interests  of  an  insatiable  policy. 
This  letter  was  as  follows  : — 

Brother — In  the  situation  in  which  we  are  placed  it  is  best  to 
speak  candidly.  I  know  your  secret  sentiments,  and  all  that  you 
can  say  to  the  contrary  can  avail  nothing.  Holland  is  certainly  in 
a  melancholy  situation.  I  believe  you  are  anxious  to  extricate  her 
from  her  difficulties  :  it  is  you,  and  you  alone,  who  can  do  this. 


1808.       HAR8E  LETTER  TO  LOV IS  BONAPARTE.        185 

When  jou  conduct  yourself  in  such  a  way  as  to  induce  the  people  of 
Holland  to  believe  that  you  act  under  my  influence,  that  all  your 
measures  and  all  your  sentiments  are  conformable  with  mine,  then 
you  will  be  loved,  you  will  be  esteemed,  and  you  will  acquire  the 
power  requisite  for  re-establishing  Holland  :  when  to  be  my  friend, 
and  the  friend  of  France,  shall  become  a  title  of  favour  at  your 
court,  Holland  will  be  in  her  natural  situation.  Since  your  return 
from  Paris  you  have  done  nothing  to  effect  this  object.  What  will 
be  the  result  of  your  conduct  ?  Your  subjects,  bandied  about  be- 
tween France  and  England,  will  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of 
France,  and  will  demand  to  be  united  to  her.  You  know  my  char- 
acter, which  is  to  pursue  my  object  unimpeded  by  any  consideration. 
What,  therefore,  do  you  expect  me  to  do  '?  I  can  dispense  with 
Holland,  but  Holland  cannot  dispense  with  my  protection.  If,  un- 
der the  dominion  of  one  of  my  brothers,  but  looking  to  me  alone  for 
her  welfare,  she  does  not  find  in  her  sovereign  my  image,  all  confi- 
dence in  your  government  is  at  an  end ;  your  sceptre  is  broken. 
Love  France,  love  my  glory — that  is  the  only  way  to  serve  Holland  : 
if  you  had  acted  as  you  ought  to  have  done  that  country,  having 
becoming  a  part  of  my  Empire,  would  have  been  the  more  dear  to 
me  since  I  had  given  her  a  sovereign  whom  I  almost  regarded  as  my 
son.  In  placing  you  on  the  throne  of  Holland  I  thought  I  had 
placed  a  French  citizen  there.  You  have  followed  a  course  diamet- 
rically opposite  to  what  I  expected.  I  have  been  forced  to  prohibit 
you  from  coming  to  France,  and  to  take  possession  of  a  part  of  your 
territory.  In  proving  yourself  a  bad  Frenchman  you  are  Jess  to  the 
Dutch  than  a  Prince  of  Orange,  to  whose  family  they  owe  their  rank 
as  a  nation,  and  a  long  succession  of  prosperity  and  glory.  By  your 
banishment  from  France  the  Dutch  are  convinced  that  they  have 
lost  what  they  would  not  have  lost  under  a  Schimmelpenninck  or  a 
Prince  of  Orange.  Prove  yourself  a  Frenchman,  and  the  brother  of 
the  Emperor,  and  be  assured  that  thereby  you  will  serve  the  inter- 
ests of  Holland.  But  you  seem  to  be  incorrigible,  for  you  would 
drive  away  the  few  Frenchmen  who  remain  with  you.  You  must 
be  dealt  with,  not  by  affectionate  advice,  but  by  threats  and 
compulsion.  What  mean  the  prayers  and  mysterious  fasts  you  have 
ordered  ?  Louis,  you  will  not  reign  long.  Your  actions  disclose 
better  than  your  confidential  letters  the  sentiments  of  j-our  mind. 
Return  to  the  right  course.  Be  a  Frenchman  in  heart,  or  your  people 
will  banish  you,  and  you  will  leave  Holland  an  object  of  ridicule.' 

•  It  was,  on  the  contrary,  because  Louis  made  himself  a  Dutchman  that  hie  people 
did  not  banish  him,  and  that  he  carried  away  with  him  the  regret  of  all  that  portion 


186         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1808, 


States  must  be  governed  by  reason  and  policy,  and  not  by  the  weak- 
ness produced  by  acrid  and  vitiated  humours. 

(Signed)        Napoleon. 

A  few  days  after  this  letter  was  despatched  to  Louis, 
Napoleon  heard  of  a  paltry  affray  which  had  taken  place 
at  Amsterdam,  and  to  which  Comte  de  la  Rochefoucauld 
gave  a  temporary  diplomatic  importance,  being  aware  that 
he  could  not  better  please  his  master  than  by  affording 
him  an  excuse  for  being  angry.  It  appeared  that  the  hon- 
our of  the  Count's  coachman  had  been  put  in  jeopardy  by 
the  insult  of  a  citizen  of  Amsterdam,  and  a  quarrel  had 
ensued,  which,  but  for  the  interference  of  the  guard  of 
the  palace,  might  have  terminated  seriously  since  it  as- 
sumed the  character  of  a  party  affair  between  the  French 
and  the  Dutch.  M.  de  la  Eochefoucauld  immediately  de- 
spatched to  the  Emperor,  who  was  then  at  Lille,  a  full 
report  of  his  coachman's  quarrel,  in  which  he  expi'essed 
himself  with  as  much  earnestness  as  the  illustrious  au- 
thor of  the  "Maxims"  evinced  when  he  waged  war  against 
kings.  The  consequence  was  that  Napoleon  instantly  ful- 
minated the  following  letter  against  his  brother  Louis  : — 

Brother — At  the  very  moment  when  you  were  making  the  fair- 
est protestations  I  learn  that  tlie  servants  of  my  Ambassador  have 
been  ill-treated  at  Amsterdam.  I  insist  that  those  who  were  guilty 
of  this  outrage  be  delivered  up  to  me,  in  order  that  their  punish- 
ment may  serve  as  an  example  to  others.  The  Sieur  Serrurier  has 
informed  me  how  you  conducted  yourself  at  the  diplomatic  audi- 
ences. I  have,  consequently,  determined  that  the  Dutch  Ambassa- 
dor shall  not  remain  in  Paris  ;  and  Admiral  Verhuell  has  received 
orders  to  depart  within  twenty-four  hours.  I  want  no  more  phrases 
and  protestations.  It  is  time  I  should  know  whether  you  intend  to 
ruin  Holland  by  your  follies.  I  do  not  choose  that  you  should  again 
send  a  Minister  to  Austria,  or  that  you  should  dismiss  the  French  who 


of  his  subjects  who  could  appreciate  his  excellent  qualities  and  possessed  good  sense 
enough  to  perceive  that  he  was  not  to  blame  for  the  evils  that  weighed  upon  HoUand. 
— Bourrlenne.  The  conduct  of  Bonaparte  to  Murat  was  almost  a  counterpart  to 
this.  When  Murat  attempted  to  consult  the  interests  of  Naples  he  was  caUed  a  trai- 
tor to  Prance.— £'di<or  of  1S3C  edition. 


1808.  ABDICATION  OF  LOUIS.  187 

are  in  your  service.  I  have  recalled  my  Ambassador  as  I  intend 
only  to  have  a  charge  d'affaires  in  Holland.  The  Sieur  Serrurier, 
who  remains  there  in  that  capacity,  will  communicate  my  intentions. 
My  Ambassador  shall  no  longer  be  exposed  to  your  insults.  Write 
to  me  no  more  of  those  set  phrases  which  you  have  been  repeating 
for  the  last  three  years,  and  the  falsehood  of  which  is  proved  every 
day. 

This  is  the  last  letter  I  will  ever  write  to  you  as  long  as  I  live. 

(Signed)        Napoleon. 

Thus  reducecT  to  the  cruel  alternative  of  crushiug  Hol- 
land with  his  own  hands,  or  leaving  that  task  to  the  Em- 
peror, Louis  did  not  hesitate  to  lay  down  his  sceptre. 
Having  formed  this  resolution,  he  addressed  a  message  to 
the  Legislative  Body  of  the  Kingdom  of  Holland  explain- 
ing the  motives  of  his  abdication.  The  French  troops 
entered  Holland  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  of  Reg- 
gio,  and  that  marshal,  who  was  more  a  king  than  the  King 
himself,  threatened  to  occupy  Amsterdam.  Louis  then 
descended  from  his  throne,  and  four  years  after  Najjoleon 
was  hurled  from  his. 

In  his  act  of  abdication  Louis  declared  that  he  had  been 
driven  to  that  step  by  the  unhappy  state  of  his  Kingdom, 
which  he  attributed  to  his  brother's  unfavoui-able  feelings 
towards  him.  He  added  that  he  had  made  every  effort 
and  sacrifice  to  put  an  end  to  that  painful  state  of  things, 
and  that,  finally,  he  regarded  himself  as  the  cause  of  the 
continual  misunderstanding  between  the  French  Empire 
and  Holland.  It  is  curious  that  Louis  thought  he  could 
abdicate  the  crown  of  Holland  in  favour  of  his  son,  as  Na- 
poleon only  four  years  after  wished  to  abdicate  his  crown 
in  favour  of  the  King  of  Rome. 

Louis  bade  farewell  to  the  people  of  Holland  in  a  pro- 
clamation, after  the  publication  of  which  he  repaired  to 
the  waters  at  Toeplitz.  There  he  was  living  in  tranquil 
retirement  when  he  learned  that  his  brother  had  united 
Holland  to  the  Empire.  He  then  published  a  protest,  of 
which  I   obtained   a   copy,   though    its   circulation   was 


188         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1808. 

.         • - 

strictly  prohibited  by  the  police.     In  this  protest  Louis 
said : — 

The  constitution  of  the  state  guaranteed  by  the  Emperor,  my 
brother,  gave  me  the  right  of  abdicating  in  f  avoiir  of  my  children. 
That  abdication  was  made  in  the  form  and  terms  prescribed  by  the 
constitution.  The  Emperor  had  no  right  to  declare  war  against 
Holland,  and  he  has  not  done  so. 

There  is  no  act,  no  dissent,  no  demand  of  the  Dutch  nation  that 
can  authorise  the  pretended  union. 

My  abdication  does  not  leave  the  throne  vacant.  I  have  abdi- 
cated only  in  favour  of  my  children. 

As  that  abdication  left  Holland  for  twelve  years  under  a  regency, 
that  is  to  say,  under  the  direct  influence  of  the  Emperor,  according 
to  the  terms  of  the  constitution,  there  was  no  need  of  that  union  for 
executing  every  measure  he  might  have  in  view  against  trade  and 
against  England,  since  his  will  was  supreme  in  Holland. 

But  I  ascended  the  throne  without  any  other  conditions  except 
those  imposed  upon  me  by  my  conscience,  my  duty,  and  the  interest 
and  welfare  of  my  subjects.  I  therefore  declare  before  God  and  the 
independent  sovereigns  to  whom  I  address  myself — 

First,  That  the  treaty  of  the  16th  of  March  1810,  which  occa- 
sioned the  separation  of  the  province  of  Zealand  and  Brabant  from 
Holland,  was  accepted  by  compulsion,  and  ratified  conditionally  by 
me  in  Paris,  where  I  was  detained  against  my  will ;  and  that,  more- 
over, the  treaty  was  never  executed  by  the  Emperor  my  brother. 
Instead  of  6000  French  troops  which  I  was  to  maintain,  according 
to  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  that  number  has  been  more  than  doubled  ; 
instead  of  occupying  only  the  mouths  of  the  rivers  and  the  coasts, 
the  French  custom-houses  have  encroached  into  the  interior  of  the 
country  ;  instead  of  the  interference  of  France  being  confined  to  the 
measures  connected  with  the  blockade  of  England,  Dutch  magazines 
have  been  seized  and  Dutch  subjects  arbitrarily  imprisoned  ;  finally, 
none  of  the  verbal  promises  have  been  kept  which  were  made  in  the 
Emperor's  name  by  the  Due  de  Cadore  to  grant  indemnities  for  the 
countries  ceded  by  the  said  treaty  and  to  mitigate  its  execution,  if 
the  King  would  refer  entirely  to  the  Emperor,  etc.  I  declare,  in 
my  name,  in  the  name  of  the  nation  and  my  son,  the  treaty  of  the 
16th  of  March  1810  to  be  null  and  void. 

Second,  I  declare  that  my  abdication  was  forced  by  the  Emperor, 
my  brother,  that  it  was  made  only  as  the  last  extremity,  and  on  this 
one  condition — that  I  should  maintain  the  rights  of  Holland  and  my 
children.     My  abdication  could  only  be  made  in  their  favour. 


1808.  LETTER  FROM  M.    OTTO  TO  LOUIS.  189 

Third,  In  my  name,  in  tlie  name  of  the  King,  my  son,'  who  is  as 
yet  a  minor,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Dutch  nation,  I  declare  the  pre- 
tended union  of  Holland  to  France,  mentioned  in  the  decree  of  the 
Emperor,  my  brother,  dated  the  9th  of  July  last,  to  he  null,  void, 
illegal,  unjust,  and  arbitrary  in  the  eyes  of  God  and  man,  and  that 
the  nation  and  the  minor  King  will  assert  their  just  rights  when  cir- 
cumstances permit  them. 

(Signed)        Louis. 

August  1,  1810. 

Thus  there  seemed  to  be  an  end  of  all  intercourse 
between  these  two  brothers,  who  were  so  opposite  in  char- 
acter and  disposition.  But  Napoleon,  who  was  enraged 
that  Louis  should  have  presumed  to  protest,  and  that  in 
energetic  terms,  against  the  union  of  his  Kingdom  with 
the  Empire,  ordered  him  to  return  to  France,  whither  he 
was  summoned  in  his  character  of  Constable  and  French 
Prince.  Louis,  however,  did  not  think  proper  to  obey  this 
summons,  and  Napoleon,  mindful  of  his  promise  of  never 
writing  to  him  again,  ordered  the  following  letter  to  be 
addressed  to  him  by  M.  Otto,  who  had  been  Ambassador 
from  France  to  Vienna  since  the  then  recent  marriage  of 
the  Emperor  with  Maria  Louisa  : — 

Sire — The  Emperor  directs  me  to  write  to  your  Majesty  as 
follows :  — 

"It  is  the  duty  of  every  French  Prince,  and  every  member  of 
the  Imperial  family,  to  reside  in  France,  whence  they  cannot  absent 
themselves  without  the  permission  of  the  Emperor.  Before  the 
union  of  Holland  to  the  Empire  the  Emperor  permitted  the  King  to 

>  The  eldest  son  of  Louis,  one  of  the  fruits  of  his  unhappy  marriage  with  Hortense 
Beauhariiias,  the  daughter  of  Josephine,  the  wife  of  his  brother  Napoleon,  was  little 
raore  than  six  years  of  age  when  his  father  abdicated  the  crown  of  Holland  in  his 
favour.  In  1830-31  this  imprudent  young  man  joined  the  ill-combined  mad  insur- 
rection in  the  States  of  the  Pope.  He  was  present  in  one  or  two  ijctty  skirmishes, 
and  was,  we  believe,  wounded  ;  but  it  was  a  nialaiHa  fever  caught  in  the  unhealthy 
Campagna  of  Rome  that  carried  him  to  the  grave  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  his 
age.— Editor  0/1836  edition.  The  first  child  of  Louis  and  of  Hortense  had  died  in 
1807.  The  second  son,  Napoleon  Louis  (1804-lSil)  in  whose  favour  he  abdicated, 
had  been  created  Grand  Due  de  Berg  et  de  Cleves  by  Napoleon  in  1S09.  He  married 
in  1825  Charlotte,  the  daughter  of  Joseph  Bonaparte,  and  died  in  1831,  while  engaged 
in  a  revolutionary  movement  in  Italy.  On  his  death  his  yoimger  brother,  Charles 
Louis  Napoleon,  the  future  Napoleon  III.,  first  came  forward  as  an  aspirant. 


190        MEMOIRS  OF  l^APOLEON  SONAPARTE.      1808. 


reside  at  Tceplitz,  in  Bohemia.  His  liealtli  appeared  to  require  the 
use  of  the  waters,  but  now  the  Emperor  requires  that  Prince  Louis 
shall  return,  at  the  latest  by  the  1st  of  December  next,  under  pain  of 
being  considered  as  disobeying  the  constitution  of  the  Empire  and 
the  head  of  his  family,  and  being  treated  accordingly." 

I  fulfil,  Sire,  word  for  word  the  mission  with  which  I  have  been 
entrusted,  and  I  send  the  chief  secretary  of  the  embassy  to  be  as- 
sured that  this  letter  is  rightly  delivered.  I  beg  your  Majesty  to 
accept  the  homage  of  my  respect,  etc. 

(Signed)        Otto. 

Wliat  a  letter  was  this  to  be  addressed  by  a  subject  to 
a  prince  and  a  sovereign  !  When  I  afterwards  saw  M,  Otto 
in  Paris,  and  conversed  with  him  on  the  subject,  he  as- 
sured me  how  much  he  had  been  distressed  at  the  neces- 
sity of  writing  such  a  letter  to  the  brother  of  the  Emperor. 
He  had  employed  the  expressions  dictated  by  Napoleon  in 
that  irritation  which  he  could  never  command  when  his 
will  was  opposed." 

'  With  regard  to  Louis  and  his  conduct  in  Holland  Napoleon  thiis  spoke  at  St. 
Helena  :  — 

"  Louis  is  not  devoid  of  intelligence,  and  has  a  good  heart,  but  even  with  these 
qualifications  a  man  may  commit  many  errors,  and  do  a  great  deal  of  mischief. 
Louis  is  naturally  inclined  to  be  capricious  and  fantastical,  and  the  works  of  Jean 
Jacques  Kousscau  have  contributed  to  increase  this  disposition.  Seeking  to  obtain 
a  reputation  for  sensibility  and  beneficence,  incapable  by  himself  of  enlarged  views, 
and,  at  most,  competent  to  local  details,  Louis  acted  like  a  prefect  rather  than  a 
King. 

''No  sooner  had  he  arrived  in  Holland  than,  fancying  that  nothing  could  be  finer 
than  to  have  it  said  that  he  was  thenceforth  a  true  Dutchman,  he  attached  himself 
entirely  to  the  party  favourable  to  the  English,  promoted  smuggling,  and  thus  con- 
nived with  our  enemies.  It  became  necessary  from  that  moment  to  watch  over  him, 
and  even  threaten  to  wage  war  against  him.  Louis  then  seeking  a  refuge  against 
the  weakness  of  his  disposition  in  the  most  stubborn  obstinacy,  and  mistaking  a  pub- 
lic scandal  for  an  act  of  glory,  fled  from  his  throne,  declaiming  against  me  and 
against  my  insatiable  ambition,  my  intolerable  tyranny,  etc.  What  then  remained 
for  me  to  do  ?  Was  I  to  abandon  Holland  to  our  enemies  ?  Ought  I  to  have  given 
it  another  King?  But  in  that  case  could  I  have  expected  more  from  him  than  from 
my  own  brother  ?  Did  not  all  the  Kings  that  I  created  act  nearly  in  the  same  man- 
ner ?  I  therefore  united  Holland  to  the  Empire,  and  this  act  produced  a  most  unfa- 
vourable impression  in  Europe,  and  contribuied  not  a  little  to  lay  the  foundation  of 
our  misfortunes  "  {Memorial  de  iSainte  Milhie). 


1809.  191 


CHAPTER     XVm. 

1809. 

Demands  for  contingents  from  some  of  the  small  States  of  Germany — M. 
Metteruich — Position  of  Russia  with  respect  to  France — Union  of 
Austria  and  Russia — Return  of  the  English  to  Spain — Soult  King  of 
Portugal,  and  Murat  successor  to  the  Emperor — First  levy  of  the 
landwehr  in  Austria — Agents  of  the  Hanibiirg  Correspondaiit — 
Declaration  of  Prince  Charles — Napoleon's  march  to  Germany — His 
proclamation — Bernadotte's  departure  for  the  army — Napoleon's  dis- 
like of  Bernadotte — Prince  Charles'  plan  of  campaign — The  English 
at  Cuxhaven — Fruitlessness  of  the  plots  of  England — Napoleon 
■wounded — Napoleon's  prediction  realised — Major  SchUl — Hamburg 
threatened  and  saved — SchUl  in  Ltibeck — His  death,  and  destruction 
of  his  band— Schill  imitated  by  the  Duke  of  Brunswick-CEls — De- 
parture of  the  English  from  Cuxhaven. 

BoNAPAKTE,  the  foundations  of  whose  Empire  were  his 
sword  and  his  victories,  and  who  was  anxiously  looking 
forward  to  the  time  when  the  sovereigns  of  Continental 
Europe  should  be  his  juniors,  applied  for  contingents  of 
troops  from  the  States  to  which  I  was  accredited. '  The 
Duchy  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin  was  to  furnish  a  regi- 
ment of  1800  men,  and  the  other  little  States,  such  as 
Oldenburg  and  Mecklenburg-Strelitz,  were  to  furnish 
regiments  of  less  amount.  All  Europe  was  required  to 
rise  in  arms  to  second  the  gigantic  projects  of  the  new 
sovereign.  This  demand  for  contingents,  and  the  posi- 
tive way  in  which  the  Emperor  insisted  upon  them,  gave 
rise  to  an  immense  correspondence,  which,  however,  was 
unattended  by  any   result.     The   notes   and   orders   re- 

'  The  contiugents  required  were  those  the  States  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhiue 
were  bound  to  furnish  ;  see  note  on  the  Confederation,  p.  63. 


193         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 


mained  in  the  portfolios,  and  the  contingents  stayed  at 
home, ' 

M,  Metternich/  whose  talent  has  since  been  so  con- 
spicuously displayed,  had  been  for  upwards  of  a  year 
Ambassador  from  Austria  to  Paris.  Even  then  he  excelled 
in  the  art  of  guiding  men's  minds,  and  of  turning  to  the 
advantage  of  his  policy  his  external  graces  and  the  favour 
he  acquired  in  the  drawing-room.  His  father,  a  clever 
man,  brought  up  in  the  old  diplomatic  school  of  Thugut 
and  Kaunitz,  had  early  accustomed  him  to  the  task  of 
making  other  Governments  believe,  by  means  of  agents, 
what  might  lead  them  into  error  and  tend  to  the  advantage 
of  his  own  Government.  His  manoeuvres  tended  to  make 
Avistria  assume  a  discontented  and  haughty  tone;  and 
wishing,  as  she  said,  to  secure  her  independence,  she 
publicly  declared  her  intention  of  protecting  herself 
against  any  enterprise  similar  to  those  of  which  she  had 
so  often  been  the  victim.  This  language,  encouraged  by 
the  complete  evacuation  of  Germany,  and  the  war  in 
Spain,  the  unfortunate  issue  of  which  was  generally  fore- 
seen, was  used  in  time  of  peace  between  the  two  empires, 
and  when  France  was  not  threatening  war  to  Austria. 

M.  Metternich,  who  had  instructions  from  his  Court, 
gave  no  satisfactory  explanation  of  those  circumstances  to 

1  On  the  contrary  some  served  in  Spain  for  several  years,  and  others  participated 
in  the  severities  of  the  Russian  campaign. 

2  Metternich  arrived  in  Paris  as  Ambassador  on  4th  August  1806,  after  Austria 
had  been  vanquished  at  Austerlitz.  It  does  not  seem  pi'obable,  either  from  his  views 
or  his  correspondence,  tliat  he  advised  the  rash  attempt  of  Austria  to  attack  Napo- 
leon by  herself ;  compare  Metternich,  tome  i.  p.  69,  on  the  mistake  of  Prussia  in 
1805  and  1806  ;  see  also  tome  ii.  p.  221,  "  To  provoke  a  war  with  France  would  be 
madness  "  (1st  July  180S).  On  the  other  hand,  the  tone  of  his  correspondence  in  1808 
seems  calculated  to  make  Austria  believe  that  war  was  inevitable,  and  that  her 
forces,  "  so  inferior  to  those  of  France  before  the  insurrection  in  Spain,  will  at  least 
be  equal  to  them  immediately  after  that  event "  (tome  ii.  p.  308).  What  is  curious 
is  that  Metternich's  conduct  towards  Napoleon  while  Ambassador  had  led  even  such 
men  as  Duke  Dalberg  to  believe  that  he  was  really  so  well  disposed  towards  Napa 
leon  as  to  serve  hia  cause  more  than  that  of  Austria  ;  see  Memoirs  of  Vitrolles,  tome 
i.  p.  69,  where  Vitrolles,  the  first  messenger  sent  from  Paris  to  plead  the  cause  of  the 
Bourbons,  is  advised  to  apply  to  Stadion,  not  Metternich  ;  see  also  Vitrolles,  tome 
i.  p.  91. 


1809.  POLICY  OF  BUSSTA   TO  FRANCE.  193 

Napoleon,  who  immediately  raised  a  conscription,  and 
brought  soldiers  from  Spain  into  Germany. 

It  was  necessary,  also,  to  come  to  an  understanding 
with  Russia,  who,  being  engaged  with  her  wars  in  Finland 
and  Turkey,  appeared  desirous  neither  to  enter  into  al- 
liance with  Austria  nor  to  aflbrd  her  support.  What,  in 
fact,  was  the  Emperor  Alexander's  situation  with  respect 
to  France  ?  He  had  signed  a  treaty  of  peace  at  Tilsit 
which  he  felt  had  been  forced  ujDon  him,  and  he  knew 
that  time  alone  would  render  it  possible  for  him  to  take 
part  in  a  contest  which  it  was  evident  would  again  be  re- 
newed either  with  Prussia  or  Austria, 

Every  person  of  common  sense  must  have  perceived  that 
Austria,  in  taking  up  arms,  reckoned,  if  not  on  the  assist- 
ance, at  least  on  the  neutrality  of  Russia.  Russia  was 
then  engaged  with  two  enemies,  the  Swedes  and  the 
Turks,  over  whom  she  hoped  to  triumph.  She  therefore 
rejoiced  to  see  France  again  engage  in  a  struggle  with 
Austria,  and  there  was  no  doubt  that  she  would  take 
advantage  of  any  chances  favourable  to  the  latter  power 
to  join  her  in  opposing  the  encroachments  of  France.  I 
never  could  conceive  how,  under  those  circumstances. 
Napoleon  could  be  so  blind  as  to  expect  assistance  from 
Russia  in  his  quarrel  with  Austria.  He  must,  indeed, 
have  been  greatly  deceived  as  to  the  footing  on  which  the 
two  Courts  stood  with  reference  to  each  other — their 
friendly  footing  and  their  mutual  agreement  to  oppose 
the  overgrowing  ambition  of  their  common  enemy. 

The  English,  who  had  been  compelled  to  quit  Spain, 
now  returned  there.  They  landed  in  Portugal,  which 
might  be  almost  regarded  as  theu*  own  colony,  and 
marched  against  Marshal  Soult,  who  left  Spain  to  meet 
them.  Any  other  man  than  Soult  would  perhaps  have 
been  embarrassed  by  the  obstacles  which  he  had  to  sur- 
mount. A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  his  wish  to 
make  himself  King  of  Portugal.  Bernadotte  told  me, 
Vol.  III.— 13 


194         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 

when  he  passed  through  Hamburg,  that  the  matter  had 
been  the  subject  of  much  conversation  at  headquarters 
after  the  battle  of  Wagram.  Bernadotte  placed  no  faith 
in  the  report,  and  I  am  pretty  sure  that  Napoleon  also 
disbelieved  it.  However,  this  matter  is  still  involved  in 
the  obscurity  from  which  it  will  only  be  drawn  when  some 
person  acquainted  with  the  intrigue  shall  give  a  full  ex- 
planation of  it.' 

Since  I  have,  with  reference  to  Soult,  touched  upon  the 
subject  of  his  supposed  ambition,  I  will  mention  here  what 
I  know  of  Murat's  expectation  of  succeeding  the  Emperor. 
When  Romanzow  returned  from  his  useless  mission  of 
mediation  to  London  the  Emperor  proceeded  to  Bayonne. 
Bernadotte,   who  had  an  agent  in  Paris  whom  he  paid 

'  On  the  ratlier  obscure  and  complicated  subject  of  Soult's  conduct  in  this  matter 
see  Thiers,  tome  xi.  p.  70,  and  Lanfrey,  tome  v.  p.  93.  Soult  was  dreaming  of  being 
made  King  of  Portugal  at  the  request  of  the  Portuguese ;  some  of  his  officers  were 
watching  his  conduct,  prepared  to  seize  him  if  he  showed  any  sign  of  defection,  while 
others  had  entered  into  a  treacherous  correspondence  with  the  English.  But  Soult's 
own  behaviour  is  quite  consi.stent  with  loyalty  :  the  elevation  of  Murat  to  a  throne 
had  opened  a  wide  range  of  ambition  to  the  Marshals.  Metternich  (tome  ii.  p.  463) 
said  to  Napoleon  in  1810,  when  the  choice  of  Bernadotte  for  Sweden  was  in  question : 
"  Your  Majesty  will  soon  be  obliged  to  have  one  of  them  (the  Marshals)  shot,  in  order 
to  moderate  the  lofty  ideas  of  the  vest."  Napoleon  treated  the  matter  lightly,  writ- 
ing to  Soult  that  he  "  only  remembered  Austerlitz  "  (Savary,  tome  iv.  p.  200),  but 
the  whole  matter  seems  to  show  that  there  must  have  been  some  truth  in  the  reports 
of  the  existence  of  Republican  conspiracies  in  the  French  army.  The  plan  of  Argen- 
ton,  the  officer  who  communicated  with  Wellington,  was  to  let  Soult  proclaim  himself 
King  ;  the  army  would  then  revolt,  not  only  against  him  but  against  Napoleon.  This 
example  being  followed  by  the  whole  army  in  Spain,  "the  old  army  of  the  Republic 
and  of  the  Empire,  remembering  what  it  had  been,  would  be  seen  to  abandon  the 
Peninsula  and  retire  to  the  Pyrenees,  proclaiming  the  deliverance  of  France  and  of 
Europe."  The  plot  of  Malet  in  1812  also  points  in  the  same  direction.  Meneval 
(tome  iii.  p.  73),  however,  denies  the  account  of  these  conspiracies  given  by  Nodiei 
(in  his  Histoire  des  Societes  Secretes  de  FArmee  et  des  Co7ispirations  Militaires  contre 
Bonaparte :  London,  Longman,  1815) ;  indeed  Nodier  is  too  imaginative  a  writer 
to  be  much  trusted  ;  see  Merlet,  tome  ii.  p.  72-94.  Metternich  (tome  iii.  p.  667), 
apparently  not  speaking  specially  of  the  army,  says  :  "It  was  under  the  Empire, 
and  as  a  consequence  of  the  expurgations  made  by  Bonaparte  in  the  administrations, 
that  the  secret  societies  began  to  be  reconstituted.  Strong  of  will,  Bonaparte  calcu- 
lated that  instead  of  employing  useless  efforts  to  hinder  their  reorganisation  it  would 
be  easier  for  him  to  restrain  them  by  subjecting  them  to  a  severe  control,  and  even 
making  them  subserve  his  designs.  Hence,  while  covering  them  with  i-idicule  he 
managed  to  establish  an  active  police  in.  the  associations  which  seemed  to  him  sus. 
ceptible  of  being  guided ;  towards  all  the  others,  on  the  contrary,  he  displayed  an 
inflexible  severity." 


DUC   DE   DALMATIE 


1809.  MURAT  EMPEROR  OF  FRANCE.  195 

highly,  told  me  one  day  that  he  had  received  a  despatch 
informing  him  that  Murat  entertained  the  idea  of  one  day 
succeeding  the  Emperor.  Sycophants,  expecting  to  derive 
advantage  from  it,  encouraged  Murat  in  this  chimerical 
hope.  I  know  not  whether  Napoleon  was  acquainted  with 
this  circumstance,  nor  what  he  said  of  it,  but  Bernadotte 
spoke  of  it  to  me  as  a  certain  fact.  It  would,  however, 
have  been  very  wrong  to  attach  great  importance  to  an  ex- 
pression which,  perhaps,  escaped  Murat  in  a  moment  of 
ardour,  for  his  natural  temperament  sometimes  betrayed 
him  into  acts  of  imprudence,  the  result  of  which,  with  a 
man  like  Napoleon,  was  always  to  be  dreaded. 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  operations  of  the  Spanish  war, 
which  Napoleon  directed  in  person,  that  he  learned  Austria 
had  for  the  first  time  raised  the  landwehr.  I  obtained 
some  very  curious  documents  respecting  the  armaments  of 
Austria  from  the  Editor  of  the  Hamburg  Gorrespondant. 
This  paper,  the  circulation  of  which  amounted  to  not  less 
than  60,000,  paid  considerable  sums  to  persons  in  different 
parts  of  Europe  who  were  able  and  willing  to  furnish  the 
current  news.  The  Gorrespondant  paid  6000  francs  a  year 
to  a  clerk  in  the  war  department  at  Vienna,  and  it  was  this 
clerk  who  supplied  the  intelligence  that  Austria  was  pre- 
paring for  war,  and  that  orders  had  been  issued  in  all 
directions  to  collect  and  put  in  motion  all  the  resources  of 
that  powerful  monarchy.  I  communicated  these  particu- 
lars to  the  French  Government,  and  suggested  the  necessity 
of  increased  vigilance  and  measures  of  defence.  Preceding 
aggressions,  especially  that  of  1805,  were  not  to  be  for- 
gotten. Similar  information  probably  reached  the  French 
Government  from  many  quarters.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the 
Emperor  consigned  the  military  operations  in  Spain  to  his 
generals,  and  departed  for  Paris,  where  he  arrived  at  the 
end  of  January  1809.  He  had  been  in  Spain  only  since  the 
beginning  of  November  1808,'  and  his  presence  there  had 

'  The  successes  obtained  by  Napoleon  during  his  stay  of  about  three  months  in  Spain 


196         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

again  rendered  our  banners  victorious.  But  though  the 
insurgent  troops  were  beaten  the  inhabitants  showed  them- 
selves more  and  more  unfavourable  to  Joseph's  cause  ;  and 
it  did  not  appear  very  probable  that  he  could  ever  seat 
himself  tranquilly  on  the  throne  of  Madrid. 

The  Emperor  Francis,  notwithstanding  his  counsellors, 
hesitated  about  taking  the  first  step  ;  but  at  length,  yield- 
ing to  the  solicitations  of  England  and  the  secret  intrigues 
of  Bussia,  and,  above  all,  seduced  by  the  subsidies  of 
Great  Britain,  Austria  declared  hostilities,  not  at  first 
against  France,  but  against  her  allies  of  the  Confedera- 
tion of  the  Khine.  On  the  9th  of  April  Prince  Charles, 
who  was  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  Austrian 
troops,  addressed  a  note  to  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
French  army  in  Bavaria,  apprising  him  of  the  declaration 
of  war. 

A  courier  carried  the  news  of  this  declaration  to  Stras- 
burg  with  the  utmost  expedition,  from  whence  it  was 
transmitted  by  telegraph  to  Paris.'     The   Emperor,  sur- 

were  certainly  very  great,  and  mainly  resulted  from  his  own  masterly  genius  and 
lightning-like  rapidity.  The  Spanish  armies,  as  yet  unsupported  by  British  troops, 
were  defeated  at  Gomenal,  Espinosa,  Reynosa,  Tudela,  and  at  the  pass  of  the  Somo. 
sierra  Mountains,  and  at  an  early  hour  of  the  morning  of  the  4th  December  Madrid 
surrendered.  On  the  20th  of  December  Bonaparte  marched  with  far  superior  forces 
against  the  unfortimate  Sir  John  Moore,  who  had  been  sent  to  advance  into  Spain 
both  by  the  wrong  route  and  at  a  iorong  time.  On  the  29th.  from  the  heights  of 
Benevento,  his  eyes  were  delighted  by  seeing  the  English  in  full  retreat.  But  a  blow 
struck  him  from  another  quarter,  and  leaving  Soult  to  follow  up  Moore  he  took  the 
road  to  Paris. 

On  16th  January  1809  was  fought  the  battle  of  Comnna,  the  results  of  which  were 
the  defeat  of  Soult.  the  death  of  the  gallant  Moore,  and  the  safe  embarkation  of  the 
British  troops.  "  It  excited  univer.sal  surprise,"  says  Mr.  Lockhart,  "that  the  Em- 
peror did  not  immediately  return  from  Benevento  to  Madrid  to  complete  and  con- 
solidate his  Spanish  conquest.  He,  however,  proceeded,  not  towards  Madrid,  but 
Paris,  and  this  with  his  utmost  speed,  riding  with  post-horses  on  one  cccasion.  not 
less  than  75  English  miles  in  five  hours  and  a  half,  or  fourteen  miles  an  hour.  The 
cause  ol  this  sudden  change  of  purpose  and  extraordinary  haste  was  a  sufficient  one, 
and  it  ere  long  transpired."  Austria  had  anned,  and  was  on  the  point  of  declaring 
that  war  which  broke  out  three  months  later.— Ed/Zor  ri/"1836  edUioti. 

'  In  one  of  De  Quincey's  essays  a  curious  incident  in  connection  with  the  use  of 
the  semaphore  telegraphs  is  described.  A  ship  had  arrived  at  Plymouth  or  Ports- 
mouth with  despatches  from  Lord  Wellington,  and  important  news  from  the  Penin- 
sula.    This  was  being  transmitted  in  an  epitomised  form  to  Juondon  when  a  dense 


1809.  AUSTRIA  DECLARES   WAR.  197 

prised  but  not  disconcerted  by  this  intelligence,  received 
it  at  St.  Cloud  on  the  11th  of  April,  and  two  hours  after 
he  was  on  the  road  to  Germany.'  The  complexity  of 
affairs  in  which  he  was  then  involved  seemed  to  give  a 
new  impulse  to  his  activity.  When  he  reached  the  army 
neither  his  troops  nor  his  Guard  had  been  able  to  come 
up,  and  under  those  circumstances  he  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  Bavarian  troops,  and,  as  it  were,  adopted 
the  soldiers  of  Maximilian.  Six  days  after  his  departure 
from  Paris  the  army  of  Prince  Charles,  which  had  passed 
the  Inn,  was  threatened.  The  Emperor's  headquarters 
were  at  Donawwerth,  and  from  thence  he  addressed  to 
his  soldiers  one  of  those  energetic  and  concise  proclama- 
tions which  made  them  perform  so  many  prodigies,  and 
which  was  soon  circulated  in  every  language  by  the  public 
joiu'nals.  This  complication  of  events  could  not  but  be 
fatal  to  Europe  and  France,  whatever  might  be  its  result, 
but  it  presented  an  opportunity  favourable  to  the  develop- 
ment of  the  Emperor's  genius.  Like  his  favourite  poet 
Ossian,  who  loved  best  to  touch  his  lyre  midst  the  bowl- 
ings of  the  tempest,  Napoleon  required  political  tempests 
for  the  display  of  his  abilities.^ 

During  the  campaign  of  1809,  and  particularly  at  its 

fog  came  on  and  interrupted,  until  the  following  morning,  the  transmission  of  the 

message.     The  words  "  Weliingloti  defeated "  had  been  telegraphed  to  London, 

and  the  temporary  ending  of  the  message  at  this  point  gave  rise  to  the  greatest  ex- 
citement in  the  Metropolis  until  the  completion  of  the  sentence,  "  the  French  at 
Salamanca"  arrived  the  next  morning,  when  the  fog  had  cleared  off. 

'  Jomini  (tome  iii.  p.  158),  saying  that  Napoleon  on  12th,  not  11th,  April  received 
the  news  of  the  Austrians  having  crossed  the  Inn  on  10th  April,  remarks  on  the  wise 
foresight  by  which  the  Emperor  had  established  a  line  of  telegraph  stations  (signal- 
posts)  throughout  Germany.  Thiers  (tome  x.  p.  121)  takes  the  same  date,  12th 
April.  Metternich  (tome  ii.  p.  351),  who  was  then  in  Paris,  says  3  a.m.  13th  April. 
For  the  extraordinary  folly  of  the  Austrians  in  wasting  time  in  bringing  their  army 
on  to  the  Inn,  instead  of  debouching  from  Bohemia,  thus  tripling  their  march,  see 
Jomini  (tome  iii.  p.  153),  who  attributes  Napoleon's  safety  to  this  error. 

2  Joseph  Bonaparte  denies  that  Ossian  was  the  favourite  poet  of  Napoleon,  saying 
that  he  admired  much  more  the  great  French  and  Italian  poets.  Homer,  Virgil, 
Lucan,  etc.  (Erreurs,  tome  ii.  p.  173).  But  perhaps  the  difference  between  the  two 
statements  may  be  attributable  to  the  fact  that  Bourrienne  left  Napoleon  compara- 
tively early  in  his  career,  and  we  know  that  Napoleon  progressed  in  his  literary  edu- 
cation.   See  Sainte  Beuve,  tome  i.  p.  287,  already  quoted. 


198         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 


commencement,  Napoleon's  course  was  even  more  rapid 
than  it  had  been  in  the  campaign  of  1805. '  Every  courier 
who  arrived  at  Hamburg  brought  us  news,  or  rather 
prodigies.  As  soon  as  the  Emperor  was  informed  of  the 
attack  made  by  the  Austrians  upon  Bavaria  orders  were 
despatched  to  all  the  generals  having  troops  under  their 
command  to  proceed  with  all  speed  to  the  theatre  of  the 
war.  The  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  was  summoned  to  join 
the  Grand  Army  with  the  Saxon  troops  under  his  com- 
mand and  for  the  time  he  resigned  the  government  of  the 
Hanse  Towns.  Colonel  Damas  succeeded  him  at  Ham- 
burg during  that  period,  but  merely  as  commandant  of 
the  fortress,  and  he  never  gave  rise  to  any  murmur  or 
complaint.  Bernadotte  was  not  satisfied  with  his  situa- 
tion, and  indeed  the  Emj^eror,  who  was  never  much  dis- 
posed to  bring  him  forward,  because  he  could  not  forgive 
him  for  his  opposition  on  the  18th  Brumaire,  always  ap- 
pointed him  to  posts  in  which  but  little  glory  was  to  be 
acquired,  and  placed  as  few  troojDS  as  possible  under  his 
command. 

It  required  all  the  promptitude  of  the  Emperor's  march 
upon  Vienna  to  defeat  the  plots  which  were  brewing 
against  his  government,  for  in  the  event  of  his  arms  being 
unsuccessful,  the  blow  was  ready  to  be  struck.'  The 
English  force  in  the  north  of  Germany  amounted  to  about 
10,000  men.  The  Archduke  Charles  had  formed  the  pro- 
ject of  concentrating  in  the  middle  of  Germany  a  large 
body  of  troops,  consisting  of  the  corps  of  General  Am 

»  The  ArchtUike  John  defeated  Eugene  Beauharnais,  then  Viceroy  of  Italy,  and 
took  possession  of  Padua,  Vicenza,  and  other  cities,  but,  in  consequence  of  Bona- 
parte's victories  in  Germany,  he  was  obliged  to  retrace  his  steps,  and  being  followed 
up  by  the  reinforced  Beauharnais  into  Hungary,  he  was  defeated  in  a  great  battle 
near  the  town  of  Raab. — Editor  0/1836  edition. 

2  The  French  agents  in  Germany  had  an  anxious  time,  while  the  Grand  Army 
was  cooped  up  in  the  island  of  Lobau,  between  the  battle  of  Essling  and  that  of 
Wagram.  "Every  State,  even  Denmark,  assumed  a  hostile  attitude.  ...  If 
at  this  critical  moment,  between  the  battle  of  Essling  and  Wagram,  Russia  had 
made  one  sign,  no  one  can  tell  what  would  have  happened  "  {Beugiiot,  vol  i.  p. 
3021 


1809.  ADVANCE  OF  THE  ENGLISH.  199 

Eude,  of  General  Radizwowitz,  and  of  the  English,  with 
whom  were  to  be  joined  the  people  who  were  expected  to 
revolt.  The  English  would  have  wished  the  Austrian 
troops  to  advance  a  little  farther.  The  English  agent 
made  some  representations  on  this  subject  to  M.  Stadion, 
the  Austrian  Minister  ;  but  the  Archduke  preferred  mak- 
ing a  diversion  to  committing  the  safety  of  the  monarchy 
by  departing  from  his  present  inactivity  and  risking  the 
passage  of  the  Danube,  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  who  never 
suffered  himself  to  be  surprised,  and  who  had  calculated 
every  possible  event.  In  concerting  his  plan  the  Arch- 
duke expected  that  the  Czar  would  either  detach  a  strong 
force  to  assist  his  allies,  or  that  he  would  abandon  them 
to  their  own  defence.  In  the  first  case  the  Archduke 
would  have  had  a  great  superiority,  and  in  the  second, 
all  was  prepared  in  Hesse  and  in  Hanover  to  rise  on  the 
approach  of  the  Austrian  and  English  armies. 

At  the  commencement  of  July  the  English  advanced 
upon  Cuxhaven  with  a  dozen  small  ships  of  war.  They 
landed  400  or  500  sailors  and  about  50  marines,  and 
planted  a  standard  on  one  of  the  outworks.  The  day 
after  this  landing  at  Cuxhaven  the  English,  who  were  in 
Denmark  evacuated  Copenhagen,  after  destroying  a  bat- 
tery which  they  had  erected  there.  All  the  schemes  of 
England  were  fruitless  on  the  Continent,  for  with  the 
Emperor's  new  system  of  wai',  which  consisted  in  making 
a  push  on  the  capitals,  he  soon  obtained  negotiations  for 
peace.  He  was  master  of  Vienna  before  England  had 
even  organised  the  expedition  to  which  I  have  just  alluded. 
He  left  Paris  on  the  11th  of  April,  was  at  Donawwerth  on 
the  17th,  and  on  the  23d  he  was  master  of  Eatisbon.  In 
the  engagement  which  preceded  his  entrance  into  that 
town  Napoleon  received  a  slight  wound  in  the  heel.'     He 

'  There  was  a  curious  belief  among:  the  English  in  Napoleon's  time  that  he  had 
never  been  wounded,  and  indeed  that  he  carefully,  if  not  cowardly,  refrained  from 
exposing  himself.  Of  the  incident  referred  to  by  Bourrienne,  Meneval  (tome  i.  p, 
192)  says,  "  The  Emperor  was  sitting  in  a  place  from  whence  he  could  watch  the 


200         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809, 


nevertheless  remained  on  the  field  of  battle.  It  was  also 
between  Donawwerth  and  Ratisbon  that  Davoust,  by  a 
bold  manoeuvre,  gained  and  merited  the  title  of  Prince  of 
EckmuhL' 

At  this  period  fortune  was  not  only  bent  on  favouring 
Napoleon's  arms,  but  she  seemed  to  take  pleasure  in  real- 
ising even  his  boasting  predictions  ;  for  the  French  troops 
entered  Vienna  within  a  month  after  a  proclamation  is- 
sued by  Napoleon  at  Ratisbon,  in  which  he  said  he  would 
be  master  of  the  Austrian  capital  in  that  time. 

But  while  he  was  thus  marching  from  triumph  to 
triumph  the  people  of  Hamburg  and  the  neighbouring 
countries  had  a  neighbour  who  did  not  leave  them  alto- 
gether without  inquietude.  The  famous  Prussian  parti- 
attack  on  the  town  of  Ratisbon.  He  was  striking  the  ground  with  his  whip  when  a 
ball,  believed  to  have  come  from  a  Tyrolean  carbine,  struck  him  on  the  big  toe. 
The  report  of  this  wound  spread  rajjidly  from  rank  to  rank,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
get  on  horseback  to  show  himself  to  the  troops.  Though  his  boot  was  not  pene- 
trated the  wound  was  very  painful  ;  stUl  he  put  a  good  face  on  it.  Nature,  how- 
ever, claimed  her  rights.  When  after  this  short  ride  he  entered  a  little  house,  some 
musket-shots  oft  the  place  where  he  had  been  wounded,  his  courage  was  exhausted, 
and  he  fainted  right  off.  This  wound,  happily,  had  not  bad  results."  As  for  his 
courage,  Metternich  (tome  i.  p.  270)  has  some  very  sensible  remarks  on  the  absence 
of  any  necessity  for  his  exposing  himself.  "  The  history  of  his  campaigns  suffices 
to  prove  that  he  was  always  at  the  place,  dangerous  or  not,  which  was  proper  for 
the  head  of  a  great  army."  This  place,  however,  was  sometimes  dangerous  enough. 
At  the  battle  of  Wagram,  says  Savary  (tome  iv.  p.  174),  "I  do  not  know  what  was 
in  the  Emperor's  head,  but  he  remained  a  good  hour  in  this  angle,  which  was  regu- 
larly  swept  by  bullets.  The  soldiers  were  stationai-y,  and  became  demoralised. 
The  Emperor  knew  better  than  any  one  that  this  situation  could  not  last  long,  and 
he  did  not  wish  to  go  away,  as  he  could  remedy  disorders.  At  the  moment  of  great- 
est danger  he  rode  along  the  front  of  the  line  of  troops  on  a  horse  white  as  snow. 
This  horse  was  called  Euphrates,  and  had  been  given  to  him  by  the  Sophi  of  Persia. 
.  .  .  I  expected  to  see  him  fall  at  every  moment."  Napoleon  besides  exposing 
himself  freely  when  necessary  to  danger,  as  at  Lodi  or  Areola,  was  also,  for  a  man 
in  his  position,  very  indifferent  to  precautions  for  his  safety.  On  two  occasions  he 
was  surrounded  by  Cossacks,  and  in  imminent  danger  of  his  life,  not  being  recog- 
nised by  them,  once  at  Malo  Jaroslawitz  in  1812,  and  once  in  France  in  1811.  See 
also  footnote  to  vol.  ii.  p.  282. 

After  his  death  "  the  inspection  of  his  body  revealed  several  wounds,  some  very 
slight,  and  three  very  distinct.  Of  these  three,  the  first  was  on  the  head,  the  sec- 
ond on  the  fourth  finger  of  the  left  hand,  the  third  on  the  left  thigh.  This  last  one 
was  very  deep,  and  was  caused  by  a  bayonet  stab  received  at  Toulon  :  it  is  the  only 
one  whose  origin  can  be  historically  fixed  (Thiers,  tome  xx.  p.  708). 

'  The  great  battle  of  Eckmuhl,  where  100,000  Austrians  were  driven  from  all 
their  positions,  was  fought  on  the  22d  of  April, — Editor  o/1836  edition. 


1809.  A  PRUSSIAN  FREE  LANCE.  201 


san,  Major  Schill,  after  pursuing  his  system  of  plunder  in 
Westphalia,  came  and  threw  himself  into  Mecklenburg, 
whence,  I  understood,  it  was  his  intention  to  surprise 
Hamburg.  At  the  head  of  600  well-mounted  hussars  and 
between  1500  and  2000  infantry  badly  armed,  he  took 
possession  of  the  little  fort  of  Domitz,  in  Mecklenburg,  on 
the  15th  of  May,  from  whence  he  despatched  parties  who 
levied  contributions  on  both  banks  of  the  Elbe.  Schill 
inspired  terror  wherever  he  went.  On  the  19th  of  May  a 
detachment  of  30  men  belonging  to  Sehill's  corps  entered 
Wismar.  It  was  commanded  by  Count  Moleke,  who  had 
formerly  been  in  the  Prussian  service,  and  who  had  re- 
tired to  his  estate  in  Mecklenburg,  where  the  Duke  had 
kindly  given  him  an  appointment.  Forgetting  his  duty 
to  his  benefactor,  he  sent  to  summon  the  Duke  to  sur- 
render Stralsund. 

Alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the  partisan  Schill,  the  Duke 
of  Mecklenburg  and  his  Court  quitted  Ludwigsburg,  their 
regular  residence,  and  retired  to  Doberan,  on  the  sea- 
coast.  On  quitting  Mecklenburg  Schill  advanced  to  Berg- 
dorf,  four  leagues  from  Hamburg.  The  alarm  then  in- 
creased in  that  city.  A  few  of  the  inhabitants  talked  of 
making  a  compromise  with  Schill  and  sending  him  money 
to  get  him  away.  But  the  firmness  of  the  majority  im- 
posed silence  on  this  timid  council.  I  consulted  with  the 
commandant  of  the  town,  and  we  determined  to  adopt 
measures  of  precaution.  The  custom-house  chest,  in 
which  there  was  more  than  a  million  of  gold,  Avas  sent  to 
Holstein  under  a  strong  escort.  At  the  same  time  I  sent 
to  Schill  a  clever  spy,  who  gave  him  a  most  alarming  ac- 
count of  the  means  of  defence  which  Hamburg  possessed. 
Schill  accordingly  gave  up  his  designs  on  that  city,  and 
leaving  it  on  his  left,  entered  Liibeck,  which  was  unde- 
fended. 

Meanwhile  Lieutenant-General  Gratien,  who  had  left 
Berlin  by  order  of  the  Prince  de  Neufchdtel,  with  2500 


202         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 


Dutch  and  3000  Swedish  troops,  actively  pursued  Schill, 
and  ti-anquillity  was  soon  restored  throughout  all  the 
neighbouring  country,  which  had  been  greatly  agitated  by 
his  bold  enterprise.  Schill,  after  wandering  for  some  days 
on  the  shores  of  the  Baltic,  was  overtaken  by  General 
Gratien  at  Stralsund,  whence  he  was  about  to  embark  for 
Sweden.  He  made  a  desperate  defence,  and  was  killed 
after  a  conflict  of  two  hours.  His  band  was  destroyed. ' 
Three  hundred  of  his  hussars  and  200  infantry,  who  had 
effected  their  escape,  asked  leave  to  return  to  Prussia,  and 
they  were  conducted  to  the  Prussian  general  commanding 
a  neighbouring  town.  A  war  of  plunder  like  that  carried 
on  by  Schill  could  not  be  honourably  acknowledged  by  a 
power  having  any  claim  to  respect.  Yet  the  English  Gov- 
ernment sent  Schill  a  colonel's  commission,  and  the  full 
uniform  of  his  new  rank,  with  the  assurance  that  all  his 
troops  should  thenceforth  be  paid  by  England. 

Schill  soon  had  an  imitator  of  exalted  rank.  In  August 
1809  the  Duke  of  Brunswick-CEls  sought  the  dangerous 
honour  of  succeeding  that  famous  partisan.  At  the  head 
of  at  most  2000  men  he  for  some  days  disturbed  the  left 
bank  of  the  Elbe,  and  on  the  5th  entered  Bremen.  On 
his  approach  the  French  Vice-Consul  retired  to  Osterhulz. 
One  of  the  Duke's  officers  presented  himself  at  the  house 
of  the  Vice-Gonsul  and  demanded  200  louis.  The  agent 
of  the  Vice-Cousul,  alarmed  at  the  threat  of  the  place  be- 
ing given  up  to  pillage,  capitulated  with  the  officer,  and 
with  considerable  difficulty  got  rid  of  him  at  the  sacrifice 
of  80  louis,  for  which  a  receipt  was  presented  to  him  in 
the  name  of  the  Duke.  The  Duke,  who  now  went  by  the 
name  of  "the  new  Schill,"  did  not  remain  long  in  Bremen. 

1  The  Baron  Seruzier  in  his  Memoirs  (Paris,  Anselin),  pp.  97-112,  says  that  he 
was  charged  by  General  St.  Hilaire  to  follow  up  Schill,  whom  he  caught  in  Stralsund, 
when,  to  use  his  own  words,  "  all  the  troop  of  Schill  was  then  massacred — a  half- 
hour  of  combat  sufficed."  SchiU  himself  was  killed  by  one  of  Seruzier's  corporals, 
Beckmann,  sent  into  the  town  before  the  attack  in  disguise.  This  last  statement 
may  explain  the  rumour  mentioned  by  Jomini  (tome  iii.  p.  235),  that  Schill  was 
killed  by  his  own  men. 


1809.    RETREAT  OF  THE  DUKE  OF  BRUNSWICK.      203 

Wishing  to  repair  with  all  possible  speed  to  Holland  he 
left  Bremen  on  the  evening  of  the  6th,  and  proceeded  to 
Delmenhorst,  where  his  advanced  guard  had  already  ar- 
rived. The  Westphalian  troops,  commanded  by  Eeubell, 
entered  Bremen  on  the  7th,  and  not  finding  the  Duke  of 
Brunswick,  immediately  marched  in  pursuit  of  him.  The 
Danish  troops,  who  occupied  Cuxhaven,  received  orders 
to  proceed  to  Bremerlehe,  to  favour  the  operations  of  the 
Westphalians  and  the  Dutch.  Meanwhile  the  English  ap- 
proached Cuxhaven,  where  they  landed  3000  or  4000  men. 
The  persons  in  charge  of  the  custom-house  establishment, 
and  the  few  sailors  who  were  in  Cuxhaven,  fell  back  upon 
Hamburg.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  still  pursued  crossed 
Germany  from  the  frontiers  of  Bohemia  to  Elsfleth,  a  little 
port  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Weser,  where  he  arrived  on 
the  7th,  being  one  day  in  advance  of  his  pursuers.  He 
immediately  took  possession  of  all  the  transjsorts  at  Els- 
fleth, and  embarked  for  Heligoland. 

The  landing  which  the  English  effected  at  Cuxhaven 
while  the  Danes,  who  garrisoned  that  port,  were  occupied 
in  pursuing  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  was  attended  by  no 
result.  After  the  escape  of  the  Duke  the  Danes  returned 
to  their  post,  which  the  English  immediately  evacuated. 


304  1809. 


CHAPTER    XIX. 

1809. 

The  castle  of  Diernstein — Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  and  Marshal  Lannes— 
The  Emperor  at  the  gates  of  Vienna — The  Archduchess  Maria  Louisa 
— Facility  of  correspondence  with  England — Smuggling  in  Hamburg  • 
— Brown  sugar  and  sand — Hearses  filled  with  sugar  and  coffee — Em- 
bargo on  the  publication  of  news — Supervision  of  the  Hamburg  Cor- 
resiiotidant — Festival  of  Saint  Napoleon — Ecclesiastical  adulation — 
The  King  of  Westphalia's  journey  through  his  States — Attempt  to 
raise  a  loan^Jerome's  present  to  me — The  present  returned — Bona- 
parte's unfounded  suspicions. 

Rapp,  who  during  the  campaign  of  Vienna  had  resumed 
his  duties  as  aide  de  camp,  related  to  me  one  of  those  ob- 
servations of  Napoleon  which,  when  his  words  are  com- 
pared with  the  events  that  followed  them,  seem  to  indicate 
a  foresight  into  his  future  destiny.  When  within  some 
days'  mai'ch  of  Vienna  the  Emperor  procured  a  guide  to 
explain  to  him  every  village  and  ruin  which  he  observed 
on  the  road.  The  guide  pointed  to  an  eminence  on  which 
were  a  few  decayed  vestiges  of  an  old  fortified  castle. 
"Those,"  said  the  guide,  "are  the  ruins  of  the  castle  of 
Diernstein."  Napoleon  suddenly  stopped,  and  stood  for 
some  time  silently  contemplating  the  ruins,  then  turning 
to  Lannes,  who  was  with  him,  he  said,  "  See !  yonder  is 
the  prison  of  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion.  He,  like  us,  went 
to  Syria  and  Palestine.  But,  my  brave  Lannes,  the  Coeur 
de  Lion  was  not  braver  than  you.  He  was  more  fortunate 
than  I  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  A  Duke  of  Austria  sold  him  to 
an  Emperor  of  Germau}^  who  imprisoned  him  in  that 
castle.     Those  were  the  days  of  barbarism.     How  different 


1809.  THE  ARGHDUCHESS  IN  VIENNA.  205 

from  the  civilisation  of  modern  times  !  Europe  has  seen 
how  I  treated  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  Avhom  I  might  have 
made  prisoner — and  I  would  treat  him  so  again.  I  claim 
no  credit  for  this.  In  the  present  age  crowned  heads 
must  be  respected.     A  conqueror  imprisoned  !  " 

A  few  days  after  the  Emperor  was  at  the  gates  of 
Vienna,  but  on  this  occasion  his  access  to  the  Austrian 
capital  was  not  so  easy  as  it  had  been  rendered  in  1805  by 
the  ingenuity  and  courage  of  Lannes  and  Murat.  The 
Archduke  Maximilian,  who  was  shut  up  in  the  capital, 
wished  to  defend  it,  although  the  French  army  already 
occupied  the  principal  suburbs.  In  vain  were  flags  of 
truce  sent  one  after  the  other  to  the  Archduke.  They 
were  not  only  dismissed  unheard,  but  were  even  ill-treated, 
and  one  of  them  was  almost  killed  by  the  populace.  The 
city  was  then  bombarded,  and  would  speedily  have  been 
destroyed  but  that  the  Emperor,  being  informed  that  one 
of  the  Archduchesses  remained  in  Vienna  on  account  of 
ill-health,  ordered  the  firing  to  cease.  By  a  singular  caprice 
of  Napoleon's  destiny  this  Archduchess  was  no  other  than 
Maria  Louisa.  Vienna  at  length  opened  her  gates  to 
Napoleon,  who  for  some  days  took  up  his  residence  at 
Schoenbrunn. 

The  Emperor  was  engaged  in  so  many  projects  at  once 
that  they  could  not  all  succeed.  Thus,  while  he  was 
triumphant  in  the  Hereditary  States  his  Continental  sys- 
tem was  experiencing  severe  checks.  The  trade  with 
England  on  the  coast  of  Oldenburg  was  carried  on  as  un- 
interruptedly as  if  in  time  of  peace.  English  letters  and 
newspapers  arrived  on  the  Continent,  and  those  of  the 
Continent  found  their  way  into  Great  Britain,  as  if  France 
and  England  had  been  imited  by  ties  of  the  firmest 
friendship.  In  short,  things  were  just  in  the  same  state 
as  if  the  decree  for  the  blockade  of  the  British  Isles  had 
not  existed.  W^hen  the  custom-house  officers  succeeded 
in  seizing  contraband  goods  they  were  again  taken  from 


206         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

them  by  main  force.  On  the  2d  of  July  a  serious  contest 
took  place  at  Brinskbam  between  the  custom-house 
ofi&cers  and  a  party  of  peasantry,  in  which  the  latter  re- 
mained masters  of  eighteen  wagons  laden  with  English 
goods  :  many  were  wounded  on  both  sides. 

If,  however,  trade  with  England  was  carried  on  freely 
along  a  vast  extent  of  coast,  it  was  diflferent  in  the  city  of 
Hamburg,  where  English  goods  were  introduced  only  by 
fraud  ;  and  I  verily  believe  that  the  art  of  smuggling  and 
the  schemes  of  smugglers  were  never  before  carried  to 
such  perfection.  Above  6000  persons  of  the  lower  orders 
went  backwards  and  forwards,  about  twenty  times  a  day, 
from  Altona  to  Hamburg,  and  they  carried  on  their  con- 
traband trade  by  many  ingenious  stratagems,  two  of  which 
were  so  curious  that  they  are  worth  mentioning  here. 

On  the  left  of  the  road  leading  from  Hamburg  to 
Altona  there  was  a  piece  of  ground  where  pits  were  dug 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring  sand  used  for  building  and 
for  laying  down  in  the  streets.  At  this  time  it  was  pro- 
posed to  repair  the  great  street  of  Hamburg  leading  to  the 
gate  of  Altona.  The  smugglers  overnight  filled  the  sand- 
pit with  brown  sugar,  and  the  little  carts  which  usually 
conveyed  the  sand  into  Hamburg  were  filled  with  the 
sugar,  care  being  taken  to  cover  it  with  a  layer  of  sand 
about  an  inch  thick.  This  trick  was  carried  on  for  a  length 
of  time,  but  no  progress  was  made  in  repairing  the  street. 
I  complained  greatly  of  the  delay,  even  before  I  was 
aware  of  its  cause,  for  the  street  led  to  a  country-house  I 
had  near  Altona,  whither  I  went  daily.  The  ofiicers  of 
the  customs  at  length  perceived  that  the  work  did  not 
proceed,  and  one  fine  morning  the  sugar-carts  were 
stopped  and  seized.  Another  expedient  was  then  to  be 
devised. 

Between  Hambm-g  and  Altona  there  was  a  little  suburb 
situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Elbe.  This  suburb  was 
inhabited   by  sailors,    labourers  of  the   port,   and   land- 


1809.  SENSITIVENESS  TO   CRITICISM.  207 

owners.  The  inhabitants  were  interred  in  the  cemetery 
of  Hamburg.  It  was  observed  that  funeral  processions 
passed  this  way  more  frequently  than  usual.  The  custom- 
house officers,  amazed  at  the  sudden  mortality  of  the 
worthy  inhabitants  of  the  little  suburb,  insisted  on 
searching  one  of  the  vehicles,  and  on  opening  the  hearse 
it  was  found  to  be  filled  with  sugar,  coffee,  vanilla,  indigo, 
etc.  It  was  necessary  to  abandon  this  expedient,  but 
others  were  soon  discovered. 

Bonaparte  was  sensitive,  in  an  extraordinary  degree,  to 
all  that  was  said  and  thought  of  him,  and  Heaven  knows 
how  many  despatches  I  received  from  headquarters  during 
the  campaign  of  Vienna  directing  me  not  only  to  watch 
the  vigilant  execution  of  the  custom-house  laws,  but  to 
lay  an  embargo  on  a  thing  which  alai*med  him  more  than 
the  introduction  of  British  merchandise,  viz.  the  publica- 
tion of  news.  In  conformity  with  these  reiterated  in- 
structions I  directed  especial  attention  to  the  management 
of  the  Gorrespondant.  The  importance  of  this  journal, 
with  its  60,000  readers,  may  easily  be  perceived.  I  pro- 
cured the  insertion  of  everything  I  thought  desirable  :  all 
the  bulletins,  proclamations,  acts  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment, notes  of  the  Moniteur,  and  the  semi-official  articles 
of  the  French  journals :  these  were  all  given  in  extenso. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  often  suppressed  adverse  news, 
which,  though  well  known,  would  have  received  additional 
weight  from  its  insertion  in  so  widely  circulated  a  paper. 
If  by  chance  there  crept  in  some  Austrian  bulletin,  ex- 
tracted from  the  other  German  papers  published  in  the 
States  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  there  was  al- 
ways given  with  it  a  suitable  antidote  to  destroy,  or  at 
least  to  mitigate,  its  ill  effect.  But  this  was  not  all.  The 
King  of  Wiirtemberg  having  reproached  the  Gorrespon- 
dant, in  a  letter  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  with 
publishing  whatever  Austria  wished  should  be  made 
known,  and  being  conducted  in  a   spirit  hostile  to  the 


SOS         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

good  cause,  I  answered  these  unjust  reproaches  by  making 
the  Syndic  censor  prohibit  the  Hamburg  papers  from  in- 
serting a7iy  Austrian  order  of  the  day,  any  Ai'chduke's 
bulletins,  any  letter  from  Prague  ;  in  short,  anything 
which  should  be  copied  from  the  other  German  journals 
unless  those  articles  had  been  inserted  in  the  French 
journals. 

My  recollections  of  the  year  1809  at  Hamburg  carry 
me  back  to  the  celebration  of  Napoleon's  fete,  which  was 
on  the  15th  of  August,  for  he  had  interpolated  his  patron 
saint  in  the  Imperial  calendar  at  the  date  of  his  birth. 
The  coincidence  of  this  festival  with  the  Assumption  gave 
rise  to  adulatory  rodomontades  of  the  most  absurd  de- 
scription. Certainly  the  Episcoj)al  circulars  under  the 
Empire  would  form  a  curious  collection. '  Could  any- 
thing be  more  revolting  than  the  sycophancy  of  those 
Churchmen  who  declared  that  "  God  chose  Napoleon  for 
his  representative  upon  earth,  and  that  God  created  Bo- 
naparte, and  then  rested  ;  that  he  was  more  fortunate  than 
Augustus,  more  virtuous  than  Trajan  ;  that  he  deserved 
altars  and  temples  to  be  raised  to  him  !  "  etc. 

Some  time  after  the  Festival  of  St.  Napoleon  the  King 
of  "Westphalia  made  a  journey  through  his  States.  Of  all 
Napoleon's  brothers  the  King  of  Westphalia  was  the  one 
with  whom  I  was  least  acquainted,  and  he,  it  is  pretty 
well  known,  was  the  most  worthless  of  the  family.  His 
correspondence  with  me  is  limited  to  two  letters,  one  of 
which  he  wrote  while  he  commanded  the  JS'pervier,  and 
another  seven  years  af  tei*,  dated  6th  September  1809.  In 
this  latter  he  said  :  "  I  shall  be  in  Hanover  on  the  10th. 

1  It  will  perhaps  scarcely  be  believed  that  the  following  words  were  actually  de^ 
livered  from  the  pulpit :  "  God  in  his  mercy  has  chosen  Napoleon  to  be  his  repre- 
sentative on  earth.  The  Queen  of  Heaveu  has  marked,  by  the  most  magnificent  of 
presents,  the  anniversary  of  the  day  which  witnessed  his  glorious  entrance  into  her 
domains.  Heavenly  Virgin  !  as  a  special  testimony  of  your  love  for  the  French,  and 
your  all-powerful  influence  with  your  son,  you  have  connected  the  first  of  your  so- 
lemnities with  the  birth  of  the  great  Napoleon.  Heaven  ordained  that  the  hero 
should  spring  from  your  sepulchre." — Bourrieiine. 


1809.  JEROME,  KING   OF   WESTPHALIA.  209 

If  you  can  make  it  convenient  to  come  there  and  spend  a  day 
loilh  me  it  mil  give  me  great  pleasure.  I  shall  then  he  able 
to  smooth  all  obstacles  to  the  loan  I  tvish  to  contract  in  the 
Hanse  Towns.  I  flatter  myself  you  will  do  all  in  your 
power  to  forward  that  object,  which  at  the  present  crisis  is 
very  important  to  my  States.  More  than  ample  security  is 
offered,  but  the  money  tvill  be  of  no  use  to  me  if  I  cannot 
have  it  at  least  for  two  years."  Jerome  v/anted  to  contract 
at  Hamburg  a  loan  of  3,000,000  francs.  However,  the 
people  did  not  seem  to  think  like  his  Westphalian  Majesty, 
that  the  contract  presented  more  than  ample  security.  No 
one  was  found  willing  to  draw  his  purse-strings,  and  the 
loan  was  never  raised. 

Though  I  would  not,  without  the  Emperor's  authority, 
exert  the  influence  of  my  situation  to  further  the  success 
of  Jerome's  negotiation,  yet  I  did  my  best  to  assist  him. 
I  succeeded  in  prevailing  on  the  Senate  to  advance  one 
loan  of  100,000  francs  to  pay  a  portion  of  the  arrears  due 
to  his  troops,  and  a  second  of  200,000  francs  to  provide 
clothing  for  his  army,  etc.  This  scanty  suj)ply  will  cease 
to  be  wondered  at  when  it  is  considered  to  what  a  state 
of  desolation  the  whole  of  Germany  was  reduced  at  the 
time,  as  much  in  the  allied  States  as  in  those  of  the  en- 
emies of  France.  I  learnt  at  the  time  that  the  King  of 
Bavaria  said  to  an  officer  of  the  Emperor's  household  in 
whom  he  had  great  confidence,  "If  this  continues  we  shall 
have  to  give  up,  and  put  the  key  under  the  door."  These 
were  his  very  words. 

As  for  Jerome,  he  returned  to  Cassel  quite  disheart- 
ened at  the  unsuccessful  issue  of  his  loan.  Some  days 
after  his  return  to  his  capital  I  received  from  him  a  snuff- 
box with  his  portrait  set  in  diamonds,  accompanied  by  a 
letter  of  thanks  for  the  service  I  had  rendered  him.  I 
never  imagined  that  a  token  of  remembrance  from  a 
crowned  head  could  possibly  be  declined.  Napoleon, 
however,  thought  otherwise.  I  had  not,  it  is  true,  written 
Vol.  III.— 14 


310         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

to  acquaint  our  Government  with  the  King  of  West- 
phalia's loan,  but  in  a  letter,  which  I  addressed  to  the 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs  on  the  22d  of  September,  I 
mentioned  the  present  Jerome  had  sent  me.  Why  Napo- 
leon should  have  been  offended  at  this  I  know  not,  but  1 
received  orders  to  return  Jerome's  present  immediately, 
and  these  orders  were  acompanied  with  bitter  reproaches 
for  my  having  accej)ted  it  without  the  Emperor's  author- 
ity. I  sent  back  the  diamonds,  but  kept  the  portrait. 
Knowing  Bonaparte's  distrustful  disposition,  I  thought  he 
must  have  suspected  that  Jerome  had  employed  threats,  or 
at  any  rate,  that  he  had  used  some  illegal  influence  to 
facilitate  the  success  of  his  loan.  At  last,  after  much  cor- 
resjjondence,  Napoleon  saw  clearly  that  everything  was 
perfectly  regular  ;  in  a  word,  that  the  business  had  been 
transacted  as  between  two  private  persons.  As  to  the 
300,000  francs  which  the  Senate  had  lent  to  Jerome,  the 
fact  is,  that  but  little  scruple  was  made  about  it,  for  this 
simple  reason,  that  it  was  the  means  of  removing  from 
Hamburg  the  Westphalian  division,  whose  presence  oc- 
casioned a  much  greater  expense  than  the  loan.' 

'  Joseph  Bonaparte  here  remarks  that  this  shows  that  Napoleon  treated  his  brothers 
as  independent  sovereigns,  and  that  Bonrrienne  ought  to  have  known  that  he  had 
no  right  to  accept  such  a  pressut  without  the  permission  of  the  Emperor  {Erreurs, 
tame  ii.  p.  175). 


1809.  211 


CHAPTER    XX. 

1809. 

Visit  to  the  field  of  Wagram — Marshal  Macdonald — Union  of  the  Papal 
States  with  the  Empire — The  battle  of  Talavera — Sir  Arthur  Welles- 
ley — English  expedition  to  Holland — Attempt  to  assassinate  the 
Emperor  at  Schoenbrunn — Staps  interrogated  by  Napoleon — Pardon 
offered  and  rejected — Fanaticism  and  patriotism — Corvisart's  exam- 
ination of  Staps — Second  interrogatory — Tirade  against  the  illiimi- 
nati — Accusation  of  the  Courts  of  Berlin  and  Weimar — Firmness  and 
resignation  of  Staps — Particulars  respecting  his  death — Influence  of 
the  attempt  of  Staps  on  the  conclusion  of  peace — M.  de  Champagny. 

Napoleon  went  to  inspect  all  the  corps  of  his  army  aud 
the  field  of  Wagram,  which  a  short  time  before  had  been 
the  scene  of  one  of  those  gi-eat  battles  in  which  victory 
was  the  more  glorious  in  proportion  as  it  had  been  val- 
iantly contested.'  On  that  day  the  type  of  French  hon- 
oiu',  Macdonald,  who,  after  achieving  a  succession  of  prod- 
igies, led  the  army  of  Italy  into  the  heart  of  the  Austrian 
States,  was  made  a  marshal  on  the  field  of  battle.  Napo- 
leon said  to  him,  "With  us  it  is  for  life  and  for  death." 
The  general  opinion  was  that  the  elevation  of  Macdonald 
added  less  to  the  marshal's  military  reputation  than  it 
redounded  to  the  honour  of  the  Emperor.  Five  days 
after  the  bombardment  of  Vienna,  namely,  on  the  17th  of 
May,  the  Emperor  had  published  a  decree,  by  virtue  of 
which  the  Papal  States  were  united  to  the  French  Em- 

1  The  great  battle  of  Wagram  was  fonght  on  the  6th  of  July  1809.  The  Aus- 
trians,  who  committed  a  mistake  in  over-extending  their  Une,  lost  20,000  men  as 
prisoners,  besides  a  large  number  in  killed  and  wounded.  There  was  no  day,  per- 
haps, on  which  Napoleon  showed  more  military  genius  or  more  personal  courage. 
He  was  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  and  for  a  long  time  exposed  to  showers  of  grape* 
ehot.— Editor  of  ia36  edition. 


212         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

pire,  and  Rome  was  declared  an  Imperial  City.  I  will 
not  stoj)  to  inquire  whether  this  was  good  or  bad  in  point 
of  policy,  but  it  was  a  mean  usurpation  on  the  part  of 
Napoleon,  for  the  time  was  passed  when  a  Julius  II.  laid 
down  the  keys  of  St.  Peter  and  took  up  the  sword  of  St. 
Paul.  It  Avas,  besides,  an  injustice,  and,  considering  the 
Pope's  condescension  to  Napoleon,  an  act  of  ingratitude. 
The  decree  of  union  did  not  deprive  the  Pope  of  his  resi- 
dence, but  he  Avas  only  the  First  Bishoj)  of  Christendom, 
with  a  revenue  of  2,000,000. 

Napoleon  while  at  Vienna  heard  of  the  affair  of  Talavera 
de  la  Reyna.  I  was  informed,  b}^  a  letter  from,  headquar- 
ters, that  he  was  much  affected  at  the  news,  and  did  not 
conceal  his  vexation.  I  verily  believe  that  he  was  bent  on 
the  conquest  of  Spain,  precisely  on  account  of  the  difficul- 
ties he  had  to  surmount.  At  Talavera  commenced  the 
celebrity  of  a  man  who,  perhaps,  would  not  have  been 
without  some  glory  even  if  pains  had  not  been  taken  to 
build  him  up  a  great  reputation.  That  battle  commenced 
the  career  of  Sir  Arthur  Wellesley,  whose  after-success, 
however,  has  been  attended  by  such  important  conse- 
quences.' Whilst  we  experienced  this  check  in  SjDain  the 
English  were  attempting  an  exj^edition  to  Holland,  where 
they  had  already  made  themselves  masters  of  Walcheren. 
It  is  true  they  were  obliged  to  evacuate  it  shortly  after ; 
but  as  at  that  time  the  French  and  Austrian  armies  were 
in  a  state  of  inaction,  in  consequence  of  the  armistice  con- 
cluded at  Znaim,  in  Moravia,  the  news  unfavourable  to 
Napoleon  had  the  effect  of  raising  the  hopes  of  the  Aus- 
trian negotiators,  who  paused  in  the  expectation  that  fresh 
defeats  would  afford  them  better  chances. 

It  was  during  these  negotiations,  the  termination  of 
which  seemed  every  day  to  be  farther  distant,  that  Napo- 
leon was  exposed  to  a  more  real  danger  than  the  wound 

1  The  battle  of  Talavera  took  place  on  the  2Sth  of  July,  twenty-two  days  after  the 
fatiil  clefeat  of  the  Austx'ians  at  Wagraui. 


1809.  BATTLE  OF  TALAVERA.  313 

he  had  received  at  Katisbon.  Germany  was  suffering 
under  a  degree  of  distress  difficult  to  be  described.  Illu- 
minism  was  making  great  progress,  and  had  filled  some 
youthful  minds  with  an  enthusiasm  not  less  violent  than 
the  religious  fanaticism  to  which  Henry  IV.  fell  a  victim. 
A  young  man  formed  the  design  of  assassinating  Napoleon 
in  order  to  rid  Germany  of  one  whom  he  considered 
her  scourge.  Eapp  and  Berthier  were  with  the  Emperor 
when  the  assassin  was  arrested,  and  in  relating  what  I 
heard  from  them  I  feel  assured  that  I  am  giving  the  most 
faithful  account  of  all  the  circumstances  connected  with 
the  event, 

"  We  were  at  Schcenbrunn,"  said  Rapp,  "  when  the  Em- 
peror had  just  reviewed  the  troops.  I  observed  a  young- 
man  at  the  extremity  of  one  of  the  columns  just  as  the 
troops  were  about  to  defile.  He  advanced  towards  the 
Emperor,  who  was  then  between  Berthier  and  me.  The 
Prince  de  Neufchatel,  thinking  he  wanted  to  present  a 
petition,  went  forward  to  tell  him  that  I  was  the  person  to 
receive  it  as  I  was  the  aide  de  camp  for  the  day.  The 
young  man  replied  that  he  wished  to  speak  with  Napoleon 
himself,  and  Berthier  again  told  him  that  he  must  apply 
to  me.  He  withdrew  a  little,  still  repeating  that  he 
wanted  to  speak  with  Napoleon.  He  again  advanced  and 
came  very  near  the  Emperor  ;  I  desired  him  to  fall  back, 
telling  him  in  German  to  wait  till  after  the  parade,  when, 
if  he  had  anything  to  say,  it  would  be  attended  to.  I  sur- 
veyed him  attentively,  for  I  began  to  think  his  conduct 
suspicious.  I  observed  that  he  kept  his  right  hand  in  the 
breast  pocket  of  his  coat ;  out  of  which  a  piece  of  paper 
appeared,  I  know  not  how  it  was,  but  at  that  moment 
my  eyes  met  his,  and  I  was  struck  with  his  peculiar  look 
and  air  of  fixed  determination.  Seeing  an  officer  of 
gendarmerie  on  the  spot,  I  desired  him  to  seize  the  young 
man,  but  without  treating  him  with  any  severity,  and  to 
convey  him   to    the  castle  until  the   parade  was  ended 


314         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 

All  this  passed  in  less  time  than  I  have  taken  to  tell  it, 
and  as  every  one's  attention  was  fixed  on  the  parade  the 
scene  passed  unnoticed.  I  was  shortly  afterwards  told 
that  a  large  carving-knife  had  been  found  on  the  young 
man,  whose  name  was  Staps.  I  immediately  went  to  find 
Duroc,  and  we  proceeded  together  to  the  apartment  to 
which  Staps  had  been  taken.  We  found  him  sitting  on  a 
bed,  apparently  in  deep  thought,  but  betraying  no  symp- 
toms of  fear.  He  had  beside  him  the  portrait  of  a  young 
female,  his  pocket-book,  and  purse  containing  only  two 
pieces  of  gold.  I  asked  him  his  name,  but  he  replied  that 
he  would  tell  it  to  no  one  but  Napoleon.  I  then  asked 
him  what  he  intended  to  do  with  the  knife  which  had 
been  found  upon  him  ?  But  he  answered  again,  '  I  shall 
tell  only  Napoleon.' — '  Did  you  mean  to  attempt  his  life  ?' — 
'  Yes.' — '  Why  ? ' — '  I  can  tell  none  but  Napoleon,' 

"  This  appeared  to  me  so  strange  that  I  thought  right 
to  inform  the  Emperor  of  it.  When  I  told  him  what  had 
passed  he  appeared  a  little  agitated,  for  you  know  how  he 
was  haunted  with  the  idea  of  assassination.  He  desired 
that  the  young  man  should  be  taken  into  his  cabinet, 
whither  he  was  accordingly  conducted  by  two  gens  d'armes. 
Notwithstanding  his  criminal  intention  there  was  some- 
thing eseeediugly  prepossessing  in  his  countenance.  I 
wished  that  he  would  deny  the  attempt ;  but  how  was  it 
possible  to  save  a  man  who  was  determined  to  sacrifice 
himself  ?  The  Emperor  asked  Staps  whether  he  could 
speak  French,  and  he  answered  that  he  could  speak  it 
very  imperfectly,  and  as  you  know  (continued  Rapp)  that 
next  to  you  I  am  the  best  German  scholar  in  Napoleon's 
Court,  I  was  appointed  interpreter  on  this  occasion.  The 
Emperor  put  the  following  questions  to  Staps,  which  I 
translated,  together  with  the  answers  : — 

"  '  Where  do  you  come  from?  ' — '  From  Narremburgh.' 
— '  What  is  your  father  ? ' — 'A  Protestant  minister.' — '  How 
old  are  you  ?  ' — ' Eighteen.' — '  What  did  you  intend  to  do 


1809.  A   FANATICAL  ASSASSIN.  215 

with  your  knife  ?  ' — 'To  kill  you.' — 'You  are  mad,  young 
man  ;  jou  are  one  of  the  illuminati  ? ' — '  I  am  not  mad  ;  I 
know  not  what  is  meant  by  the  illuminati ! ' — '  You  are  ill, 
then  ? ' — '  I  am  not ;  I  am  very  well.' — 'Why  did  you  wish 
to  kill  me?' — 'Because  you  have  ruined  my  country.' — 
'  Have  I  done  you  any  harm  ?  ' — '  Yes,  you  have  harmed 
me  as  well  as  all  Germans.' — '  By  whom  were  you  sent? 
Who  urged  you  to  this  crime  ? ' — '  No  one  ;  I  was  urged  to 
it  by  the  sincere  conviction  that  by  killing  you  I  should 
render  the  greatest  service  to  my  country.' — 'Is  this  the 
fii-st  time  you  have  seen  me  ? ' — 'I  saw  you  at  Erfurt,  at  the 
time  of  your  interview  with  the  Emperor  of  Russia.' — 
'Did  you  intend  to  kill  me  then?' — 'No;  I  thought 
you  would  not  again  wage  war  against  Germany.  I  was 
one  of  your  greatest  admirers.' — 'How  long  have  you  been 
in  Vienna?' — 'Ten  days.' — 'Why  did  you  wait  so  long 
before  you  attempted  the  execution  of  your  project  ?  '  — 
'  I  came  to  Schoenbruun  a  week  ago  with  the  intention  of 
killing  you,  but  when  I  arrived  the  parade  was  just  over  ; 
I  therefore  deferred  the  execution  of  my  design  till  to- 
day.'— '  I  tell  you,  young  man,  you  are  either  mad  or  in 
bad  health.' 

"  The  Emperor  here  ordered  Corvisart  to  be  sent  for. 
Staps  asked  who  Corvisart  was  ?  I  told  him  that  he  was 
a  physician.  He  then  said,  '  I  have  no  need  of  him.' 
Nothing  further  was  said  until  the  arrival  of  the  doctor, 
and  during  this  interval  Staps  evinced  the  utmost  in- 
difference. When  Corvisart  arrived  Napoleon  directed 
him  to  feel  the  young  man's  pulse,  which  he  immediately 
did ;  and  Staps  then  very  coolly  said,  '  Am  I  not  well,  sir  ?  ' 
Corvisart  told  the  Emperor  that  nothing  ailed  him.  'I 
told  you  so,'  said  Staps,  pronouncing  the  words  with  an 
air  of  triumph. 

"I  was  really  astonished  at  the  coolness  and  apathy  of 
Staps,  and  the  Emperor  seemed  for  a  moment  confounded 
by  the  young  man's  behaviour.     After  a  few  moments' 


21G         3IEM0IRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

pause  the  Emperor  resumed  the  interrogatory  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"  '  Your  brain  is  disorderecL  You  will  be  the  ruin  of 
your  family.  I  will  grant  you  your  life  if  you  ask  pardon 
for  the  crime  you  meditated,  and  for  which  you  ought  to 
be  sorry.' — 'I  want  no  pardon.  I  only  regret  having 
failed  in  my  attempt.' — 'Indeed  !  then  a  crime  is  nothing 
to  you?' — 'To  kill  you  is  no  crime:  it  is  a  duty.'— 
'  Whose  portrait  is  that  which  was  found  on  you?' — 'It  is 
the  portrait  of  a  young  lady  to  whom  I  am  attached.' — 
'  She  will  doubtless  be  much  distressed  at  your  advent- 
ure ? ' — '  She  will  only  be  sorry  that  I  have  not  suc- 
ceeded. She  abhors  you  as  much  as  I  do.' — 'But  if  I 
were  to  pardon  you  would  you  be  grateful  for  my 
mercy  ?  ' — '  I  would  nevertheless  kill  you  if  I  could.' 

"  I  never,"  continued  Rapp,  "  saw  NajDoleon  look  so 
confounded.  The  replies  of  Stajjs  and  his  immovable 
resolution  perfectly  astonished  him.  He  ordered  the 
prisoner  to  be  removed  ;  and  when  he  was  gone  Napoleon 
said,  '  This  is  the  result  of  the  secret  societies  which  in- 
fest Germany.  This  is  the  effect  of  fine  principles  and  the 
light  of  reason.  They  make  young  men  assassins.  But 
what  can  be  done  against  illuminism  ?  A  sect  cannot  be 
destroyed  by  cannon-balls.' 

"  This  event,  though  pains  were  taken  to  keep  it  secret, 
became  the  subject  of  conversation  in  the  castle  of  Schoen- 
brunn.  In  the  evening  the  Emperor  sent  for  me  and  said, 
'  Rapp,  the  affair  of  this  morning  is  very  extraordinary.  I 
cannot  believe  that  this  young  man  of  himself  conceived 
the  design  of  assassinating  me.  There  is  something  under 
it.  I  shall  never  be  persuaded  that  the  intriguers  of  Berlin 
and  Weimar  are  strangers  to  the  affair.' — 'Sire,  allow  me 
to  say  that  your  suspicions  appear  unfounded.  Staps  has 
had  no  accomplice  ;  his  placid  countenance,  and  even  his 
fanaticism,  are  evident  proofs  of  that.' — 'I  tell  you  that 
he  has  been  instigated  by  women  :  furies  thirsting  for  re- 


1809.  IMMOVABILITY  OF  8TAPS.  217 

venge.  If  I  could  only  obtain  proof  of  it  I  would  have 
them  seized  in  the  midst  of  their  Court.' — '  Ah,  Sii'e,  it  is 
impossible  that  either  man  or  woman  in  the  Courts  of 
Berlin  or  Weimar  could  have  conceived  so  atrocious  a  de- 
sign.'— 'I  am  not  sure  of  that.  Did  not  those  women 
excite  Schill  against  us  while  we  were  at  peace  with  Prus- 
sia ;  but  stay  a  little  ;  we  shall  see.' — '  Schill's  enterprise, 
Sire,  bears  no  resemblance  to  this  attempt.'  You  know 
how  the  Emperor  likes  every  one  to  yield  to  his  opinion 
when  he  has  adopted  one  which  he  does  not  choose  to 
give  up ;  so  he  said,  rather  changing  his  tone  of  good- 
humoured  familiarity,  '  All  you  say  is  in  vain,  Monsieur  le 
General :  I  am  not  liked  either  at  Berlin  or  Weimar.' — 
'  There  is  no  doubt  of  that,  Sire  ;  but  because  you  are  not 
liked  in  these  two  Courts,  is  it  to  be  inferred  that  they 
would  assassinate  you  ?  ' — '  I  know  the  fury  of  those  wom- 
en ;  but  patience.  Write  to  General  Lauer  :  direct  him  to 
interrogate  Staps.  Tell  him  to  bring  him  to  a  confession.' 
"  I  wrote  conformably  with  the  Emperor's  orders,  but 
no  confession  was  obtained  from  Staps.  In  his  examina- 
nation  by  General  Lauer  he  repeated  nearly  what  he  had 
said  in  the  presence  of  Napoleon,  His  resignation  and 
firmness  never  forsook  him  for  a  moment ;  and  he  per- 
sisted in  saying  that  he  was  the  sole  author  of  the  attempt, 
and  that  no  one  else  was  aware  of  it.  Staps'  enterprise 
made  a  deep  impression  on  the  Emperor.  On  the  day 
when  we  left  Schoenbrunn  we  happened  to  be  alone,  and 
he  said  to  me,  '  I  cannot  get  this  unfortunate  Staps  out  of 
my  mind.  The  more  I  think  on  the  subject  the  more  I 
am  perplexed.  I  never  can  believe  that  a  young  man  of 
his  age,  a  German,  one  who  has  received  a  good  education, 
a  Protestant  too,  could  have  conceived  and  attempted  such 
a  crime.  The  Italians  are  said  to  be  a  nation  of  assassins, 
but  no  Italian  ever  attempted  my  life.  This  affair  is  be- 
yond my  comprehension.  Inquire  how  Staps  died,  and 
let  me  know.' 


218         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 


"I  obtained  from  General  Lauer  the  information  which 
the  Emperor  desired.  I  learned  that  Staps,  whose  attempt 
on  the  Emperor's  life  was  made  on  the  23d  of  October, 
was  executed  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  moning  of  the  27th, 
having  refused  to  take  any  sustenance  since  the  24th. 
When  any  food  was  brought  to  him  he  rejected  it,  saying, 
'  I  shall  be  strong  enough  to  walk  to  the  scaffold.'  When 
he  was  told  that  peace  was  concluded  he  evinced  extreme 
sorrow,  and  was  seized  with  trembling.  On  reaching  the 
place  of  execution  he  exclaimed  loudl}^,  '  Liberty  for  ever ! 
Germany  for  ever  !     Death  to  the  tyrant ! ' " 

Such  are  the  notes  which  I  committed  to  paper  after 
conversing  with  Eapp,  as  we  were  walking  together  in  the 
garden  of  the  former  hotel  of  Montmorin,  in  which  Eapp 
resided.  I  recollect  his  showing  me  the  knife  taken  from 
Staps,  which  the  Emperor  had  given  him  ;  it  was  merely  a 
common  carving-knife,  such  as  is  used  in  kitchens.  To 
these  details  may  be  added  a  very  remarkable  circumstance, 
which  I  received  from  another  but  not  less  authentic 
source.  I  have  been  assured  that  the  attempt  of  the  Ger- 
man Mutius  Scaevola  had  a  marked  influence  on  the  con- 
cessions which  the  Emperor  made,  because  he  feared  that 
Staps,  like  him  who  attempted  the  life  of  Porsenna,  might 
have  imitators  among  the  illuminati  of  Germany. 

It  is  well  known  that  after  the  battle  of  Wagram  con- 
ferences were  open  at  Raab.  Although  peace  was  almost 
absolutely  necessary  for  both  powers,  and  the  two  Em- 
perors appeai'ed  to  desire  it  equally,  it  was  not,  however, 
concluded.  It  is  worthy  of  remark  that  the  delay  was  oc- 
casioned by  Bonaparte.  Negotiations  were  therefore  sus- 
pended, and  M.  de  Champagny  had  ceased  for  several 
days  to  see  the  Prince  of  Lichtenstein  when  the  affau'  of 
Staps  took  place.  Immediately  after  Napoleon's  exami- 
nation of  the  young  fanatic  he  sent  for  M.  de  Champagny. 
"How  are  the  negotiations  going  on?  "  he  inquired.  The 
Minister  having  informed  him,  the  Emperor  added,  "I 


1809.  TREATY  OF  PEACE.  219 


wish  them  to  be  resumed  immediately  :  I  wish  for  peace  ; 
do  not  hesitate  about  a  few  millions  more  or  less  in  the 
indemnity  demanded  from  Austria.  Yield  on  that  point. 
I  wish  to  come  to  a  conclusion  :  I  refer  it  all  to  you." 
The  Minister  lost  no  time  in  writing  to  the  Prince  of 
Lichtenstein  :  on  the  same  night  the  two  negotiators  met 
at  Kaab,  and  the  clauses  of  the  treaty  which  had  been  sus- 
pended were  discussed,  agreed  upon,  and  signed  that  very 
night.  Next  morning  M.  de  Champagny  attended  the 
Emperor's  levee  with  the  treaty  of  peace  as  it  had  been 
agreed  on.  Napoleon,  after  hastily  examining  it,  expressed 
his  approbation  of  every  particular,  and  highly  compli- 
mented his  Minister  on  the  speed  with  which  the  treaty 
had  been  brought  to  a  conclusion.' 

'  This  definitive  treaty  of  peace,  which  is  sometimes  called  the  Treaty  of  Vienna, 
Baab,  or  Schoenbrunn,  contained  the  following  articles  : — 

1.  Austria  ceded  in  favour  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  (these  fell  to  Bava- 
ria), Salzburg,  Berchtolsgaden,  and  a  part  of  Upper  Austria. 

2.  To  France  directly  Austria  ceded  her  only  seaport,  Trieste,  and  all  the  countries 
of  Carniola,  Friuli,  the  circle  of  Villach,  with  parts  of  Croatia  and  Dalmatia.  (By 
these  cessions  Austria  was  excluded  from  the  Adriatic  Sea,  and  cut  off  from  all  com- 
munication with  the  navy  of  Great  Britain. )  A  small  lordship,  an  enclave  in  the 
territories  of  the  Grison  League,  was  also  given  up. 

3.  To  the  constant  ally  of  Napoleon,  to  the  King  of  Saxony,  in  that  character 
Austria  ceded  some  Bohemian  enclaves  in  Saxony  and,  in  his  capacity  of  Grand 
Duke  of  Warsaw,  she  added  to  his  Polish  dominions  the  ancient  city  of  Cracow,  a«d 
all  Western  Galieia. 

4.  Russia,  who  had  entered  with  bixt  a  lukewarm  zeal  into  the  war  as  an  ally  of 
France,  had  a  very  moderate  share  of  the  spoils  of  Austria.  A  portion  of  Eastern 
Galieia,  with  a  population  of  400,000  souls,  was  allotted  to  her,  but  in  this  allotment 
the  trading  town  of  Brody  (almost  the  only  thing  worth  having)  was  specially  ex- 
cepted. This  last  circumstance  gave  no  small  degree  of  disgust  to  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander, whose  admiration  of  Napoleon  vyas  not  destined  to  have  a  Jong  dnratioi;. — 
Editor  of  1836  edition. 


320  1809. 


CHAPTER    XXI. 

1809. 

The  Princess  Royal  of  Denmark — Destniction  of  the  German  Empire — 
Napoleon's  visit  to  the  Courts  of  Bavaria  and  Wiirtemberg — His  return 
to  France — First  mention  of  the  divorce — Intelligence  of  Napoleon's 
marriage  with  Maria  Louisa — Napoleon's  quarrel  with  Louis — Journey 
of  the  Emperor  and  Empress  into  Holland — Refusal  of  the  Hansf 
Towns  to  pay  the  French  troops — Decree  for  burning  English  mer- 
chandise— M.  de  Vergennes — Plan  for  turning  an  inevitable  evil  to  the 
best  account — Fall  on  the  exchange  of  St  Petersburg — Annex. 

About  this  time  I  had  the  pleasure  of  again  seeing  the  son 
of  the  reigning  Dake  of  Mecklenburg-Schwerin,  whose 
arrival  in  the  Hause  Towns  was  speedily  followed  by  that 
of  his  sister,  Princess  Frederica  Charlotte  of  Mecklenburg, 
married  to  the  Prince  Eoyal  of  Denmark,  Christian  Fred- 
erick. In  November  the  Princess  arrived  at  Altona  from 
Copenhagen,  the  reports  circulated  respecting  her  having 
compelled  her  husband  to  separate  from  her=  The  history 
of  this  Princess,  who,  though  perhaps  blamable,  was  never- 
theless much  pitied,  was  the  general  subject  of  conver- 
sation in  the  north  of  Germany  at  the  time  I  was  at  Ham- 
burg. The  King  of  Denmark,  grieved  at  the  publicity  of 
the  separation,  wrote  a  letter  on  the  subject  to  the  Duke 
of  Mecklenburg.  In  this  letter,  which  I  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  seeing,  the  King  expressed  his  regret  at  not 
having  been  able  to  prevent  the  scandal ;  for,  on  his 
return  from  a  journey  to  Kiel,  the  affair  had  become  so 
notorious  that  all  attempts  at  reconciliation  were  vain. 
In  the  meantime  it  was  settled  that  the  Princess  was  to 
remain  at  Altona  until  something  should  be  decided 
respecting  her  future  condition. 


1809.  THE  GERMAN  EMPIRE.  221 

It  was  Baron  Plessen,  the  Duke  of  Mecklenburg's 
Minister  of  State,  who  favoured  me  with  a  sight  of  the 
King  of  Denmark's  letters.  M.  Plessen  told  me,  likewise, 
at  the  time  that  the  Duke  had  formed  the  irrevocable 
determination  of  not  receiving  his  daughter.  A  few  daj^s 
after  her  arrival  the  Princess  visited  Madame  de  Bour- 
rienne.  She  invited  us  to  her  parties,  which  were  very- 
brilliant,  and  several  times  did  us  the  honour  of  being 
present  at  ours.  But,  unfortunately,  the  extravagance  of 
her  conduct,  which  was  very  unsuitable  to  her  situation, 
soon  became  the  subject  of  general  animadversion. 

I  mentioned  at  the  close  of  the  last  chapter  how  the 
promptitude  of  M.  de  Champagny  brought  about  the  con- 
clusion of  the  treaty  known  by  the  name  of  the  Treaty  of 
Schoeubrunn.  Under  this  the  ancient  edifice  of  the  Ger- 
man Empire  was  overthrown,'  and  Francis  II.  of  Germany 
became  Francis  I.,  Emperor  of  xiustria.  He,  however, 
could  not  say,  like  his  namesake  of  France,  Tout  eat  perdu 
fors  Vhonneur ;  for  honour  was  somewhat  committed,  even 
had  nothing  else  been  lost.  But  the  sacrifices  Austria 
was  compelled  to  make  were  great.  The  territories  ceded 
to  France  were  immediately  united  into  a  new  general 
government,  under  the  collective  denomination  of  the 
Illyrian  Provinces.  Napoleon  thus  became  master  of  both 
sides  of  the  Adriatic,  by  virtue  of  his  twofold  title  of  Em- 
peror of  France  and  King  of  Italy.    Austria,  whose  external 

1  Bouriienne  here  nods.  The  German  Empire  had  been  broken  up  on  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  in  ISOG,  when  the  Emperor  Francis  II.  of 
Germany,  who  had  already  in  1804  taken  the  title  of  Hereditary  Emperor  of  Austria, 
definitely  abandoned  the  Empire  and  declared  it  dissolved.  See  Bryce's  Jloly  Roman 
Empiie,  London,  Macmillan,  1876,  p.  365.  Francis  could  not  have  done  otherwise, 
as  he  wa.s  then  powerless.  Practically,  aU  the  States  of  the  German  Empire  had 
joined  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine,  except  his  own  States  and  Prussia,  which, 
was  attempting  a  Northern  Confederation  of  its  own.  The  provinces  now  ceded  by 
Austria  on  the  east  of  the  Adriatic  were  joined  to  the  foriner  Venetian  provinces 
which  Napoleon  had  obtained  in  1805  after  Austerlitz,  and  were  CivUed  the  lUyriau 
Provinces.  Ragusa,  which  Napoleon  had  occupied  in  180(},  and  whose  Government 
was  overturned  in  1808,  was  formally  united  to  these  provinces  in  1810.  Austria 
thus  lost  all  she  had  gained  from  the  partition  of  Venice,  besides  her  own  former 
poseeBsions  ;  but  in  lbl5  she  regained  the  whole  of  the  Illyrian  provinces. 


323         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

commerce  thus  received  a  check,  had  no  longer  any  direct 
communication  with  the  sea.  The  loss  of  Fiume,  Trieste, 
and  the  sea-coast  appeared  so  vast  a  sacrifice  that  it  was 
impossible  to  look  forward  to  the  duration  of  a  peace  so 
dearly  purchased. 

The  affair  of  Staps,  perhaps,  made  Napoleon  anxious  to 
hurry  away  from  Schoenbrunn,  for  he  set  off  before  he  had 
ratified  the  preliminaries  of  the  peace,  announcing  that  he 
would  ratify  them  at  Munich.  He  proceeded  in  great 
haste  to  Nymphenburg,  where  he  was  expected  on  a  visit 
to  the  Court  of  Bavaria.  He  next  visited  the  King  of 
AViirtemberg.  whom  he  pronounced  to  be  the  cleverest 
sovereign  in  Europe,  and  at  the  end  of  October  he  arrived 
at  Fontainebleau.  From  thence  he  proceeded  on  horse- 
back to  Paris,  and  he  rode  so  rapidly  that  only  a  single 
chasseur  of  his  escort  could  keep  up  with  him,  and, 
attended  by  this  one  guard,  he  entered  the  court  of  the 
Tuileries.  While  Napoleon  was  at  Fontainebleau,  before 
his  return  to  Paris,  Josephine  for  the  first  time  heard  the 
divorce  mentioned  ; '  the  idea  had  occurred  to  the  Em- 
peror's mind  while  he  was  at  Schoenbrunn.^     It  was  also 

1  Josephine,  as  Bourrienne  himself  has  recounted  before,  had  for  years  feared  a 
divorce.  "The  Empress,"  says  Meneval  (tome  i.  p.  225),  "for  two  years  before 
could  not  conceal  from  herself  that,  sooner  or  later,  she  would  pay  by  the  loss  of  her 
rank  for  the  misfortune  of  not  having  given  Napoleon  children.  This  was  the  habit- 
ual text  of  her  conversations  with  me,  from  whom  she  might  get  information,  or 
with  any  one  to  whom  she  could  speak  in  confidence."  For  the  extraordinary  inter- 
view with  the  wife  of  Metternich  on  the  2d  of  January  1810,  when  Josephine  and  her 
children,  Hortense  and  Eugone,  all  assured  the  astonished  wife  of  the  Minister  that 
they  wished  the  Emperor  to  marry  an  Austrian  Archduchess,  see  Metternich,  vol.  ii. 
p.  372.  For  the  painful  scene  when  the  wretched  Josephine,  knowing  her  fate  and 
dreading  the  open  triumph  of  her  enemies,  had  to  appear  in  state  at  the  Hotel  de 
Ville  on  the  2d  of  December  1809,  see  Madame  Junot,  vol.  iii.  p.  225,  corroborated 
by  Meneval,  tome  i.  p.  226. 

^  This  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of  Savary,  who  says : — 

"  Napoleon  often  reflected  on  the  best  mode  of  malring  this  communication  to  the 
Empi-ess ;  still  he  was  reluctant  to  speak  to  her.  He  was  apprehensive  of  the  conse- 
quences of  her  susceptibility  of  feeling ;  his  heart  was  never  proof  against  the  shed- 
ding of  tears.  He  thought,  however,  that  a  favourable  opportuaity  offered  for 
breaking  the  subject  previously  to  his  quitting  Fontainebleau.  He  hinted  at  it  in  a 
few  words  which  he  had  addressed  to  the  Empress,  but  he  did  not  explain  himself 
until  the  arrival  of  the  Viceroy,  whom  he  had  ordered  to  join  him.     He  was  the  first 


1809.  TEE  AUSTRIAN  MARBIAOE.  223 


"while  at  Fontainebleau  that  Napoleon  appointed  M.  de 
Montalivet  to  be  Minister  of  the  Interior.  The  letters 
which  we  received  from  Paris  at  this  period  brought  intelli- 
gence of  the  brilliant  state  of  the  capital  during  the  winter 
of  1809,  and  especially  of  the  splendour  of  the  Imperial 
Court,  where  the  Emperor's  levees  were  attended  by  the 
Kings  of  Saxony,  Bavaria,  and  Wiirtemberg,  all  eager  to 
evince  their  gratitude  to  the  hero  who  had  raised  them  to 
the  sovereign  rank.' 

I  was  the  first  person  in  Hamburg  who  received  intelli- 
gence of  Napoleon's  j)rojected  marriage  with  the  Arch- 
duchess Maria  Louisa.  The  news  was  brought  to  me 
from  Vienna  by  two  estafettes.  It  is  impossible  to  de- 
scribe the  effect  produced  by  the  anticipation  of  this  event 


person  who  spoke  openly  to  his  mother  and  obtained  her  consent  for  that  bitter  sac- 
rifice. He  acted  on  the  occasion  like  a  kind  son  and  a  man  grateful  to  his  benefactor 
and  devoted  to  his  service,  by  sparing  him  the  necessity  of  unpleasant  explanations 
towards  a  partner  whose  removal  was  a  sacrifice  as  painful  to  hiui  as  it  was  affecting. 
The  Emperor,  having  arranged  whatever  related  to  the  future  condition  of  the  Em- 
press, upon  whom  he  made  a  liberal  settlement,  urged  the  moment  of  the  dissolution 
of  the  marriage,  no  doubt  because  he  felt  grieved  at  the  condition  of  the  Empress 
herself,  who  dined  every  day  and  passed  her  evenings  in  the  presence  of  persons  who 
were  witnessing  her  descent  from  the  throne.  There  existed  between  him  ami  the 
Empress  Josephine  no  other  bond  than  a  civil  act,  according  to  the  custom  which 
prevailed  at  the  time  of  this  marriage.  Now  the  law  had  foreseen  the  dissolution  of 
such  marriage  contracts.  A  particular  day  having  therefore  been  fixed  upon,  the 
Emperor  brought  together  into  his  apartments  those  persons  whose  ministry  was 
required  in  this  case ;  amongst  others,  the  Arch-ChanccUor  and  i\I.  Kegnault  de  St. 
Jean  d'^^gely.  The  Emperor  then  declared  in  a  loud  voice  his  intention  of  annul- 
ling the  marriage  he  had  contracted  with  Josephine,  who  was  present ;  the  Empress 
also  made  the  same  declaration,  which  was  interrupted  by  her  repeated  sobs.  The 
Prince  Arch-Chancellor  having  caused  the  article  of  the  law  to  be  read,  he  applied  it 
to  the  case  before  him,  and  declared  the  marriage  to  be  dissolved  "  {Meinoim  of  the 
Due  de  Rovigo). 

1  The  Electorate  of  Bavaria  had  been  raised  to  a  Kingdom  by,  or  rather  in  conse- 
quence of,  the  Treaty  cf  Presburg,  26th  December  1805,  after  Austerlitz.  The  Duchy 
of  Wiirtemberg  had  been  made  an  Electorate  by  the  Kecess  of  the  Empire,  1803,  on 
the  re-settlement  of  Germany  under  the  supervision  of  France  and  Russia.  It  was 
raised  to  a  Kingdom  at  the  same  time  as  Bavaria,  both  Kings  issuing  their  proclama- 
tions 1st  January  1806.  The  Electorate  of  Saxony  was  declared  a  Kingdom  11th 
December  1806,  on  joining  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine.  It  is  curious  that  these 
sovereigns  all  retained  these  titles  given  them  by  Napoleon,  while  he  at  St.  Helena 
was  denied  any  higher  rank  than  that  of  General.  The  allies  considered  that  there 
was  nothing  objectionable  in  any  gifts  received  from  Napoleon  ;  it  was  only  bis  own 
gains  which  were  immoral. 


224         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

throughout  the  north  of  Germany.  From  all  parts  the 
merchants  received  orders  to  buy  Austrian  stock,  in  which 
an  extraordinary  rise  immediately  took  place.  Napoleon's 
marriage  with  Maria  Louisa  was  hailed  with  enthusiastic 
and  general  joy.'  The  event  was  regarded  as  the  guaran- 
tee of  a  long  peace,  and  it  was  hoped  there  would  be  a 
lasting  cessation  of  the  disasters  created  by  the  rivalry  of 
France  and  Austria.  The  correspondence  I  received 
showed  that  these  sentiments  were  general  in  the  in- 
terior of  France,  and  in  different  countries  of  Europe ; 
and,  in  spite  of  the  presentiments  I  had  always  had  of 
the  rettirn  of  the  Bourbons  to  France,  I  now  began  to 
think  that  event  problematic,  or  at  least  very  remote. 

About  the  beginning  of  the  year  1810  commenced  the 
differences  between  Napoleon  and  his  brother  Louis, 
which,  as  I  have  already  stated,  ended  in  a  complete  rupt- 
ure. Napoleon's  object  was  to  make  himself  master  of 
the  navigation  of  the  Scheldt,  which  Louis  wished  should 
remain  free,  and  hence  ensued  the  union  of  Holland  with 
the  French  Empire.  Holland  was  the  first  province  of 
the  Grand  Empire  which  Napoleon  took  the  new  Empress 
to  visit.  This  visit  took  place  almost  immediately  after 
the  marriage.  Napoleon  first  proceeded  to  Compiegne, 
where  he  remained  a  week.  He  next  set  out  for  St. 
Quentin,  and  inspected  the  canal.  The  Empress  Maria 
Louisa  then  joined  him,  and  they  both  proceeded  to  Bel- 
gium. At  Antwerp  the  Emperor  inspected  all  the  works 
which  he  had  ordered,  and  to  the  execution  of  which  he 
attached    great   importance.  °     He   returned   by   way   of 

>  For  the  effect  of  the  news  of  the  maniage,  see  Metternich,  tome  ii.  p.  383. 
■'  Few  thmtfs  have  ever  obtained  a  more  universal  assent  on  the  part  of  the  real  body 
of  the  (Austrian)  nation."  See  also  Beugnot  (vol.  i.  pp.  326,  327),  who  was  then 
governing  the  Grand-Duchy  of  Berg.  ' '  A  great  change  was  immediately  perceptible 
in  the  disposition  of  the  Grand  Duchy.  ...  I  observed  the  increase  of  those 
relations  of  confidence  and  of  future  connection  which  are  only  maintained  with  a 
Government  of  unquestioned  stability." 

'  The  Koyalists  naturally  were  ready  to  decry  his  labours.  "  Of  all  the  monu- 
ments raised  by  Napoleon,"  says  Vitrolles  (tome  i.  p.  216),  "  there  was  not  one  to 


1809.  A  DISASTROUS  DECREE.  225 

Ostend,  Lille,  and  Normandy  to  St.  Cloud,  wliere  he 
arrived  on  the  1st  of  June  1810.  He  there  learned  from 
my  correspondence  that  the  Hanse  Towns  refused  to  ad- 
vance money  for  the  pay  of  the  French  troops.  The  men 
were  absolutely  destitute.  I  declared  that  it  was  urgent 
to  put  an  end  to  this  state  of  things.  The  Hanse  Towns 
had  been  reduced  from  opulence  to  misery  by  taxation 
and  exactions,  and  were  no  longer  able  to  provide  the 
funds. 

During  this  year  Napoleon,  in  a  fit  of  madness,  issued 
a  decree  which  I  cannot  characterise  by  any  other  epithet 
than  infernal.  I  allude  to  the  decree  for  burning  all  the 
English  merchandise  in  France,  Holland,  the  Grand  Duchy 
of  Berg,  the  Hanse  Towns  ;  in  short,  in  all  places  subject 
to  the  disastrous  dominion  of  Napoleon.  In  the  interior 
of  France  no  idea  could  possibly  be  formed  of  the  desola- 
tion caused  by  this  measure  in  countries  which  existed  by 
commerce  ;  and  what  a  spectacle  was  it  to  the  destitute 
inhabitants  of  those  countries  to  witness  the  destruction 
of  property  which,  had  it  been  distributed,  would  have 
assuaged  theu-  misery  ! 

Among  the  emigrants  whom  I  was  ordered  to  watch 
was  M.  de  Vergennes,  who  had  always  remained  at  or  near 
Hamburg  since  April  1808.  I  informed  the  Minister  that 
M.  de  Vergennes  had  jDresented  himself  to  me  at  this  time. 
I  even  remember  that  M.  de  Vergennes  gave  me  a  letter 
from  M.  de  Remusat,  the  First  Chambeiiain  of  the  Em- 
peror. M.  de  Remusat  strongly  recommended  to  me  his 
connection,  who  was  called  by  matters  of  importance  to 
Hamburg.  Residence  in  this  town  was,  however,  too  ex- 
pensive, and  he  decided  to  live  at  Neumiihl,  a  little  vil- 

shelter  a  living  being.  It  was  not  for  them  that  he  worked."  If  the  sneer  has  some 
truth,  it  omits  such  foundations  as  the  school  for  the  daughters  of  the  officers  of  the 
Legion  d'Honneur  at  St.  Cyr,  and  other  similar  foundations.  Thus,  if  not  exactly 
sheltered,  Thiers  was  educated  by  one  of  the  scholarships  founded  by  Napoleon.  M. 
Thiers,  telling  this  anecodote  in  his  clever  and  kindly  manner,  added,  "  In  granting 
me  this  favour  Napoleon  no  doubt  did  not  fore.see  that  be  was  forming  his  future 
historian  "  (Meneval,  tome  iii.  p.  19). 

Vol.  III.— 15 


226         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 

lage  on  the  Elbe,  rather  to  the  west  of  Altona.  There  he 
lived  quietly  in  retirement  with  an  opera  dancer  named 
Mademoiselle  Ledoux,  with  whom  he  had  become  ac- 
quainted in  Paris,  and  whom  he  had  brought  with  him. 
He  seemed  much  taken  with  her.  His  manner  of  living 
did  not  denote  large  means.' 

One  duty  with  which  I  was  entrusted,  and  to  which 
great  importance  was  attached,  was  the  aiDplication  and 
execution  of  the  disastrous  Continental  system  in  the 
north.^  In  my  correspondence  I  did  not  conceal  the  dis- 
satisfaction which  this  ruinous  measure  excited,  and  the 
Emperor's  eyes  were  at  length  opened  on  the  subject  by 
the  following  circumstance.  In  sj)ite  of  the  sincerity  with 
which  the  Danish  Government  professed  to  enforce  the 
Continental  system,  Holstein  contained  a  great  quantity 
of  colonial  produce  ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  measures  of 
severity,  it  was  necessary  that  that  merchandise  should 
find  a  market  somewhere.  The  smugglers  often  succeed- 
ed in  introducing  it  into  Germany,  and  the  whole  would 
probably  soon  have  passed  the  custom-house  limits.  All 
things  considered,  I  thought  it  advisable  to  make  the  best 
of  an  evil  that  could  not  be  avoided.  I  therefore  proposed 
that  the  colonial  produce  then  in  Holstein,  and  which  had 
been  imported  before  the  date  of  the  King's  edict  for  its 

1  Madame  de  R6miisat  was  one  of  the  De  Vergeniies  family,  being  the  daughter  of 
tlie  Minister  of  Louis  XIV. — Bourrienne.  The  person  here  referred  to  is  not  the 
Minister,  who  had  died  in  1787.  M.  de  Ri'musafs  connection  and  correspondence 
with  such  emigres  probably  had  much  to  do  with  the  distrust  Napoleon  seems  to 
have  entertained  towards  him,  Hence  M.  de  Remusat  did  not  get  the  promotion 
and  appointment  as  Minister  he  considered  his  due,  and  to  this  we  owe  most  of  the 
bitter  attack  published  by  his  clever  wife  when  it  was  popular  to  abuse  the  man  to 
whom  M.  de  Remusat  had  given  personal  service  as  Chamberlain  in  the  days  of  the 
Empire. 

"  See  Bengnot's  account  of  the  proceedings  of  one  of  the  agents  especially  en- 
trusted with  can'ying  out  this  absurd  system.  "  One  fine  morning  he  pounced  on  aU 
the  raw  cotton  that  was  to  be  found  in  the  Grand  Duchy  (of  Berg),  and  seized  the 
whole  as  English  merchandise.  A  wicked  enchanter,  who  had  paralysed  the  arms 
of  10,000  workmen  with  a  wave  «f  his  wand,  would  have  done  just  about  as  good  a 
thing."  An  appeal  to  the  Emperor  was  fruitless,  ''  and  this  cruel  niea.=ure,  which  I 
do  not  dare  to  call  by  its  right  name,  was  accomplished  with  all  the  remains  of  Im- 
perial power  "'  (Beuynot,  vol.  ii.  pp.  43-44). 


1809.  THE  FRINGE  ROYAL   OF  SWEDEN.  227 

l^rohibition,  should  be  allowed  to  enter  Hamburg  on  the 
jDayment  of  30,  and  on  some  articles  40,  per  cent.  This 
duty  was  to  be  collected  at  the  custom-house,  and  was  to 
be  confined  entirely  to  articles  consumed  in  Germany. 
The  colonial  produce  in  Altona,  Gliickstadt,  Husum,  and 
other  towns  of  Holstein,  had  been  estimated  at  about  30,- 
000,000  francs,  and  the  duty  would  amount  to  10,000,000 
or  12,000,000.  The  adoption  of  the  plan  I  proposed  would 
naturally  put  a  stop  to  smuggling ;  for  it  could  not  be 
doubted  that  the  merchants  would  give  30  or  33  per  cent  for 
the  right  of  carrying  on  a  lawful  trade  rather  than  give  40 
per  cent,  to  the  smugglers,  with  the  chance  of  seizure. 

The  Emperor  immediately  adopted  my  idea,  for  I  trans- 
mitted my  suggestions  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs 
on  the  18th  of  September,  and  on  the  4th  of  October  a 
decree  was  issued  conformable  to  the  plan  I  pi-oposed. 
Within  six  weeks  after  the  decree  came  into  operation  the 
custom-house  Director  received  1300  declarations  from 
persons  holding  colonial  produce  in  Holstein.  It  now  aj?- 
peared  that  the  duties  would  amount  to  40,000,000  francs, 
that  is  to  say,  28,000,000  or  30,000,000  more  than  my 
estimate. 

Bernadotte  had  just  been  nominated  Prince  Eoyal  of 
Sweden.  This  nomination,  with  all  the  circumstances 
connected  with  it,  as  well  as  Bernadotte's  residence  in 
Hamburg,  before  he  proceeded  to  Stockholm,  will  be  par- 
ticularly noticed  in  the  next  chapter.  I  merely  mention 
the  circumstance  here  to  explain  some  events  which  took 
place  in  the  north,  and  which  were,  more  or  less,  directly 
connected  with  it.  For  example,  in  the  month  of  Sejjtem- 
ber  the  course  of  exchange  on  St.  Petersburg  suddenly 
fell.  All  the  letters  which  arrived  in  Hamburg  from  the 
capital  of  Kussia  and  from  Riga,  attributed  the  fall  to  the 
election  of  the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  as  Prince  Royal  of 
Sweden.  Of  thirty  letters  which  I  received  there  was  not 
one  but  described  the  consternation  which  the  event  had 


238         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

created  in  St.  Petersburg.  This  consternation,  however, 
might  have  been  excited  less  by  the  choice  of  Sweden  than 
by  the  fear  that  that  choice  was  influenced  by  the  French 
Government.' 


[ANNEX  TO  THE  PRECEDING   CHAPTER.-^ 
THE   MARRIAGE   OF   MARIA   LOUISA. 

Cherisliing  for  General  Lauriston,  formerly  his  aide  de  Cdrnp,  a 
iriendsliip  of  very  long  standing,  Napoleon  commissioned  him  to 
jwoceed  to  Vienna,  and  to  accompany  the  Empress  to  Paris  as  the 
captain  of  her  body-guard.  With  the  view  of  honouring  the  mem- 
ory of  Marshal  Lannes,  Duke  of  Moutebello,  he  appointed  his  widow 
to  be  a  lady  of  honour  to  the  new  Empress,  finding  it  impossible  to 
bestow  upon  her  a  more  signal  proof  of  his  esteem,  for  she  had  not 
at  that  time  any  claim  to  entitle  her  to  a  situation  which  was  to 
place  her,  all  at  once,  at  the  head  of  the  highest  society. 

He  sent  his  sister,  the  Queen  of  Naples,  as  far  as  Braunau,  with 
four  ladies  of  honour,  to  meet  the  Empress.  We  had  then  in  Brau- 
nau the  corps  of  Marshal  Da voust,  who  was  completing  measures  for 
evacuating  Austria.  This  corps  was  placed  under  arms  upon  the 
arrival  of  the  Empress,  and  gave  her  as  brilliant  a  reception  as  the 
means  of  so  small  a  town  could  afford.  The  Queen  of  Naples  re- 
ceived the  Empress  at  Braunau,  where  the  ceremony  took  place  of 
delivering  up  her  Majesty  by  the  officers  whom  her  father  had 
appointed  to  accompany  her,  as  well  as  of  the  delivery  of  her  effects  ; 
and,  as  soon  as  the  Empress  had  clothed  herself  in  the  garments 
brouglit  in  the  wardrobe  from  Paris,  she  passed  over  the  frontier 
with  the  ladies  of  the  Palace  wlio  were  in  attendance,  and  gave  au- 
dience of  leave  to  all  those  who  had  accompanied  her  from  Vienna 
and  were  about  to  return.  All  this  was  accomplished  within  an 
hour  from  the  time  of  her  arrival  at  Braunau.  She  departed  imme- 
diately for  Munich,  Augsburg,  Stuttgart,  Carlsruhe,  and  Strasburg, 
and  was  received  with  great  splendour  at  all  the  Foreign  Courts, 
and  at  Strasburg  with  great  enthusiasm.  So  many  hopes  were  in- 
terwoven with  the  marriage  that  her  arrival  was  sincerely  greeted 
by  all. 

'  Bernadotte  himself  seems  not  to  have  believed  in  the  merits  of  his  elevation, 
for,  if  reported  rightly  to  Perthes,  he  is  said,  in  arguing  against  the  existence  of  a 
god,  to  have  urged,  "  How  can  you  contend  for  the  being  of  a  god  ?  If  there  were 
one,  shoold  I  be  here  in  Lubeck?  "  (Memoirs  of  Perthes,  vol.  i.  p.  131). 


MAME  LOUISE 

(EMPRESS   OF   FRANCE  I 


1809.  THE  NEW  EMPRESS.  339 


The  Emperor  had  gone  as  far  as  Compiegne  to  receive  her,  the 
Court  being  tlien  at  that  residence.  He  wrote  to  her  every  day  by  a 
page,  who  went  off  at  full  speed  with  his  letters,  and  as  quickly 
brought  back  her  replies.  I  recollect  that  the  Emperor  having 
dropped  the  envelope  of  the  first  letter,  it  was  instantly  picked  iip, 
and  handed  about  the  salon  as  a  specimen  of  the  handwriting  of  the 
Empress  :  the  eagerness  to  see  it  was  as  great  as  if  her  portrait  had 
been  exhibited.  The  pages  who  came  from  her  were  tormented 
with  questions.  We  had,  in  short,  been  transformed  at  once  into 
courtiers  as  assiduous  as  our  ancestors  in  the  days  of  Louis  XIV.,  and 
would  scarcely  have  been  taken  for  the  men  who  had  laid  so  many 
nations  prostrate  at  their  feet.  The  Emperor  was  no  less  impatient 
than  ourselves,  and  much  more  interested  in  knowing  what  more 
peculiarly  concerned  him  ;  he  really  appeared  love-stricken.  He 
had  ordered  that  the  route  of  the  Empress  should  be  by  way  of 
Nancy,  Chalons,  Rheims,  and  Soissons,  and  could  almost  point  out, 
at  any  hour  of  the  day,  the  progress  she  had  then  made. 

On  the  day  of  her  arrival  the  Emperor  took  his  departure  in  a 
plain  carriage,  witli  no  other  attendant  than  the  Grand  Marshal, 
after  giving  his  instructions  to  Marshal  Bessieres,  who  remained  at 
Compiegne.  He  travelled  on  the  road  of  Soissons  and  Rheims  until 
he  met  the  carriage  of  the  Empress,  which  was  suddenly  stopped  by 
his  courier.  The  Emperor  alighted,  ran  up  to  the  door  of  the  Em- 
press' carriage,  opened  it  himself,  and  stepped  in.  On  perceiving 
the  astonishment  of  the  Empress,  who  knew  not  the  meaning  of  this 
abruptness  in  a  stranger,  the  Queen  of  Naples  said  to  her,  "  Madame, 
it  is  the  Emperor."     He  returned  to  Compiegne  in  their  company. 

Marshal  Bessieres  had  ordered  out  all  the  cavalry  quartered  near 
the  Palace,  and  advanced  with  it  and  with  the  general  oificers  and 
the  Emperor's  aides  de  camp  on  the  road  to  Soissons  as  far  as  a  well- 
known  stone  bridge,  the  name  of  which  I  do  not  recollect;  at  the 
same  bridge  Louis  XV.  had  met  the  Dauphiness,  daughter  of  Maria 
Theresa,  afterwards  the  unhappy  Queen  of  France. 

The  people  of  Compiegne  had  succeeded  in  making  their  way  to 
the  porch  of  the  Palace,  where  they  ranged  themselves  in  a  double 
line.  The  Empress  on  her  arrival  was  received  at  the  foot  of  the 
principal  staircase  by  the  mother  and  family  of  the  Emperor,  the 
whole  Court,  the  Ministers,  and  several  personages  of  the  highest 
rank.  It  is  superfluous  to  name  the  person  who  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  every  one  from  the  moment  the  carriage  door  was  opened 
until  the  entrance  into  the  apartments.  No  Court  was  held  that 
night,  and  all  the  company  withdrew  at  an  early  hour. 

According  to  the  etiquette  observed  at  foreign  Courts  the  Em- 


330         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809. 

peror  was  no  doubt  married  to  the  Archduchess  Maria  Louisa  ;  not 
so,  however,  with  reference  to  our  civil  code  ;  nevertheless,  it  is  said 
that  he  followed  the  example  of  Henry  IV.  on  his  marriage  with 
Marie  de  Medicis.  I  am  only  repeating  here  the  illiberal  remarks 
made  the  next  morning  because  I  am  pledged  to  speak  the  truth. 
Had  it,  however,  been  my  case,  I  should  have  followed  the  prece- 
dent of  Henry  IV.  on  this  occasion.  It  happened  to  be  my  turn 
to  sleep  that  night  in  the  apartment  of  the  officers  in  attendance. 
The  Emperor  had  left  the  Palace  and  retired  to  the  Chancellor's 
residence  ;  and  if  the  report  had  been  brought  to  me  that  all  Paris 
was  on  fire  I  should  not  have  attemjited  to  disturb  his  repose,  under 
the  apprehension  that  he  might  not  be  found  at  that  residence. 

The  next  was  a  very  fatiguing  day  for  the  young  Empress,  because 
presentations  were  made  of  persons  wholly  unknown  to  her,  by  in- 
dividuals with  whom  she  was  not  much  more  acquainted.  The 
Emperor  himself  presented  to  her  his  aides  de  camp,  who  felt  highly 
gratified  at  this  condescending  mark  of  his  regard  ;  the  lady  of  hon- 
our presented  the  ladies  of  the  palace  and  others  who  were  to  form 
her  retinue. 

The  Emperor  proceeded  with  the  Empress  to  St.  Cloud  on  the  day 
after  the  public  presentation,  the  attendants  of  both  households  fol- 
lowed them  in  separate  carriages.  They  did  not  pass  through  Paris, 
but  took  the  road  to  St.  Denis,  the  Bois  de  Boulogne,  and  St.  Cloud  : 
all  the  authorities  of  Paris  had  repaired  to  the  boundary  of  the 
depai'tment  of  the  Seine,  in  the  direction  of  Compiegne,  and  were 
followed  by  a  great  part  of  the  population,  who  gave  themselves  up 
to  the  joy  and  enthusiasm  which  the  occasion  naturally  created. 

An  immense  crowd  had  collected  at  St.  Cloud  to  greet  her  arri- 
val :  first,  the  Princesses  of  the  Imperial  family,  among.st  whom 
were  the  Vice-Queen  of  Italy,  who  was  then  making  her  first  appear- 
ance in  Paris,  the  Princess  of  Baden,  the  Dignitaries,  the  Marshals 
of  France,  the  Senators,  and  the  Councillors  of  State.  It  was  broad 
daylight  when  the  Imperial  retinue  reached  St.  Cloud. 

The  ceremony  of  the  civil  marriage  did  not  take  place  till  two 
days  afterwards,  in  the  gallery  of  the  Palace  at  St.  Cloud.  A  plat- 
form was  raised  at  the  extremity  of  the  gallery,  with  a  table  and 
armchairs  upon  it  for  the  Imperial  couple,  as  well  as  chairs  and 
stools  for  the  Princes  and  Princesses  of  his  family  :  none  were  pres- 
ent at  the  ceremonj'  except  the  persons  attached  to  the  respective 
Courts.  When  all  the  i^reliminary  arrangements  had  been  gone 
through  the  cortege  moved  forward  from  the  apartments  of  the  Em- 
press, and  crossing  the  grand  apartments  and  the  salon  of  Hercules, 
entered  the  gallery,  where  it  was  arranged  on  the  platform  in  the 


1809.  THE  RELIGIOUS  CEREMONY.  231 


order  laid  down  by  the  rules  of  etiquette.  The  place  of  every  one 
had  been  determined  beforehand,  so  that  in  an  instant  the  utmost 
order  and  silence  pervaded  the  assembly. 

The  Arch-Chancellor  stood  near  a  table  with  a  rich  velvet  cover- 
ing over  it,  upon  which  was  a  register  held  by  Count  Regnault  de 
St.  Jean  d'Angely,  the  Secretary  of  the  Imperial  family's  house- 
liold.  After  taking  the  Emperor's  orders  the  Prince  Arch- 
Chancellor  put  the  following  question  to  him  in  a  loud  voice  : 
"Sire,  is  it  your  Majesty's  intention  to  take  for  your  lawful  wife 
her  Imperial  Highness  the  Archduchess  Maria  Louisa  of  Austria, 
here  present  ?  '' — "  Yes,  sir,"  was  the  Emperor's  answer.  The  Arch- 
Chancellor  then  addressed  the  Empress :  "  Madame,"  he  said, 
"  does  your  Imperial  Highness,  of  your  own  free  consent,  take  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  here  present,  for  your  lawful  husband  ? " — 
"Yes,  sir,"  she  replied.  The  Arch-Chancellor  proceeded  then  to 
declare,  in  the  name  of  the  law  and  of  the  institutions  of  the  Em- 
pire, that  his  Majesty  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  her  Imperial  High- 
ness the  Archduchess  Maria  Louisa  of  Austria  were  duly  united  in 
marriage.  Count  Regnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Angely  presented  the  act 
for  signature,  first  to  the  Emperor,  afterwards  to  the  Empress,  and 
lastly  to  all  the  members  of  the  family,  as  well  as  to  the  different 
personages  whose  ofiicial  ranks  entitled  them  to  this  honourable 
privilege. 

Next  morning  the  Imperial  couple  left  St.  Cloud  in  a  carriage 
drawn  by  eight  cream-coloured  horses,  preceded  by  an  empty  carriage 
drawn  by  eight  gray  horses,  which  was  intended  for  the  Empress ; 
thirty  other  carriages  all  one  mass  of  gilding,  and  drawn  by  superb 
horses,  completed  the  cortege  ;  these  were  filled  with  the  ladies  and 
officers  of  the  household,  and  by  those  whose  employments  gave 
them  the  privilege  of  being  admited  to  the  Imperial  presence.  The 
train  left  St.  Cloud  between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
and  was  escorted  by  the  whole  of  the  cavalry  ;  it  passed  through  the 
Bois  de  Boulogne,  the  Porte  Maillot,  the  Champs  Elysees,  the  Place 
de  la  Revolution,  to  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries,  where  all  the  car- 
riages stopped,  to  enable  the  company  to  enter  the  Palace. 

From  the  iron  railing  of  the  court  of  the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud,  both 
sides  of  the  road  were  lined  with  so  dense  a  mass  of  people  that  the 
population  of  the  adjacent  country  must  have  flocked  to  St.  Cloud 
and  Paris  on  the  occasion.  The  crowd  increased  on  approaching 
Paris ;  from  the  barrier  to  the  Palace  of  the  Tuileries  it  baflied  all 
calculation.  Orchestras  were  j^laced  at  stated  distances  along  the 
Champs  Elysees,  and  played  a  variety  of  airs.  France  appeared 
to  revel  in  a  delight  bordering  upon  frenzy.     Many  were  the  pro- 


833         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809. 

testations  of  fidelity  and  attachment  made  to  the  Emperor ;  and 
whosoever  had  ventured  to  predict  at  that  time  what  has  since 
come  to  pass  would  have  been  scouted  as  a  madman. 

When  all  the  carriages  had  arrived,  the  cortege  resumed  its  order 
of  etiquette  in  the  gallery  of  Diana  at  the  Tuileries,  and  proceeded 
through  a  passage  expressly  constructed  for  the  occasion,  and  ter- 
minating at  the  gallery  of  the  Museum,  which  it  entered  by  the 
door  near  the  Pavilion  of  Flora. 

Here  began  a  new  spectacle  :  both  sides  of  that  immense  gallery 
were  lined  from  one  end  to  the  other  with  a  triple  row  of  Parisian 
ladies  of  the  middle  class :  nothing  could  be  compared  to  the  varie- 
gated scene  presented  by  that  assemblage  of  ladies,  whose  youthful 
bloom  shone  forth  more  dazzling  than  their  elegant  attire. 

A  balustrade  extended  along  both  sides  of  the  gallery,  in  order 
to  prevent  any  one  from  passing  beyond  a  certain  line,  and  the 
middle  of  this  fine  edifice  was  thus  free  and  unobstructed,  so  as  to 
admit  of  a  passage  for  the  cortege  which  moved  along,  and  afforded  a 
feast  to  the  eyes  as  far  as  the  very  altar.  The  vast  salon  at  the  end 
of  the  gallery,  where  the  exhibition  of  paintings  generally  took 
place,  had  been  converted  into  a  chapel.  Its  circuit  was  lined  by  a 
triple  row  of  splendidly  ornamented  boxes,  filled  with  the  most  ele- 
gant and  distinguished  ladies  then  in  Paris.  The  Grand  Master  of 
the  Ceremonies  assigned  to  the  persons  composing  the  coi'tdge  their 
proper  places  as  they  arrived  in  the  chapel.  The  strictest  order  was 
observed  during  the  whole  of  this  ceremony.  Mass  was  performed 
by  his  Eminence  Cardinal  Fesch,  after  which  the  marriage  cere- 
mony took  place.  —  Memoirs  of  the  Due  de  RovigOy  tome  iv.  p.  280. ' 


1  For  many  interesting  details,  most  admirably  written,  respecting  Bonaparte's 
divorce  from  Josephine,  and  the  circumstances  that  immediately  preceded  the  di- 
vorce, see  the  Memoirs  of  the  Duchesse  cC Abr antes,  vol.  iii.  cliap.  xvii. 


1809.  233 


CHAPTER    XXn. 

1809-1810. 

Bernadotte  elected  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden — Count  Wrede's  overtures  to 
Bernadotte — Bemadotte's  three  days'  visit  to  Hamburg — Particulars', 
respecting  the  battle  of  Wagram — Secret  Order  of  the  day — Last  in- 
tercourse of  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  with  Napoleon — My  advice 
to  Bernadotte  respecting  the  Continental  system — Annex. 

I  NOW  come  to  one  of  the  periods  of  my  life  to  which  I 
look  back  with  most  satisfaction,  the  time  when  Berna- 
dotte was  with  me  in  Hamburg.  I  will  briefly  relate  the 
series  of  events  which  led  the  opposer  of  the  18th  Bru- 
maire  to  the  throne  of  Sweden. 

On  the  13th  of  March  1809  Gustavus  Adolphus  was  ar- 
rested, and  his  uncle,  the  Duke  of  Sudermania,  provision- 
ally took  the  reins  of  Government.  A  few  days  afterwards 
Gustavus  published  his  act  of  abdication, — which  in  the 
state  of  Sweden  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  refuse.  In 
May  following,  the  Swedish  Diet  having  been  convoked  at 
Stockholm,  the  Duke  of  Sudermania  was  elected  King. 
Christian  Augustus,  the  only  son  of  that  monarch,  of 
course  became  Prince  Royal  on  the  accession  of  his  father 
to  the  throne.  He,  however,  died  suddenly  at  the  end  of 
May  1810,  and  Count  Fersen '  (the  same  who  at  the  Court 
of  Marie  Antoinette  Avas  distinguished  by  the  appellation 
of  le  beau  Fersen),  was  massacred  by  the  populace,  who 
suspected,  perhaps  unjustly,  that  he  had  been  accessory 

'  Count  Fersen,  alleged  to  have  been  one  of  the  favoured  lovers  of  Marie  Antoi- 
nette, and  who  vms  certainly  deep  in  her  confidence,  had  arranged  most  of  the  details 
of  the  attempted  flight  to  Varennes  in  1'('91,  and  he  himself  drove  the  Royal  family 
their  first  stage  to  the  gates  of  Paris.  See  Thiers'  Revolution,  vol.  i.  p.  172,  and 
Campan,  tome  ii.  p.  169, 


a34         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809^ 

to  the  Prince's  death.  On  the  21st  of  August  following 
Bernadotte  was  elected  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden. 

After  the  death  of  the  Prince  Royal  the  Duke  of  Suder- 
mauia's  son,  Count  Wrede,  a  Swede,  made  the  first  over- 
tures to  Bernadotte,  and  announced  to  him  the  intention 
entertained  at  Stockholm  of  offering  him  the  throne  of 
Sweden.  Bernadotte  was  at  that  time  in  Paris,  and  im- 
mediately after  his  first  interview  with  Count  Wrede  he 
waited  on  the  Emperor  at  St.  Cloud  ;  Napoleon  cooll^y 
replied  that  he  could  be  of  no  service  to  him  ;  that  events 
must  take  their  course  ;  that  he  might  accept  or  refuse 
the  ofifer  as  he  chose  ;  that  he  (Bonaparte)  would  place 
no  obstacles  in  his  way,  but  that  he  could  give  him  no 
advice.  It  was  very  evident  that  the  choice  of  Sweden 
was  not  very  agreeable  to  Bonaparte,  and  though  he 
afterwards  disavowed  any  opposition  to  it,  he  made  over- 
tures to  Stockholm,  proj)osing  that  the  crown  of  Sweden 
should  be  added  to  that  of  Denmark. 

Bernadotte  then  went  to  the  waters  of  Plombieres,  and 
on  his  return  to  Paris  he  sent  me  a  letter  announcing  his 
elevation  to  the  rank  of  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden. 

On  the  11th  of  October  he  arrived  in  Hamburg,  where 
he  stayed  only  three  days.  He  passed  nearly  the  whole 
of  that  time  with  me,  and  he  communicated  to  me  many 
carious  facts  connected  with  the  secret  history  of  the 
times,  and  among  other  things  some  particulars  respect- 
ing the  battle  of  Wagram.  I  was  the  first  to  mention  to 
the  new  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  the  reports  of  the  doubtful 
manner  in  which  the  troops  under  his  command  behaved. 
I  reminded  him  of  Bonaparte's  dissatisfaction  at  these 
troops ;  for  there  was  no  doubt  of  the  Emperor  be- 
ing the  author  of  the  complaints  contained  in  the  bulle- 
tins, especially  as  he  had  withdrawn  the  troops  from 
Bernadotte's  command.  Bernadotte  assured  me  that 
Napoleon's  censure  was  unjust ;  during  the  battle  he  had 
complained  of  the  little  sjoirit  manifested  by  the  soldiers. 


1810.        BERNADOTTE'S  ORDER  OF  THE  DAY.        235 

"  He  refused  to  see  me, "  added  Bernadotte, '  *  and  I  was  told, 
as  a  reason  for  bis  refusal,  that  be  was  astonisbed  and 
displeased  to  find  tbat,  notwithstanding  bis  complaints, 
of  wbicb  I  must  bave  beard,  I  bad  boasted  of  having 
gained  the  battle,  and  had  publicly  complimented  the 
Saxons  whom  I  commanded." 

Bernadotte  then  showed  me  the  bulletin  he  drew  up 
after  the  battle  of  Wagram.  I  remarked  tbat  I  had  never 
heard  of  a  bulletin  being  made  by  any  other  than  the 
General  who  was  Commander-in-Chief  during  a  battle, 
and  asked  bow  the  affair  ended.  He  then  handed  to  me 
a  copy  of  the  Order  of  the  day,  wbicb  Napoleon  said  be 
had  sent  only  to  the  Marshals  commanding  the  different 
coi-ps.  As  this  remarkable  document  is  but  little  known 
I  may  subjoin  it  here. 

©kxIjcx  jcrf  tlixje  §aij. 

Imperial  Camp  of  Schcenbrtjnn,  ^th  July  1809. 

His  Majesty  expresses  his  displeasure  at  the  Prince  of  Poute- 
Corvo's  Order,  dated  Leopoldstadt,  7th  July,  and  inserted  on  the 
same  day  in  nearly  all  the  newspapers,  in  the  following  terms: — 

"■Saxons,  on  tlie  5th  of  July  7000  07-  8000  of  you  pierced  the  ene- 
my's centre,  and  marched  on  Deutsch- Wagram  in  spite  of  the  efforts 
0/ 40,000  men,  supported  by  60  pieces  of  artillery.  You  fought  till 
midnight,  and  bivouacked  in  the  midst  of  the  Austrian  lines.  On  the 
QtJi,  at  daybreak,  you  recommenced  the  battle  icith  the  same  persever- 
ance, and,  in  the  midst  of  the  ravages  of  the  enemy's  artillery,  your 
columns  stood  firm  as  iron.  The  great  Napoleon  tcitnessed  your  cour- 
age, and  reckons  you  among  his  bravest  tro&ps.  Saxons,  the  fortune 
of  a  soldier  consists  in  fulfilling  his  duty  ;  you  liave  nobly  fulfilled 
yours  ! 

•'  (Signed)         Bernadotte." 

Independently  of  his  Majesty  having  commanded  his  army  in  per- 
son, it  is  .for  him  alone  to  award  the  degree  of  glory  each  has  mer- 
ited. His  Majesty  owes  the  success  of  his  arms  to  the  French 
troops,  and  to  no  foreigners.  The  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo's  Order 
of   the  Day  has  a  tendency  to  inspire  false  pretensions  in  troops 


236         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809> 

whose  merit  does  not  rise  above  mediocrity;  it  is  at  variance  with 
truth,  policy,  and  national  honour.  The  success  of  the  5th  is  due 
to  the  Due  de  Rivoli  and  Marshal  Oudinot,  who  penetrated  the 
enemy's  centre  at  the  same  time  that  the  Due  d'Auerstadt's  corps 
turned  his  left.  The  village  of  Deutsch-Wagram  was  not  taken  on 
the  5th,  but  on  the  6th,  by  the  corps  of  Marshal  Oudinot.  The 
corps  of  the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  did  not  stand  a,s  fir //i  as  iron. 
It  was  the  lirst  to  retreat.  His  Majesty  was  obliged  to  order  the 
corps  of  the  Viceroy  to  be  covered  by  the  divisions  of  Bi'oussier  and 
Lamarque,  commanded  by  Marshal  Macdouald,  by  the  division  of 
heavy  cavalry,  commanded  by  General  Nansouty,  and  by  a  part  of 
the  cavalry  of  the  Guard.  To  Marshal  Macdonald  and  his  troops 
is  due  the  merit  which  the  Prince  of  Ponte  Corvo  takes  to  himself. 
His  Majesty  hopes  that  this  expression  of  his  displeasure  will  hence- 
forth deter  any  Marshal  from  appropriating  to  himself  the  glory 
which  belongs  to  others.  His  Majesty,  however,  desires  that  the 
present  Order  of  the  Day,  which  may  possibly  be  mortifying  to  the 
Saxon  troops,  though  they  must  be  aware  that  they  are  not  enti- 
tled to  the  praises  bestowed  on  them,  shall  remain  private,  and  be 
sent  only  to  the  Marshals  commanding  the  army  corps. 

(Signed)        NAPOLEON. 

Bernadotte's  bulletin  was  printed  along  with  Bonaparte's 
Order  of  the  Day,  a  thing  quite  unparalleled.' 

Though  I  was  much  interested  in  this  account  of  Bona- 
parte's conduct  after  the  battle  of  Wagram,  yet  I  was  more 
cui'ious  to  hear  the  particulars  of  Bernadotte's  last  com- 
munication with  the  Emperor.  The  Prince  informed  me 
that  on  his  return  from  Plombieres  he  attended  the  levee, 
when  the  Emperor  asked  him,  before  every  one  present, 
whether  he  had  received  any  recent  news  fi'om  Sweden. 
He  replied  in  the  affirmative.  "What  is  it?"  inquired 
Napoleon.  "Sire,  I  am  informed  that  your  Majesty's 
charge  d'affaires  at  Stoclcholm  opposes  my  election.  It  is 
also  reported  to  those  who  choose  to  believe  it  that  3'our 
Majesty  gives  the  preference  to  the  King  of  Denmark." 
"At  these  words,"  continued  Bernadotte,  "the  Emperor 

'  For  Savary's  version  of  the  difference  wliich  arose  between  Bonaparte  and 
Bernadotte  at  Wagram,  together  with  some  interesting  anecdotes  connected  with 
the  battle,  the  reader  is  referred  to  the  conchision  of  the  present  chapter. 


1810.         LAST  INTERVIEW   WITH  NAPOLEON.  237 

affected  surprise,  which  you  know  he  can  do  very  artfully. 
He  assured  me  it  was  impossible,  and  then  turned  the  con- 
versation to  another  subject. 

"  I  know  not  what  to  think  of  his  conduct  in  this  affair. 
I  am  aware  he  does  not  like  me  ;  but  the  interests  of  his 
policy  may  render  him  favourable  to  Sweden.  Consider- 
ing the  present  greatness  and  power  of  France,  I  conceived 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  make  every  personal  sacrifice.  But  I 
swear  to  Heaven  that  I  will  never  commit  the  honour  of 
Sweden.  He,  however,  expressed  himself  in  the  best 
possible  terms  in  speaking  of  Charles  XHI.  and  me.  He 
at  first  started  no  obstacle  to  my  acceptance  of  the  suc- 
cession to  the  throne  of  Sweden,  and  he  ordered  the 
official  announcement  of  my  election  to  be  immediately 
inserted  in  the  Monileur.  Ten  days  elapsed  without  the 
Emperor's  saying  a  word  to  me  about  my  departure.  As 
I  was  anxious  to  be  off,  and  all  my  preparations  were 
made,  I  determined  to  go  and  ask  him  for  the  letters 
patent  to  relieve  me  from  my  oath  of  fidelity,  which  I  had 
certainly  kept  faithfully  in  spite  of  all  his  ill-treatment  of 
me.  He  at  first  appeared  somewhat  surprised  at  my 
request,  and,  after  a  little  hesitation,  he  said,  '  There  is  a 
preliminary  condition  to  be  fulfilled  ;  a  question  has  been 
raised  by  one  of  the  members  of  the  Privy  Council.' — 
'  What  condition,  Sire  ?  ' — '  You  must  pledge  yourself  not 
to  bear  arms  against  me.' — '  Does  your  Majesty  suppose 
that  I  can  bind  myself  by  such  an  engagement  ?  My 
election  by  the  Diet  of  Sweden,  which  has  met  with  your 
Majesty's  assent,  has  made  me  a  Swedish  subject,  and  that 
character  is  incompatible  with  the  pledge  proposed  by  a 
member  of  the  Council.  I  am  sui"e  it  could  never  have 
emanated  from  3'our  Majesty,  and  must  proceed  from  the 
Arch-Chancellor  or  the  Grand  Judge,  who  certainly  could 
not  have  been  aware  of  the  height  to  which  the  proposition 
would  raise  me.' — 'What  do  you  mean?' — 'If,  Sire,  you 
prevent  me  accepting  a  crown  unless  I  pledge  myself  not 


238         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809- 

to  bear  arms  against  you,  do  you  not  really  place  me  on  a 
level  with  you  as  a  General  ? ' 

"When  I  declared  positively  that  my  election  must 
make  me  consider  myself  a  Swedish  subject  he  frowned, 
and  seemed  embarrassed.  When  I  had  done  speaking  he 
said,  in  a  low  and  faltering  voice,  '  Well,  go.  Our  des- 
tinies will  soon  be  accomplished  ! '  These  words  were 
uttered  so  indistinctly  that  I  was  obliged  to  beg  pardon 
for  not  having  heard  what  he  said,  and  he  repeated,  '  Go  ! 
our  destinies  will  soon  be  accomplished  !  '  In  the  subse- 
quent conversations  which  I  had  with  the  Emperor  I  tried 
all  possible  means  to  remove  the  unfavourable  sentiments 
he  cherished  towards  me.  I  revived  my  recollections  of 
histor}'.  I  spoke  to  him  of  the  gTcat  men  who  had  excited 
the  admiration  of  the  world,  of  the  difficulties  and 
obstacles  which  they  had  to  surmount  ;  and,  above  all,  I 
dwelt  upon  that  solid  glory  which  is  founded  on  the 
establishment  and  maintenance  of  public  tranquillity  and 
happiness.  The  Emperor  listened  to  me  attentively,  and 
frequently  concurred  in  my  opinion  as  to  the  principles 
of  the  prosperity  and  stability  of  States.  One  day  he  took 
my  hand  and  pressed  it  affectionately,  as  if  to  assure  me  of 
his  friendship  and  protection.  Though  I  knew  him  to  be 
an  adept  in  the  art  of  dissimulation,  yet  his  affected  kind- 
ness appeai'ed  so  natural  that  I  thought  all  his  unfavourable 
feeling  towards  me  was  at  an  end.  I  spoke  to  persons  by 
whom  our  two  families  were  allied,  requesting  that  they 
would  assure  the  Emperor  of  the  reciprocity  of  my  senti- 
ments, and  tell  him  that  I  was  ready  to  assist  his  great 
plans  in  any  way  not  hostile  to  the  interests  of  Sweden. 

"  Would  you  believe,  my  dear  friend,  that  the  persons 
to  whom  I  made  these  candid  protestations  laughed  at  my 
credulity  ?  They  told  me  that  after  the  conversation  in 
which  the  Emperor  had  so  cordially  pressed  my  hand  I  had 
scarcely  taken  leave  of  him  when  he  was  heard  to  say  that  I 
had  made  a  great  display  of  my  learning  to  him,  and  that  he 


1810.  THE  EMPERORS  INSINCERITT.  239 

had  humoured  me  like  a  child.  He  wished  to  inspire  me 
with  full  confidence  so  as  to  put  me  off  my  guard  ;  and 
I  know  for  a  certainty  that  he  had  the  design  of  arresting 
me. 

"  But,"  pursued  Bernadotte,  "  in  spite  of  the  feeling  of 
animosity  which  I  know  the  Emperor  has  cherished 
against  me  since  the  18th  Brumaii'e,  I  do  not  think,  when 
once  I  shall  be  in  Sweden,  that  he  will  wish  to  have  any 
differences  with  the  Swedish  Government.  I  must  tell  you 
also  he  has  given  me  2,000,000  francs  in  exchange  for  my 
principality  of  Ponte-Corvo.  Half  the  sum  has  been 
already  paid,  Avhich  will  be  very  useful  to  me  in  defru}'- 
ing  the  expenses  of  my  journey  and  installation."  When 
I  was  about  to  step  into  my  carriage  to  set  off,  an  individ- 
ual, Avhom  you  must  excuse  me  naming,  came  to  bid  me 
farewell,  and  related  to  me  a  little  conversation  which  had 
just  taken  place  at  the  Tuileries.  Napoleon  said  to  the 
individual  in  question,  '  Well,  does  not  the  Prince  regret 
leaving  France  ? ' — '  Certainly,  Sire.' — '  As  to  me,  I  should 
have  been  very  glad  if  he  had  not  accepted  his  election. 
But  there  is  no  help  for  it.  .  .  .  He  does  not  like 
me.' — '  Sire,  I  must  take  the  liberty  of  saying  that  your 
Majesty  labours  under  a  mistake.  I  know  the  ditTerences 
which  have  existed  between  you  and  General  Bernadotte 
for  the  last  six  years.  I  know  how  he  opposed  the  over- 
throw of  the  Directory  ;  but  I  also  know  that  the  Prince 
has  long  been  sincerely  attached  to  you.' — '  Well,  I  dare 
say  you  are  right.  But  we  have  not  vmderstood  each 
other.  It  is  now  too  late.  He  has  his  interests  and  his 
policy,  and  I  have  mine."  ^ 

'  The  other  million  stipulated  in  exchange  for  the  principality  of  Ponte-Corvo  was 
never  paid  to  Bernadotte. — Dnurrieiine. 

'  See  Metternich  (vol.  ii.  pp.  460-465)  for  the  account,  already  referred  to,  of  hia 
couver.«ation  with  Napoleon  on  the  choice  of  Bernadotte.  Kapoleon  seems  to  have 
v.<y>  really  wished  for  the  selection  of  Bernadotte,  seeing  the  danger  of  the  elevation 
of  his  officers.  But,  the  choice  made,  he  was  pleased  to  get  rid  of  Bernadotte,  "  one 
of  those  old  Jacobins  with  his  head  in  the  wrong  place,"  and  "  in  any  case  I  could 
not  refuse  my  consent,   were  it   only  that  a   French   Marshal   on  the  throne  of 


340         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809- 

" Such,"  added  the  Prince,  "were  the  Emperor's  last 
observations  respecting  nae  two  hours  before  my  depart- 
ure. The  individual  to  whom  I  have  just  alluded  spoke 
trulj',  my  dear  Bourrienne.  I  am  indeed  sorry  to  leave 
France  ;  and  I  never  should  have  left  it  but  for  the  in- 
justice of  Bonaparte.  If  ever  I  ascend  the  throne  of 
Sweden  I  shall  owe  my  crown  to  his  ill-treatment  of  me  ; 
for  had  he  not  persecuted  me  by  his  animosity  my  con- 
dition would  have  sufficed  for  a  soldier  of  fortune  :  but 
we  must  follow  our  fate." 

During  the  three  days  the  Prince  spent  with  me  I  had 
many  other  conversations  with  him.  He  wished  me  to 
give  him  my  advice  as  to  the  course  he  should  pursue 
with  regard  to  the  Continental  system.  "I  advise  you," 
said  I,  "  to  reject  the  system  without  hesitation.  It  may  be 
very  fine  in  theory,  but  it  is  utterly  impossible  to  carry  it 
into  practice,  and  it  will,  in  the  end,  give  the  trade  of  the 
world  to  England.  It  excites  the  dissatisfaction  of  our 
allies,  who,  in  spite  of  themselves,  will  again  become  our 
enemies.  But  no  other  country,  except  Kussia,  is  in  the 
situation  of  Sweden.  You  want  a  number  of  objects  of 
the  first  necessity,  which  nature  has  withheld  from  you. 
You  can  only  obtain  them  by  perfect  freedom  of  naviga- 
tion ;  and  you  can  onl}^  pay  for  them  with  those  peculiar 
productions  in  which  Sweden  abounds.  It  would  be  out 
of  all  reason  to  close  yo^xv  ports  against  a  nation  who  rules 
the  seas.  It  is  your  navy  that  would  be  blockaded,  not 
hers.  What  can  France  do  against  you  ?  She  may  invade 
you  by  land.  But  England  and  Eussia  will  exert  all  their 
efforts  to  oppose  her.  By  sea  it  is  still  more  impossible 
that  she  should  do  anything.  Then  you  have  nothing  to 
fear  but  Eussia  and  England,  and  it  will  be  easy  for  you 
to  keep  up  friendly  relations  with  these  two  powers.  Take 

GustavuB  Adolphus  is  one  of  the  best  possible  tricljs  that  could  be  played  on  Eng 
land."  See  also  the  same  volume,  p.  433,  where  Metternich  e.xpresses  his  belief  that 
Napoleon  had  thought  of  one  of  his  own  family. 


1810.  SWEDISH  COMMERCE.  241 

my  advice  ;  sell  your  iron,  timber,  leather,  and  pitch  ; 
take  in  return  salt,  wines,  brandy,  and  colonial  produce. 
This  is  the  way  to  make  yourself  popular  in  Sweden.  If, 
on  the  contrary,  you  follow  the  Continental  system,  you 
will  be  obliged  to  adopt  laws  against  smuggling,  which 
will  draw  upon  you  the  detestation  of  the  people." 

Such  was  the  advice  which  I  gave  to  Bernadotte  when 
he  was  about  to  commence  his  new  and  brilliant  career. 
In  spite  of  my  situation  as  a  French  Minister  I  could  not 
have  reconciled  it  to  my  conscience  to  give  him  any  other 
counsel,  for  if  diplomacy  has  duties  so  also  has  friendship. 
Bernadotte  adopted  my  advice,  and  the  King  of  Sweden 
had  no  reason  to  regret  having  done  so. 


[ANNEX  TO  THE   PRECEDING  CHAPTER.'^ 
THE  BATTLE  OF  WAGRAM. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  9tli,  after  despatching  orders  in 
various  directions,  Napoleon  was  taken  rather  seriously  ill,  in  con- 
sequence of  his  fatigue  and  exertion.  This  circumstance  compelled 
him  to  indulge  in  a  little  rest  whilst  the  troops  were  advancing. 

Marshal  Bernadotte  came  at  that  time  to  see  the  Emperor,  who  had 
left  orders  that  no  one  should  disturb  him  until  he  called  ;  I  there- 
fore refused  to  introduce  the  Marshal,  the  object  of  whose  visit  was 
wholly  unknown  to  me.  I  had  witnessed  the  lukewarmness  which 
his  troops  had  evinced  in  the  battle  :  ever  since  the  opening  of  the 
campaign  he  had  been  incessantly  complaining  of  want  of  ardour  in 
his  troops,  of  their  inexperience,  and  of  their  want  of  confidence  in 
their  leaders.  I  should  therefore  have  exhausted  every  supposition 
before  I  could  have  imagined  that,  contradicting  on  a  sudden  the 
unfavourable  opinion  he  had  given  of  their  courage,  he  could  ever 
dream  that  those  troops  had  decided  the  victory  we  had  just  ob- 
tained. 

The  Emperor  was  soon  made  acquainted  with  that  unaccountable 
Order  of  the  Day :  he  sent  for  the  Marshal,  and  removed  him  from 
the  command  of  his  troops.  This  lesson  was  ineffectual ;  Berna- 
dotte, who  persisted  in  maintaining  the  justice  of  the  ridiculous  con- 
gratulations he  had  addressed  to  the  Saxons,  caused  them  to  be  in- 
VoL.  III.— 16 


243         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1809^ 

serted  iu  the  public  papers.  The  Emperor  was  indignant  at  this  con- 
duct, being  at  all  times  inflexibly  severe  against  every  impropriety 
of  conduct  and  every  act  t)f  falsehood,  though  he  was  unwilling,  at 
the  same  time,  to  wound  the  feelings  of  men  who  had  exposed  their 
lives  in  his  service.  The  insult,  however,  was  such  that  he  felt  it 
impossible  to  pass  it  by.  He  issued  an  Order  of  the  Day,  which  he 
directed  the  Major-General  not  to  circulate,  either  amongst  the  army 
at  large  or  the  Saxon  trooj^s,  of  which  he  had  given  the  command 
to  General  Reynier. 

At  one  period  of  the  engagement  the  enemy's  right  was  taking  up 
a  position  in  a  perpendicular  line  to  our  extreme  left,  and  comj^elled 
us  to  give  it  the  form  of  an  angle  for  the  purpose  of  returning  the 
enemy's  fire.  They  had  placed  some  pieces  of  artillery  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  fire  upon  the  angle  or  elbow,  whilst  they  were  can- 
nonading us  on  both  sides  of  the  angle.  I  know  not  what  was  the 
Emperor's  object,  but  he  remained  a  full  hour  at  that  angle,  which 
was  a  perfect  stream  of  shot ;  and  as  there  was  no  fire  of  musketry 
kept  up  the  soldiers  became  discouraged.  The  Emperor  was  more 
sensible  than  any  one  else  that  such  a  situation  could  not  last  long, 
and  he  remained  there  for  the  purpose  of  remedying  the  disorder. 
In  the  height  of  the  danger  he  rode  in  front  of  the  line  upon  ahorse 
as  white  as  snow  (it  was  called  Euphrates,  and  had  been  sent  to  him 
as  a  present  from  the  Sojihi  of  Persia).  He  proceeded  from  one  ex- 
tremity of  the  line  to  the  other,  and  returned  at  a  slow  pace  ;  it  will 
easily  be  believed  that  shots  were  flying  about  him  in  every  direc- 
tion. I  kept  behind,  with  my  eyes  riveted  upon  him,  expecting  at 
every  moment  to  see  him  drop  from  his  horse. 

The  Emperor  ordered  that  as  soon  as  the  opening  which  he  in- 
tended to  make  in  the  enemy's  centre  should  be  effected  the  whole 
cavalry  should  charge  and  wheel  round  upon  the  troops  that  had 
flanked  us  on  the  left.  He  had  given  directions,  in  consequence, 
to  Marshal  Bessieres,  and  the  latter  had  at  that  moment  started  to 
execute  them,  when  he  was  knocked  down  by  the  most  extraordinary 
cannon-shot  ever  seen.  It  ran  along  his  thigh,  iu  a  zigzag  direction, 
and  the  Marshal  was  so  suddenly  thrown  off  his  horse  that  we  fancied 
he  was  killed  on  the  spot.  The  same  shot  forced  the  barrel  from 
his  pistol,  and  carried  away  both  barrel  and  stock.  The  Emjjeror 
saw  him  fall,  but  not  having  recognised  him,  asked,  as  he  usually 
did  on  similar  occasions,  "Who  is  it?" — "Bessieres,  Sire,"  was 
the  reply.  He  instantly  turned  his  horse  round,  saying,  "Let  us 
go,  I  have  no  time  to  weep.  Let  us  avoid  another  scene."  He 
alluded  to  the  distress  he  had  suffered  at  the  death  of  Marshal 
Lannes.     He  sent  me  to  see  wliether  Bessieres  was  still  alive.     He 


[L^gi\[L[L 


1810.  AFTER  THE  BATTLE.  243 


had  been  carried  off  the  ground,  and  had  recovered  his  senses, 
having  merely  been  struck  on  the  thigh,  which  was  completely 
paralysed. 

The  inhabitants  of  Vienna  had  ascended  to  the  ramparts  and  the 
roofs  of  the  houses,  from  whence  they  witnessed  the  battle.  In  the 
morning  the  ladies  of  that  city  were  flashed  with  the  hope  of  our 
defeat.  This  hope  was  converted  to  general  gloom  towards  two  in 
the  afternoon.  They  discerned  the  retreat  of  the  Austrian  army  as 
plainly  as  it  could  be  seen  on  the  field  of  battle.     . 

The  Emperor  was  going  over  the  field  of  battle  the  same  evening 
when  intelligence  was  brought  him  of  the  death  of  General  Lasalle, 
who  had  just  been  killed  by  one  of  the  last  musket-shots  fired  be- 
fore the  final  retreat  of  the  enemy.  That  General  had  had  in  the 
morning  a  strange  presentiment  of  the  fate  that  awaited  him.  The 
acquisition  of  glory  had  been  an  object  of  much  greater  solicitude 
to  him  than  the  advancement  of  his  fortune  ;  but  on  the  night  pre- 
vious to  the  battle  he  seems  to  have  had  the  fate  of  his  children 
strongly  impressed  upon  his  mind,  and  he  awoke  to  draw  up  a  peti- 
tion to  the  Emperor  in  their  behalf,  which  he  placed  in  his  sabre 
tasche.  When  the  Emperor  passed  in  the  morning  in  front  of  his 
division  General  Lasalle  did  not  address  him,  but  he  stopped  M. 
Maret,  who  was  a  few  paces  behind,  and  told  him  that,  never  hav- 
ing asked  any  favour  of  the  Emperor,  he  begged  he  would  take 
charge  of  the  petition  which  he  then  handed  to  him  in  case  any 
misfortune  should  befall  him  :  a  few  hours  afterwards  he  was  no 
more.     .      .     . 

As  Napoleon  was  going  over  the  field  of  battle  he  stopped  on  the 
ground  which  had  been  occupied  by  Macdonald's  two  divisions  ;  it 
exhibited  the  picture  of  a  loss  fully  commensurate  with  the  valour 
they  had  displayed.  The  Emperor  recognised  amongst  the  slain  a 
colonel  who  had  given  him  some  cause  for  displeasure.  That  ofii- 
cer,  who  had  made  the  campaign  of  Egypt,  had  misbehaved  after 
the  departure  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  proved  ungrateful  towards 
his  benefactor,  in  hopes,  no  doubt,  of  insinuating  himself  into  the 
good  graces  of  the  general  who  had  succeeded  him.  On  the  return 
of  the  army  of  Egypt  to  France  the  Emperor,  who  had  shown  him 
many  marks  of  kindness  during  the  war  in  Italy,  gave  no  signs  of 
resentment,  but  granted  him  none  of  those  favours  which  he  heaped 
upon  all  those  who  had  been  in  Egypt.  The  Emperor  now  said,  on 
seeing  him  stretched  upon  the  field  of  battle,  "I  regret  not  having 
been  able  to  speak  to  him  before  the  battle,  in  order  to  tell  him 
that  I  had  long  since  forgotten  everything." 

A  few  steps  farther  on  he  discovered  a  young  quartermaster  of 


244         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1809^ 

the  regiment  of  carabineers  still  alive,  altliough  a  shot  had  gone 
through  his  head  ;  but  the  heat  and  dust  had  almost  immediately 
congealed  the  blood,  so  that  the  brain  could  not  be  aifectod  by  the 
air.  The  Emperor  dismounted,  felt  his  pulse,  and,  with  his  hand- 
kerchief, endeavoured  to  clear  the  nostrils,  which  were  filled  with 
earth.  He  then  applied  a  little  brandy  to  his  lips  ;  whereupon  the 
wounded  man  opened  his  eyes,  though  he  appeared  at  first  to  be 
quite  insensible  to  the  act  of  humanity  exercised  towards  him  ;  but 
having  again  opened  them,  and  fixed  them  on  the  Emperor,  whom 
he  now  recognised,  they  immediately  filled  with  tears,  and  he 
would  have  sobbed  had  not  his  strength  forsaken  him.  The 
wretched  man  could  not  escape  death,  according  to  the  opinion  of 
the  surgeons  who  were  called  to  his  assistance. 

After  having  gone  over  the  ground  where  the  army  had  fought 
the  Emperor  went  to  place  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  troops,  which 
were  beginning  to  move  for  the  purpose  of  following  the  retreating 
enemy.  On  passing  by  Macdonald  he  stopped  and  held  out  his 
hand  to  him,  saying,  "Shake  hands,  Macdonald!  no  more  ill-will 
between  us  :  we  must  henceforward  be  friends  ;  and,  as  a  pledge  of 
my  sincerity,  I  will  send  you  your  Marshal's  staff,  which  you  so 
gloriously  earned  in  yesterday's  battle."  '  Macdonald  had  been  in 
a  kind  of  disgrace  for  many  years  :  it  would  be  difiicult  to  assign 
any  reason  for  it,  except  the  intrigue  and  jealousy  to  which  an  ele- 
vated mind  is  always  exposed.  Malevolence  had  succeeded  in  in- 
ducing the  Emperor  to  remove  him  from  his  presence,  and  the 
Marshal's  innate  pride  had  withheld  him  from  taking  any  step 
towards  reconciliation  with  a  sovereign  who  did  not  treat  him  with 
that  kindness  to  which  he  felt  he  had  a  claim. — Memoirs  of  the  Duo 
de  Booigo,  tome  iv.  chaps,  xiii.  and  xiv. 

1  Macdonald  nobly  kept  this  compact  in  1814,  when  Napoleon  had  fallen  from 
power,  and  of  all  the  Marshals  then  around  the  Emperor  showed  himself  the  most 
loyal  in  the  hour  of  adversity.  One  of  the  last  to  give  in  his  adherence  to  the  Bour- 
bons, he  behaved  with  equal  fidelity  to  them  in  1815,  withstanding  all  the  tempta- 
tions of  the  Hundred  Days. 


1810.  245 


CHAPTEK    XXm. 

1810. 

Bemaaotte's  departure  from  Hamburg — The  Duke  of  Hoi  stein- Augusten- 
burg — Arrival  of  the  Crown  Prince  in  Sweden — Misunderstandings 
between  him  and  Napoleon — Letter  from  Bernadotte  to  the  Emper- 
or— Plot  for  kidnapping  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden — Invasion  of 
Swedish  Pomerania — Forced  alliance  of  Sweden  with  England  and 
Russia — Napoleon's  overtures  to  Sweden — Bernadotte's  letters  of  ex- 
planation to  the  Emperor — The  Princess  Royal  of  Sweden — My  recall 
to  Paris — Union  of  the  Hanse  Towns  with  France — Dissatisfaction  of 
Russia — Extraordinary  demand  made  upon  me  by  Bonaparte — Fidel- 
ity of  my  old  friends — Duroc  and  Rapp — Visit  to  Malmaison,  and 
conversation  with  Josephine. 

While  Bernadotte  was  preparing  to  fill  the  high  station  to 
which  he  had  been  called  by  the  wishes  of  the  people  of 
Sweden  Napoleon  was  involved  in  his  misunderstanding 
with  the  Pope,'  and  in  the  affaii'S  of  Portugal,  which  were 
far  from  proceeding  according  to  his  wishes.  Bernadotte 
had  scarcely  quitted  Hamburg  for  Sweden  when  the  Duke 

'  It  was  about  this  time  that,  irritated  at  what  he  called  the  captive  Pope's  un- 
reasonable obstinacy,  Bonaparte  conceived,  and  somewhat  openly  expressed,  his 
notion  of  making  France  a  Protestant  country,  and  changing  the  religion  of  30,000,- 
000  of  people  by  an  Imperial  decree.  One  or  two  of  the  good  sayings  of  the  witty, 
accomplished,  and  chivalrous  Comte  Louis  de  Narbonne  have  already  been  given  in 
the  course  of  these  volumes.     The  following  is  another  of  them : — 

"I  tell  you  what  I  will  do,  Narbonne — I  tell  you  howl  will  vent  my  spite  on 
this  old  fool  of  a  Pope,  and  the  dotards  who  may  succeed  him,"  said  Napoleon  one 
day  at  the  Tuileries.  "  I  will  make  a  schism  as  great  as  that  of  Luther — I  will 
make  France  a  Protestant  country  !  " 

"  Sire,"  replied  the  Count,  "  I  see  difficulties  in  the  way  of  this  project.  In  the 
south,  in  the  Vendee,  in  nearly  all  the  west,  the  French  are  bigoted  Catholics  and 
even  what  little  religion  remains  among  us  in  our  cities  and  great  towns  is  of  the 
Roman  Church." 

"Never  mind,  Narbonne — never  mind  !  I  shall  at  least  carry  a  large  portion  of 
the  French  people  with  me— I  will  make  a  division." 

"Sire,"  replied  Narbonne,  "I  am  afraid  that  there  is  not  enough  religion  in  aU 
France  to  stand  division !  "—Editor  0/1836  edition. 


246         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1810. 

of  Holstein-Augustenburg  arrived.  The  Duke  was  ttie 
brother  of  the  last  Prince  Koyal  of  Sweden,  whom  Berna- 
dotte  was  called  to  succeed,  and  he  came  to  escort  his  sis- 
ter from  Altona  to  Denmark.  His  journey  had  been  re- 
tarded for  some  days  on  account  of  the  presence  of 
the  Prince  of  Ponte-Corvo  in  Hamburg  :  the  preference 
granted  to  Bernadotte  had  mortified  his  ambition,  and 
he  was  unwilling  to  come  in  contact  with  his  fortunate 
rival.  The  Duke  was  favoured  by  the  Emperor  of  Kus- 
sia. 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  in  Sweden  Bernadotte  directed 
his  aide  de  camp,  General  Gentil  de  St.  Alphonse,  to  inform 
me  of  his  safe  passage.  Shortly  after  I  received  a  letter 
from  Bernadotte  himself,  recommending  one  of  his  aides 
de  camp,  M.  Villatte,  who  was  the  beai-er  of  it.  This  let- 
ter contained  the  same  sentiments  of  friendship  as  those 
I  used  to  receive  from  General  Bernadotte,  and  formed 
a  contrast  with  the  correspondence  of  King  Jerome,  who 
when  he  wrote  to  me  assumed  the  regal  character,  and 
prayed  that  God  would  have  me  in  his  holy  keeping. 
However,  the  following  is  the  Prince  Eoyal's  letter  : — 

My  dear  Botjrrienne — I  have  directed  M.  Villatte  to  see  you 
on  his  way  through  Hamburg,  and  to  bear  my  friendly  remem- 
brances to  you.  Gentil  has  addressed  his  letter  to  you,  ■which  I 
suppose  you  have  already  received.  Adieu,  care  for  me  always, 
and  believe  in  the  unalterable  attachment  of  yours, 

(Signed)        Charles  John. 

P.S. — I  beg  you  will  present  my  compliments  to  madame  and  all 
your  family.     Embrace  my  little  cousin  for  me. 

The  little  cousin,  so  called  by  Bernadotte,  was  one  of 
my  daughters,  then  a  child,  whom  Bernadotte  used  to  be 
very  fond  of  while  he  was  at  Hambiirg. 

Departing  from  the  order  of  date,  I  will  anticipate  the 
future,  and  relate  all  I  know  respecting  the  real  causes  of 
the  misunderstandinsr  which  arose  between  Bernadotte 


1810.  THE  PRINCE  TO   THE  EMPEROR.  247 

and  Napoleon.  Bonaparte  viewed  the  choice  of  the 
Swedes  with  gTeat  displeasure,  because  he  was  well  aware 
that  Bernadotte  had  too  much  integrity  and  honour  to 
serve  him  in  the  north  as  a  political  puppet  set  in  motion 
by  means  of  strings  which  he  might  pull  at  Paris  or  at  his 
headquarters.  His  dissatisfaction  upon  this  point  occa- 
sioned an  interesting  correspondence,  part  of  which,  con- 
sisting of  letters  from  Bernadotte  to  the  Emperor,  is  in 
my  possession.  The  Emperor  had  allowed  Bernadotte  to 
retain  in  his  service,  for  a  year  at  least,  the  French  officers 
who  were  his  aides  de  camp  ;  but  that  permission  was  soon 
revoked,  and  the  Prince  Koyal  of  Sweden  wrote  to  Napo- 
leon the  following  letter  of  remonstrance  : — 

At  the  moment  when  I  was  about  to  address  my  thanks  to  your 
Majesty  for  your  kindness  in  continuing,  during  another  year,  the 
permission  you  granted  to  the  French  officers  who  accompanied  me 
to  Sweden,  I  learn  that  your  Majesty  has  revoked  that  favour. 
This  unexpected  disappointment,  and  in  fact  everything  that  I 
learn  from  Paris,  indicates  that  your  Majesty  is  not  well  disposed 
towards  me.  What  have  I  done  that  deserves  this  treatment  ?  I 
must  look  to  calumu}'  as  the  sole  cause.  In  the  new  position  in 
which  fortune  has  placed  me  I  am  doubtless  likely  to  be  more  than 
ever  exposed  to  calumny  if  I  do  not  find  a  defender  in  the  heart  of 
your  Majesty.  Whatever  may  be  said  to  you.  Sire,  I  beg  of  you  to 
believe  that  I  have  nothing  to  reproach  myself  with,  and  that  I  am 
entirely  devoted  to  your  person,  not  only  by  the  strength  of  old  ties 
but  by  an  unalterable  affection.  If  the  affairs  of  Sweden  do  not  go 
on  entirely  as  your  Majesty  wishes  it  is  solely  owing  to  the  Consti- 
tution. It  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  King  to  control  the  Constitu- 
tion, still  less  is  it  in  mine.  In  this  country  there  are  many  sepa- 
rate interests  to  be  united  into  one  great  national  interest ;  there  are 
four  orders  of  the  State  to  be  amalgamated  into  one  ;  and  it  is  only 
by  the  most  prudent  and  circumspect  conduct  that  I  can  hope  one 
day  to  ascend  the  throne  of  Sweden.  As  M.  Gentil  de  St.  Alphonse 
returns  to  France,  in  conformity  with  your  Majesty's  orders,  I  com- 
mission him  to  deliver  you  this  letter.  Your  Majesty  may  question 
him.  He  has  seen  everything,  and  he  will  be  able  to  explain  to 
your  Majesty  how  difficult  is  my  situation.  He  can  assure  your 
Majesty  how  a;ixions  I  am  to  please  you,  and  that  I  am  in  a  state 


248         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1810. 

of  continual  perplexity  between  my  new  duties  and  the  fear  of  dis- 
pleasing jou.  I  am  grieved  that  your  Majesty  should  withdraw 
the  officers  wliose  services  you  granted  me  for  a  year,  but  in  obedi- 
ence to  your  commands  I  send  tliem  back  to  France.  Perhaps 
your  Majesty  may  be  inclined  to  change  your  determination  ;  in 
wliich  case  I  beg  that  you  will  yourself  fix  the  number  of  officers  you 
may  think  proper  to  send  me.  I  shall  receive  them  with  gratitude. 
If,  on  the  contrary,  your  Majesty  should  retain  them  in  France,  I 
recommend  them  to  your  favour.  They  have  always  served  me 
well,  and  they  have  had  uo  share  in  the  rewards  which  were  dis- 
tributed after  the  last  campaign. 

Napoleon's  dissatisfaction  with  the  Prince  Royal  now 
changed  to  decided  resentment.  He  repented  having  ac- 
ceded to  his  departure  from  France,  and  he  made  no  se- 
cret of  his  sentiments,  for  he  said  before  his  courtiers, 
"  That  he  would  like  to  send  Bernadotte  to  Vincennes  to 
finish  his  study  of  the  Swedish  language."  Bernadotte 
was  informed  of  this,  but  he  could  not  believe  that  the 
Emperor  had  ever  entertained  such  a  design.  However, 
a  conspiracy  %ms  formed  in  Sweden  against  Bernadotte, 
whom  a  party  of  foreign  brigands  were  hired  to  kidnap  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Haga  ;  but  the  plot  was  discovered, 
and  the  conspirators  were  compelled  to  embark  without 
their  prey.*  The  Emperor  having  at  the  same  time  seized 
upon  Swedish  Pomerania,  the  Prince  Royal  wrote  him  a 
second  letter  in  these  terms  : — 

From  the  papers  which  have  just  arrived  I  learn  that  a  division 
of  the  army,  under  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  Eckmuhl,  in- 
vaded Swedish  Pomerania  on  the  night  of  the  26th  of  January  ; 
that  the  division  continued  to  advance,  entered  the  capital  of  the 
Duchy,  and  took  possession  of  the  island  of  Rugen.  The  King  ex- 
pects that  your  Majesty  will  explain  the  reasons  which  have  in- 
duced you  to  act  in  a  manner  so  contrary  to  the  faith  of  existing 
treaties.  My  old  connection  with  your  Majesty  warrants  me  in  re- 
questing you  to  declare  your  motives  without  delay,  in  order  that  I 

'  A  Swedish  gentleman  has  assured  us  that  these  brigands  were  in  the  pay  of  Bo- 
naparte.— Editor  of  1836  editiori. 


1810.         INVASION   OF  SWEDISH  POMERANIA.  249 

may  give  my  advice  to  the  King  as  to  the  conduct  which  Sweden 
ought  hereafter  to  adopt.  This  gratuitous  outrage  against  Sweden 
is  felt  deeply  by  the  nation,  and  still  more,  Sire,  by  me,  to  whom 
is  entrusted  the  honour  of  defending  it.  Though  I  have  contrib- 
uted to  the  triumphs  of  France,  though  I  have  always  desired  to  sea 
her  respected  and  happy  ;  yet  I  can  never  think  of  sacrificing  th^ 
interests,  honour,  and  independence  of  the  country  which  ha? 
adopted  me.  Your  Majesty,  who  has  so  ready  a  perception  of  wliaf 
is  just,  must  admit  the  propriety  of  my  resolution.  Though  I  am 
not  jealous  of  the  glor}'  and  power  which  surrounds  you,  I  cannot 
submit  to  the  dishonour  of  being  regarded  as  a  vassal.  Your  Maj- 
esty governs  the  greatest  part  of  Europe,  but  your  dominion  does 
not  extend  to  the  nation  which  I  have  been  called  to  govern;  my 
ambition  is  limited  to  the  defence  of  Sweden.  The  effect  produced 
upon  the  people  by  the  invasion  of  which  I  complain  may  lead  to 
consequences  which  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  ;  and  although  I  am 
not  a  Coriolanus,  and  do  not  command  the  Volsci,  I  have  a  suffi- 
ciently good  opinion  of  the  Swedes  to  assure  you  that  they  dare 
undertake  anything  to  avenge  insults  which  they  have  not  pro- 
voked, and  to  preserve  rights  to  which  they  are  as  much  attached 
as  to  their  lives. 

I  was  in  Paris  when  the  Emperor  received  Bernadotte's 
letter  on  the  occupation  of  Swedish  Pomerania.  When 
Bonaparte  read  it  I  was  informed  that  he  flew  into  a  vio- 
lent rage,  and  even  exclaimed,  "  You  shall  submit  to  your 
degradation,  or  die  sword  in  hand  !  "  But  his  rage  was 
impotent.  The  unexpected  occupation  of  Swedish  Pome- 
rania obliged  the  King  of  Sweden  to  come  to  a  decided 
rupture  with  France,  and  to  seek  other  allies,  for  Sweden 
was  not  strong  enough  in  herself  to  maintain  neutrality 
in  the  midst  of  the  general  conflagration  of  Europe  after 
the  disastrous  campaign  of  Moscow.  The  Prince  Royal, 
therefore,  declared  to  Russia  and  England  that  in  conse- 
quence of  the  unjust  invasion  of  Pomerania  Sweden  was 
at  war  with  France,  and  he  despatched  Comte  de  Lowen- 
hjelm,  the  King's  aide  de  camp,  with  a  letter  explanatory 
of  his  views.  Napoleon  sent  many  notes  to  Stockholm, 
where  M.  Alquier,  his  Ambassador,  according  to  his  in- 


250         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1810. 

structions,  had  maintained  a  haughty  and  even  insulting 
tone  towards  Sweden.  Napoleon's  overtures,  after  the 
manifestations  of  his  anger,  and  after  the  attempt  to  carry 
off  the  Prince  Royal,  which  could  be  attributed  only  to 
him,  were  considered  by  the  Prince  Royal  merely  as  a 
snare.  But  in  the  hope  of  reconciling  the  duties  he  owed 
to  both  his  old  and  his  new  country  he  addressed  to  the 
Emperor  the  following  firm  and  moderate  letter  : — 

I  have  received  some  notes,  tlie  contents  of  which  induce  me  to 
come  to  a  candid  explanation  with  jowr  Majesty.  When  by  the 
wish  of  the  Swedish  people,  I  was  called  to  the  succession  of  the 
throne,  I  hoped,  on  quitting  France,  that  I  should  always  be  able  to 
reconcile  my  personal  affections  with  the  interests  of  my  new  coun- 
try. My  heart  cherished  the  hope  that  I  could  identify  myself  with 
the  affections  of  this  people  and  at  the  same  time  preserve  the 
recollection  of  my  early  connections,  and  never  lose  sight  of  the 
glory  of  France,  nor  of  ray  sincere  attachment  to  your  Majesty, 
an  attachment  founded  on  our  fraternity  in  arms,  which  was  dis- 
tinguished by  so  many  great  actions.  Full  of  this  hope  I  ar- 
rived in  Sweden.  I  found  a  nation  generally  attached  to  France, 
but  more  jealous  of  their  own  liberty  and  laws,  anxious  for  your 
friendship,  Sire,  but  not  wishing  to  purchase  it  at  the  expense  of 
honour  and  independence.  Your  Majesty's  Ambassador  thought 
proper  to  disregard  this  national  feeling,  and  has  ruined  all  by  his 
arrogance.  His  communications  bore  no  trace  of  the  respect  due 
from  one  crowned  head  to  another.  In  fulfilling,  according  to  the 
dictates  of  his  own  passions,  your  Majesty's  intentions.  Baron 
Alquier  spoke  like  a  Roman  Proconsul,  forgetting  that  he  did  not 
address  himself  to  slaves.  This  Ambassador  was  the  cause  of  the 
distrust  which  Sweden  began  to  entertain  respecting  your  Majesty's 
intentions,  and  which  subsequent  events  were  calculated  to  confirm. 
I  have  already  had  the  honour,  Sire,  in  my  letters  of  19th  November 
and  8th  December  1810,  to  make  your  Majesty  acquainted  with  the 
situation  of  Sweden,  and  her  wish  to  find  a  protector  in  your 
Majesty.  She  could  only  attribute  your  Majesty's  silence  to  an  un- 
merited indifference,  and  it  became  her  duty  to  take  precautious 
against  the  storm  which  was  ready  to  burst  upon  the  Continent. 
Sire,  mankind  have  already  suffered  too  mvach ;  during  twenty 
years  the  world  has  been  deluged  with  blood,  and  all  that  is  neces- 
sary to  raise  your  Majesty's  glory  to  the  highest  pitcli  is  to  put  a 


1810.         THE  rRmCESS  ROYAL   OF  SWEDEN.  251 

period  to  these  disasters.  If  your  Majesty  wishes  the  King  shol^ld 
give  the  Emperor  Alexander  to  understand  that  there  is  a  possibilitj' 
of  reconciliation  I  liave  sufficient  faith  in  the  magnanimity  of  that 
monarch  to  venture  to  assure  you  that  he  will  readily  listen  to  over- 
tures which  would  be  at  once  equitable  for  your  Empire  and  for 
the  North.  If  an  event  so  unexpected,  and  so  generally  desired, 
should  take  place,  what  blessings  would  the  people  of  the  Continent 
invoke  for  your  Majesty  !  Their  gratitude  would  be  increased  in 
proportion  to  the  fear  now  entertained  of  the  return  of  a  scourge 
which  has  already  made  such  cruel  ravages.  One  of  the  happiest 
moments  I  have  known  since  I  quitted  France  was  that  in  which  I 
was  assured  that  your  Majesty  had  not  entirely  forgotten  me.  You 
have  truly  divined  my  sentiments.  You  have  perceived  how 
deeply  they  would  be  wounded  by  the  painful  prospect  of  either 
seeing  the  interests  of  Sweden  separated  from  those  of  France,  or  of 
finding  myself  compelled  to  sacriiice  the  interests  of  a  country  by 
which  I  have  been  adopted  with  such  unlimited  confidence.  Sire, 
although  a  Swede  by  the  obligations  of  honour,  duty,  and  religion, 
yet  by  feeling  I  am  still  identified  with  France,  my  native  coiintry, 
which  I  have  always  faithfully  served  from  my  boyhood.  Every 
step  I  take  in  Sweden,  and  the  homage  I  receive  here,  revive  those 
recollections  of  glory  to  which  I  chiefly  owe  my  elevation,  and  I 
cannot  disguise  from  myself  the  fact  that  Sweden,  in  choosing  me, 
intended  to  pay  a  tribute  of  esteem  to  the  French  people. 

This  letter  throws  great  light  on  the  conduct  of  the 
Emperor  with  respect  to  Bernadotte  ;  for  Napoleon  was 
not  the  man  whom  any  one  whatever  would  have  ventured 
to  remind  of  facts,  the  accuracy  of  which  was  in  the  least 
degree  questionable.  Such  then  were  the  relations  be- 
tween Napoleon  and  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden.  When 
I  shall  bring  to  light  some  curious  secrets,  which  have 
hitherto  been  veiled  beneath  the  mysteries  of  the  Restora- 
tion, it  will  be  seen  by  what  means  Napoleon,  before  his 
fall,  again  sought  to  wreak  his  vengeance  upon  Bernadotte. 

On  the  4th  of  December  I  had  the  honour  to  see  the 
Princess  Royal  of  Sweden,  who  arrived  that  day  at  Ham- 
burg.'    She  merely  passed  through  the  city  on  her  way 

1  Madame  Bernadotte,  afterwards  Queen  of  Sweden,  was  a  Alademoiselle  Clary, 
and  younger  sister  to  the  wife  of  Joseph  Bonaparte :  hence  the  relationship  with 


252         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEOI^  BONAPARTE.       1810. 

to  Stockholm  to  join  her  husband,  but  she  remained  but 
a  short  time  in  Sweden, — two  months,  I  believe,  at  most, 
not  being  able  to  reconcile  herself  to  the  ancient  Scandi- 
navia. As  to  the  Prince  Royal,  he  soon  became  inured  to 
the  climate,  having  been  for  many  years  employed  in  the 
north. 

After  this  my  stay  at  Hamburg  was  not  of  long  dura- 
tion. Bonaparte's  passion  for  territorial  aggrandisement 
knew  no  bounds,  and  the  turn  of  the  Hanse  Towns  now 
arrived.  By  taking  possession  of  these  towns  and  terri- 
tories he  merely  accomplished  a  design  formed  long 
previously.  I,  however,  was  recalled  with  many  compli- 
ments, and  under  the  specious  pretext  that  the  Emperor 
wished  to  hear  my  opinions   respecting   the   country  in 

Bonaparte  of  which  Bernandotte  speaks.  Monsieur  Clary,  the  father  of  these  two 
Queens,  was  a  very  respectable  merchant  at  Marseilles.  The  following  anecdote 
we  have  had  from  a  near  connection  of  the  family.  At  a  humble  stage  of  his  fort- 
unes Napoleon  sought  the  hand  of  Madame  Bern.adotte,  his  brother  Joseph  having 
already  married  her  elder  sister.  But  Monsieur  Clary  would  not  hear  of  the 
match.  "  Pa.s  de  tout — No,  no,"  said  he,  "one  poor  Bonaparte  in  my  family  is 
quite  enough!"  Joseph,  the  to-be-hereafter  King  of  Naples,  and  of  Spain  and  the 
Indies,  was  then  fagging  in  Clary's  counting-house  at  invoices  and  bills  of  sales  !  It 
was  .some  years  later  that  Bernadotte  obtained  the  hand  of  the  young  lady  which 
had  been  refused  to  Napoleon.  Madame  Bernadotte  (we  speak  from  personal  knowl- 
edge) was,  even  when  she  had  become  a  Queen,  a  kind-hearted,  amiable  woman, 
with  a  few  eccentricities  of  character  and  conduct.  The  reader  may  find  a  very  in- 
teresting sketch  of  her  Swedish  Majesty  in  the  Memoir's  of  the  Duchesne  cCAbrantes. 

In  the  operatic  company  of  the  theatre  San  Carlo,  at  Naples,  there  was  a  poor 
French  danseuse,  sufficiently  passee  and  miserable,  who,  in  the  vicissitudes  of  time 
and  fortune,  had  almost  sunk  into  the  subordinate  rank  of  a  mere  figurante.  Some 
quarter  of  a  century  before  the  time  when  we  first  knew  her  this  woman  had  been 
the  much-loved  mistress  of  the  King  of  Sweden— then  Lieutenant  Bernadotte  of  the 
French  Republican  Army.  In  the  ardour  of  his  affection  Bernadotte  proposed  mar- 
riage, but  the  condition  and  prospects  of  the  parties  were  considered  by  Mademoi- 
selle as  too  unequal.  "  No,  no,"  said  she,  "  I  am  improving — I  am  getting  on  in 
my  profession — I  may  make  a  fortune,  and  you.  cMr  Bernadotte,  though  a  good 
fellow  enough,  are  only  apaitvre  soldat.''''  We  have  heard  Mademoiselle  say  twenty 
times,  "Only  see  what  is  destiny!  At  this  hour  I  might  have  been  Queen  of 
Sweden,  instead  of  being  obliged  to  kick  my  heels  about  here  for  fifteen  ducats  a 
month  !  "  (fifteen  Neapolitan  ducats,  or  about  £2  :  10s.  English  money).  The  story 
was  universally  known  at  Naples,  and  her  companions  on  the  boards  almost  invari- 
ably called  her,  in  jest,  the  Queen  of  Sweden,  or  Your  Majesty.  We  left  her 
Majesty  at  Naples  in  the  year  1827. 

The  whole  story  would  have  been  an  incident  for  Candide,  or  the  best  of  Voltaire's 
cynical  novels. — Editor  0/1836  edition. 


1810.  RECALL   OF  BOURRIENNE.  253 

which  I  had  been  residing.  At  the  beginning  of  Decem- 
ber I  received  a  letter  from  M.  de  Champagny  stating 
that  the  Emperor  wished  to  see  me  in  order  to  consult 
with  me  upon  different  things  relating  to  Hamburg.  In 
this  note  I  was  told  "  that  the  information  I  had  obtained 
respecting  Hamburg  and  the  north  of  Germany  might 
be  useful  to  the  public  interest,  which  must  be  the  most 
gratifying  reward  of  my  labours."  The  reception  which 
awaited  me  will  presently  be  seen.  The  conclusion  of  the 
letter  spoke  in  very  flattering  terms  of  the  manner  in 
which  I  had  discharged  my  duties.  I  received  it  on  the 
8th  of  December,  and  next  day  I  set  out  for  Paris. 
When  I  arrived  at  Mayence  I  was  enabled  to  form  a  cor- 
rect idea  of  the  fine  compliments  which  had  been  paid  me, 
and  of  the  Emperor's  anxiety  to  have  my  opinion  re- 
specting the  Hanse  Towns.  In  Mayence  I  met  the  courier 
who  was  proceeding  to  announce  the  union  of  the  Hanse 
Towns  with  the  French  Empire.  I  confess  that,  notwith- 
standing the  experience  I  had  acquired  of  Bonaparte's 
duplicity,  or  rather,  of  the  infinite  multiplicity  of  his 
artifices,  he  completely  took  me  by  surprise  on  that  oc- 
casion. 

On  my  arrival  in  Paris  I  did  not  see  the  Emperor,  but 
the  first  Moniteur  I  read  contained  the  formula  of  a 
Senatus-consuUe,^  which  united  the  Hanse  Towns,  Lauen- 
burg,  etc.,  to  the  French  Empire  by  the  right  of  the 
strongest.  This  new  and  important  augmentation  of 
territory  could  not  fail  to  give  uneasiness  to  Eussia, 
Alexander  manifested  his  dissatisfaction  by  prohibiting 
the  importation  of  our  agricultural  produce  and  manu- 
factures into  Russia.     Finally,  as  the  Continental  system 

'  On  the  13th  of  December  1810  a  Senatus-cotuulte  annexed  Holland,  the  Hanse 
Towns  (Hamburg,  Bremen,  and  Liibeck),  Lauenburg,  Oldenburg,  and  the  north  of 
Germany,  above  a  line  drawn  eastward  from  the  junction  of  the  Rhine  and  the 
Lippe.  etc.,  to  the  Baltic.  This,  with  previous  annexations  and  conquests,  gave 
Napoleon  the  whole  coast-line  of  the  Continent,  except  Russia,  Turkey,  Portugal, 
and  the  parts  of  Spain  not  occupied  by  his  troops.  It  gave,  however,  deep  and  final 
offence  to  Russia,  whose  royal  house  was  connected  with  that  of  Oldenburg. 


254         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1810. 


had  destroyed  all  trade  by  the  ports  of  the  Baltic,  Russia 
showed  herself  more  favourable  to  the  English,  and 
gradually  reciprocal  complaints  of  bad  faith  led  to  that 
war  whose  unfortunate  issue  was  styled  by  M.  Talleyrand 
"  the  beginning  of  the  end." 

I  have  now  to  make  the  reader  acquainted  with  an  ex- 
traordinary demand  made  upon  me  by  the  Emperor 
through  the  medium  of  M.  de  Champagny.  In  one  of  my 
first  interviews  with  that  Minister  after  my  return  to  Paris 
he  thus  addressed  me  :  "The  Emperor  has  entrusted  me 
with  a  commission  to  you  which  I  am  obliged  to  execute. 
'AVhen  you  see  Bourrienne,'  said  the  Emperor,  'tell  him 
I  vv'ish  him  to  pay  6,000,000  into  your  chest  to  defray  the 
expense  of  building  the  new  Office  for  Foreign  Affairs.'" 
I  was  so  astonished  at  this  unfeeling  and  inconsiderate 
demand  that  I  was  utterly  unable  to  make  any  reply. 
This  then  was  my  recompense  for  having  obtained  money 
and  supplies  during  my  residence  at  Hamburg  to  the  ex- 
tent of  nearly  100,000,000,  by  which  his  treasury  and  army 
had  profited  in  moments  of  difficulty  !  M.  de  Champagny 
added  that  the  Emperor  did  not  wish  to  receive  me.  He 
asked  what  answer  he  should  bear  to  his  Majesty.  I  still 
remained  silent,  and  the  Minister  again  urged  me  to  give 
an  answer.  "  Well,  then,"  said  I,  "  tell  him  he  may  go  to 
the  devil."  The  Minister  naturallj'  wished  to  obtain  some 
variation  from  this  laconic  answer,  but  I  would  give  no 
other  ;  and  I  afterwards  learned  from  Duroc  that  M.  de 
Champagny  was  compelled  to  communicate  it  to  Napoleon. 
"  Well,"  asked  the  latter,  ''  have  you  seen  Bourrienne  ?  " — 
"Yes,  Sire." — "Did  you  tell  him  I  wished  him  to  jxay 
6,000,000  into  your  chest  ?  "—"Yes,  Sire."— "And  what 
did  he  say?" — "Sire,  I  dare  not  inform  your  Majesty. 
.  .  ." — "What  did  he  say?  I  insist  upon  knowing." 
— "  Since  you  insist  on  my  telHng  you.  Sire,  M.  de 
Bourrienne  said  your  Majesty  might  go  to — the  devil." — ■ 
"  Ah  !  ah !  did  he  really  say  so?"     The  Emperor  then  re 


1810.  EXTORTIONATE  DEMANDS.  255 

tired  to  the  recess  of  a  window,  where  he  remained  alone 
for  seven  or  eight  minutes,  biting  his  nails,  in  the  fashion 
of  Berthier,  and  doubtless  giving  free  scope  to  his  projects 
of  vengeance.  He  then  turned  to  the  Minister  and  spoke 
to  him  of  quite  another  subject.  Bonaparte  had  so  nursed 
himself  in  the  idea  of  making  me  pay  the  6,000,000  that 
every  time  he  passed  the  Office  for  Foreign  Affairs  he  said 
to  those  who  accompanied  him,  "  Bourrienne  must  pay  for 
that  after  all."  ' 

Though  I  was  not  admitted  to  the  honour  of  sharing 
the  splendour  of  the  Imperial  Court,  yet  I  had  the  satis- 
faction of  finding  that,  in  spite  of  my  disgrace,  those  of 
my  old  friends  v/ho  were  worth  anything  evinced  the  same 
regard  for  me  as  heretofore.  I  often  saw  Duroc,  who 
snatched  some  moments  from  his  more  serious  occupa- 
tions to  come  and  chat  with  me  respecting  all  that  had 
occurred  since  my  secession  from  Bonaparte's  cabinet.  I 
shall  not  attempt  to  give  a  verbatim  account  of  my  con- 
versations with  Duroc,  as  I  have  only  my  memory  to 
guide  me  ;  but  I  believe  I  shall  not  depart  from  the  truth 
in  describing  them  as  follows  :— 

On  his  return  from  the  last  Austrian  campaign  Napo- 
leon, as  I  have  already  stated,  proceeded  to  Fontainebleau, 

'  This  demand  of  money  from  Bourrienne  is  explained  in  Erreurs  (tome  IL  p. 
225)  by  the  son  of  Davoust.  Bourrienne  had  been  suspected  by  Napoleon  of  making 
large  sums  at  Hamburg  by  allowing  breaches  of  the  Continental  system.  In  one 
letter  to  Davoust  Napoleon  speaks  of  an  "  immense  fortune,"  and  in  another,  that 
Bourrienne  is  reported  to  have  gained  seven  or  eight  millions  at  Hamburg  in  giving 
licences  or  making  arbitrary  seizures.  Napoleon  also  asks  for  information  about 
several  millions  said  to  have  been  paid  to  some  Frenchmen  by  the  Senate  of  Ham- 
burg. The  rephes  given  to  these  questions  were  so  unsatisfactory  that  Bourrienne 
was  recalled,  and  the  inciulry  into  his  conduct  was  continued  for  some  time  without 
positive  re.sult.  That  Napoleon  claimed  restitution  is  most  probable,  but  Bourrienne, 
who  did  not  venture  upon  any  public  familiarity  in  1787,  would  not  have  dared  to 
make  the  reply  he  reports  in  ISIO.  It  is  to  the  Emperor's  inquiries  teing  directed  to 
Davoust  that  is  owing  the  attack  made  on  the  Marshal  farther  on.  Bourrieune's 
position  was  one  of  great  temptation,  but  an  honest  man  should  have  had  no 
difficulty  in  clearing  himself.  The  correspondence  is  significant,  as  showing  how  far 
the  Emperor  was  from  p(a-.aitting  the  illegal  requisitions  too  often  made  by  his 
officers,  and  how  difficult  it  was  to  stop  or  punish  them.  Part  of  the  ill-will  of  many 
officers  in  1814  is  attributed  to  the  severity  with  which  Napoleon  was  following  up 
their  robberies. 


256         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1810. 

where  he  was  jomed  by  Josephine.  Then,  for  the  first 
time,  the  communication  which  had  always  existed  be- 
tween the  apartments  of  the  husband  and  wife  was  closed. 
Josephine  was  fully  alive  to  the  fatal  prognostics  which 
were  to  be  deduced  from  this  conjugal  separation.  Duroc 
informed  me  that  she  sent  for  him,  and  on  entering  her 
chamber,  he  found  her  bathed  in  tears.  "  I  am  lost !  "  she 
exclaimed  in  a  tone  of  voice  the  remembrance  of  which 
seemed  sensibly  to  affect  Duroc  even  while  relating  the 
circumstance  to  me  :  "  I  am  utterly  lost !  all  is  over 
now !  You,  Duroc,  I  know,  have  always  been  my  friend, 
and  so  has  Rapp.  It  is  not  you  who  have  persuaded 
liim  to  part  from  me.  This  is  the  work  of  my  enemies 
Savary  and  Junot  !  But  they  are  more  his  enemies 
than  mine.  And  my  poor  Eugene  !  how  will  he  be  dis- 
tressed when  he  learns  I  am  repudiated  by  an  ungrate- 
ful man  !  .  .  .  Yes,  Duroc,  I  may  truly  call  him  un- 
grateful. .  .  .  My  God  !  my  God  !  what  will  become 
of  us  ?  "  .  .  .  Josephine  sobbed  bitterly  while  she  thus 
addressed  Duroc. 

Before  I  was  acquainted  with  the  singular  demand  which 
M.  de  Champagny  was  instructed  to  make  to  me  I  re- 
quested Duroc  to  inquire  of  the  Emperor  his  reason  for 
not  wishing  to  see  me.  The  Grand  Marshal  faithfully  ex- 
ecuted my  commission,  but  he  received  only  the  following 
answer  :  "  Do  you  think  I  have  nothing  better  to  do  than 
to  give  Bourrienne  an  audience  ?  that  would  indeed  fur- 
nish gossip  for  Paris  and  Hamburg.  He  has  always  sided 
with  the  emigrants  ;  he  would  be  talking  to  me  of  past 
times  ;  he  was  for  Josephine !  My  wife,  Duroc,  is  near 
her  confinement  ;  I  shall  have  a  son,  I  am  sure !  .  .  . 
Bourrienne  is  not  a  man  of  the  day  ;  I  have  made  giant 
strides  since  he  left  France  ;  in  short,  I  do  not  want  to  see 
him.  He  is  a  grumbler  by  nature  ;  and  you  know,  my 
dear  Duroc,  I  do  not  like  men  of  that  sort." 

I  had  not  been  above  a  week  in  Paris  when  Duroc  re- 


1810.  THE  EX-EMPRESS.  257 

lated  this  speecb  to  me.  Rapp  was  not  in  France  at  the 
time,  to  my  great  regret.  Much  against  his  inchnation  he 
had  been  appointed  to  some  duties  connected  with  the 
Imperial  marriage  ceremonies,  but  shortly  aftei*,  having 
given  offence  to  Napoleon  by  some  observation  relating  to 
the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  he  had  received  orders  to  repair 
to  Dantzic,  of  which  place  he  had  already  been  Governor. 
The  Emi^eror's  refusal  to  see  me  made  my  situation  in 
Paris  extremely  delicate  ;  and  I  was  at  first  in  doubt 
whether  I  might  seek  an  interview  with  Josephine.  Duroc, 
however,  having  assured  me  that  Napoleon  would  have  no 
objection  to  it,  I  wrote  requesting  permission  to  wait  upon 
her.  I  received  an  answer  the  same  day,  and  on  the  mor- 
row I  repaired  to  Malmaison.  I  was  ushered  into  the  tent 
drawing-room,  where  I  found  Josephine  and  Hortense. 
When  I  entered  Josephine  stretched  out  her  hand  to  me, 
saying,  "  Ah  !  my  friend !  "  These  words  she  pronounced 
with  deep  emotion,  and  tears  prevented  her  from  continu- 
ing. She  threw  herself  on  the  ottoman  on  the  left  of  the 
fireplace,  and  beckoned  me  to  sit  down  beside  her.  Hor- 
tense stood  by  the  fireplace,  endeavouring  to  conceal  her 
tears.  Josephine  took  my  hand,  which  she  pressed  in 
both  her  own  ;  and,  after  a  struggle  to  overcome  her  feel- 
ings, she  said,  "  My  dear  Bourriene,  I  have  drained  my  cup 
of  misery.  He  has  cast  me  off !  forsaken  me  !  He  con- 
ferred upon  me  the  vain  title  of  Empress  only  to  render 
my  fall  the  more  marked.  Ah  !  we  judged  him  rightly !  I 
knew  the  destiny  that  awaited  me  ;  for  what  would  he  not 
saci'ifice  to  his  ambition  ! "  As  she  finished  these  words 
one  of  Queen  Hortense's  ladies  entered  with  a  message  to 
her  ;  Hortense  stayed  a  few  moments,  apparently  to  re- 
cover from  the  emotion  under  which  she  was  labouring, 
and  then  withdrew,  so  that  I  was  left  alone  with  Joseph- 
ine. She  seemed  to  wish  for  the  relief  of  disclosing  her 
sorrows,  which  I  was  curious  to  hear  from  her  own  lips ; 
women  have  such  a  striking  way  of  telling  their  distresses. 
Vol.  III.— 17 


258         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1810. 


Josephine  confirmed  what  Duroc  had  told  me  respecting 
the  two  apartments  at  Fontainebleau ;  then,  coming  to 
the  period  when  Bonaparte  had  declared  to  her  the  neces- 
sity of  a  separation,  she  said,  "My  dear  Bourrienne,  during 
all  the  years  you  were  with  us  you  know  I  made  you  the 
confidant  of  my  thoughts,  and  kept  you  acquainted  with 
my  sad  forebodings.  They  are  now  cruelly  fulfilled.  I 
acted  the  jDart  of  a  good  wife  to  the  very  last.  I  have  suf- 
fered all,  and  I  am  resigned  !  .  .  .  What  fortitude  did 
it  require  latterly  to  endure  my  situation,  when,  though  no 
longer  his  wife,  I  was  obliged  to  seem  so  in  the  eyes  of 
the  world  !  With  what  eyes  do  courtiers  look  upon  a  re- 
pudiated wife  !  I  was  in  a  state  of  vague  uncertainty  worse 
than  death  until  the  fatal  day  when  he  at  length  avowed 
to  me  what  I  had  long  before  read  in  his  looks !  On  the 
30th  of  November  1809  we  were  dining  together  as  usual, 
I  had  not  uttered  a  word  during  that  sad  dinner,  and  he 
had  broken  silence  only  to  ask  one  of  the  servants  what 
o'clock  it  was.  As  soon  as  Bonaparte  had  taken  his  coffee 
he  dismissed  all  the  attendants,  and  I  remained  alone  with 
him.  I  saw  in  the  expression  of  his  countenance  what  Avas 
passing  in  his  mind,  and  I  knew  that  my  hoiu-  was  come. 
He  stepped  up  to  me — he  was  trembling,  and  I  shuddered ; 
he  took  my  hand,  pressed  it  to  his  heart,  and  after  gazing 
at  me  for  a  few  moments  in  silence  he  uttered  these  fatal 
woi'ds :  '  Josejihine !  my  dear  Josephine !  You  know  how  I 
have  loved  you  !  ...  To  you,  to  you  alone,  I  owe  the  only 
moments  of  happiness  I  have  tasted  in  this  world.  But, 
Josephine,  my  destiny  is  not  to  be  controlled  by  my  will. 
My  dearest  affections  must  yield  to  the  interests  of  France.' 
— 'Say  no  moi'e,' I  exclaimed,  'I  understand  you;  I  ex- 
pected this,  but  the  blow  is  not  the  less  mortal.'  I  could 
not  say  another  word,"  continued  Josephine  ;  "  I  know  not 
what  happened  after  I  seemed  to  lose  my  reason  ;  I  became 
insensible,  and  when  I  recovered  I  found  myself  in  my 
chamber.     Your  friend  Corvisart  and  my  poor  daughter 


1810.  GRIEF  OF  JOSEPHINE.  259 

were  with  me.  Bonaparte  came  to  see  me  in  the  evening; 
and  oh  !  Bourrienne,  how  can  I  describe  to  you  what  I  felt 
at  the  sight  of  him  ;  even  the  interest  he  evinced  for  me 
seemed  an  additional  crueltj'.  Alas!  I  had  good  reason 
to  fear  ever  becoming  an  Empress  !  " 

I  knew  not  what  consolation  to  offer  to  Josephine  ;  and 
knowing  as  I  did  the  natural  lightness  of  her  character,  I 
should  have  been  sui*prised  to  find  her  grief  so  acute, 
after  the  lapse  of  a  year,  had  I  not  been  aware  that  there 
are  certain  chords  which,  when  struck,  do  not  speedily 
cease  to  vibrate  in  the  heart  of  a  woman.  I  sincerely 
pitied  Josephine,  and  among  all  the  things  I  said  to  as- 
suage her  sorrow,  the  consolation  to  which  she  appeared 
most  sensible  was  the  reprobation  which  public  opinion 
had  pronounced  on  Bonaparte's  divorce,  and  on  this  sub- 
ject I  said  nothing  but  the  truth,  for  Josephine  was  gen- 
erally beloved.  I  reminded  her  of  a  prediction  I  had 
made  under  happier  circumstances,  viz.  on  the  day  that 
she  came  to  visit  us  in  our  little  house  at  Ruel.  "My 
dear  friend,"  said  she,  "I  have  not  forgotten  it,  and  I 
have  often  thought  of  all  you  then  said.  For  my  part,  I 
knew  he  was  lost  from  the  day  he  made  himself  Emperor. 
Adieu  !  Bourrienne,  come  and  see  me  soon  again  ;  come 
often,  for  we  have  a  great  deal  to  talk  about ;  you  know 
how  happy  I  always  am  to  see  you."  Such  was,  to  the 
best  of  my  recollection,  what  passed  at  my  first  interview 
with  Josephine  after  my  return  from  Hamburg. 


960  1811 


CHAPTEK  XXIV. 

1811. 

AiTest  of  La  Sahla — My  visit  to  him — His  confinement  at  Vincennes — 
Subseqiaent  history  of  La  Sahla — His  second  journey  to  France — De- 
tonating powder — Plot  hatched  against  me  by  the  Prince  of  Eckmuhl 
— Friendly  offices  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo — Bugbears  of  the  police — 
Savary,  Minister  of  Police. 

I  HAD  been  iu  Paris  about  two  months  when  a  young  man 
of  the  name  of  La  Sahla  was  arrested  on  the  suspicion  of 
having  come  from  Saxony  to  attempt  the  life  of  the  Em- 
peror. La  Sahla  informed  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  then  Min- 
ister of  the  Police,  that  he  wished  to  see  me,  assigning  as 
a  reason  for  this  the  reputation  I  had  left  behind  me  in 
German3\  The  Emperor,.  I  presume,  had  no  objection  to 
the  interview,  for  I  received  an  invitation  to  visit  the 
prisoner.  I  accordingly  repaired  to  the  branch  office  of 
the  Minister  of  the  Police,  in  the  Rue  des  St.  Peres,  where 
I  was  introduced  to  a  young  man  between  seventeen  and 
eighteen  years  of  age. 

My  conversation  with  the  young  man,  whose  uncle  was, 
I  believe.  Minister  to  the  King  of  Saxony,  interested  me 
greatly  in  his  behalf  ;  I  determined,  if  possible,  to  save  La 
Sahla,  and  I  succeeded.  I  proceeded  immediately  to  the 
Due  de  Rovigo,  and  I  convinced  him  that  under  the  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  it  was  important  to  make  it  be  be- 
lieved that  the  young  man  was  insane.  I  observed  that  if 
he  were  brought  before  a  court  he  would  repeat  all  that 
he  had  stated  to  me,  and  probably  enter  into  disclosures 
which  might  instigate  fresh  attempts  at  assassination. 
Perhaps  an  avenger  of  La  Sahla  might  rise  up  amongst 


1811.     CONSPIRACIES  AGAINST  THE  EMPEROR.        261 

the  students  of  Leipzig,  at  which  university  he  had  spent 
his  youth.  These  reasons,  together  with  others,  had  the 
success  I  hoped  for.  The  Emperor  afterwards  acknowl- 
edged the  prudent  course  which  had  been  adopted  re- 
specting La  Sabla  ;  when  speaking  at  St.  Helena  of  the 
conspiracies  against  his  Hfe  he  said,  "  I  carefull}^  concealed 
all  that  I  could."  ' 

Li  conformity  with  my  advice  La  Sahla  was  sent  to  Viu- 
cennes,  where  he  remained  until  the  end  of  March  1814. 
He  was  then  removed  to  the  castle  of  Saumur,  from  which 
he  was  liberated  at  the  beginning  of  April.  I  had  heard 
nothing  of  him  for  three  years,  when  one  day,  shortly  after 
the  Restoration,  whilst  sitting  at  breakfast  with  my  fam- 
ily at  my  house  in  the  Rue  Hauteville,  I  heard  an  extraor- 
dinary noise  in  the  antechamber,  and  before  I  had  time 
to  ascertain  its  cause  I  found  myself  in  the  arms  of  a  young 
man,  who  embraced  me  with  extraordinary  ardour.  It 
was  La  Sahla.  He  was  in  a  transport  of  gratitude  and  joy 
at  his  liberation,  and  at  the  accomplishment  of  the  events 
which  he  had  wished  to  accelerate  by  assassination.  La 
Sahla  returned  to  Saxony  and  I  saw  no  more  of  him,  but 
while  I  was  in  Hamburg  in  1815,  whither  I  was  sent  by 
Louis  XVni.,  I  learned  that  on  the  5th  of  June  a  violent 
explosion  was  heard  in  the  Chamber  of  Representatives  at 
Paris,  which  was  at  first  supposed  to  be  a  clap  of  thunder, 
but  was  soon  ascertained  to  have  been  occasioned  by  a 
young  Saxon  having  fallen  with  a  packet  of  detonating- 
powder  in  his  pocket. 

On  receiving  this  intelligence  I  imagined,  I  know  not 
why,  that  this  young  Saxon  was  La  Sahla,  and  that  he  had 
probably  intended  to  blow  up  Napoleon  and  even  the  Leg- 

*  This  statement  of  Boun-ienne  is  worth  remarking  as  an  unconscious  refutation 
of  the  wild  stories  of  the  secret  executions  of  the  Empire.  We  find  a  man  well  ac- 
quainted with  all  the  movements  of  the  administration  taking  it  for  granted  that  an 
intended  assassin  would  be  publicly  tried  as  a  matter  of  course  if  he  himself  did  not 
suggest  other  treatment.  The  case  is  the  more  noteworthy  as  Napoleon  wasan-^rious 
to  hush  up  such  attempts.  The  non-disappearance  of  this  man  may  well  answer  all 
the  absurd  calumnien  about  the  death  of  Captain  Wright,  etc. 


262         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

islative  Body  ;  but  I  liave  since  ascertained  that  I  was 
under  a  mistake  as  to  his  intentions.  My  knowledge  of 
La  Sahla's  candour  induces  me  to  believe  the  truth  of  his 
declarations  to  the  police  ;  and  if  there  be  any  inaccura- 
cies in  the  report  of  these  declarations  I  do  not  hesitate  to 
attribute  them  to  the  police  itself,  of  which  Fouche  was 
the  head  at  the  period  in  question.  The  following  is  the 
account  of  the  event  above  mentioned,  which  appears  to 
be  accurate,  Avith  the  exception  of  the  conclusion  : — 

During  the  sitting  of  the  Chamber  of  Representatives,  abont  half- 
past  one  o'clock,  a  violent  explosion  took  place,  which  was  at  first 
supposed  to  be  a  clap  of  thunder.  The  following  are  the  particulars 
connected  with  the  circumstance  : — A  Saxon,  about  twenty-eight 
years  of  age,  who  is  said  to  belong  to  a  family  of  distinction,  had  in 
his  coat-pocket  about  four  ounces  of  detonating  powder.  He  had 
come  in  a  carriage  to  the  Chamber  of  the  Legislative  Body.  He 
entered  the  hall,  but  left  it  soon  after,  and  at  the  corner  of  the  Rue 
de  Bourgogne  his  foot  slipped,  and  he  fell  upon  the  packet  of  deto- 
nating powder.  A  violent  explosion  was  the  consequence  ;  his  coat 
and  pantaloons  were  torn,  and  himself  dreadfully  mutilated.  None 
of  the  passers-by  were  hurt  He  was  conveyed  in  this  state  to  the 
Prefecture  of  the  Police,  where  he  was  interrogated.  He  described 
himself  to  be  Baron  La  Sahla,  and  is,  we  are  told,  of  a  rich  and  dis- 
tinguished family. 

Some  years  since  he  came  to  France  with  the  intention  of  assas- 
sinating or  poisoning  the  Emperor.  He  was  arrested  and  confined 
at  first  in  the  fortress  of  Vincennes,  and  afterwards  removed  to  the 
castle  of  Saumur.  Shortly  after  the  entrance  of  the  Allies  into 
Paris  he  was  liberated,  and  returned  to  his  own  country.  The  Em- 
peror having  re-ascended  the  throne,  he  determined  to  return  to 
France.  He  does  not  deny  having  formerl}'  entertained  the  design 
of  killing  the  Emperor,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  oppressor  of  Ger- 
many- ;  but  that  oppression  having  ceased,  his  feelings  of  hatred 
towards  the  author  have  also  disappeared.  The  spoliations  com- 
mitted upon  Saxony  by  the  Congress,  and  particularly  by  the  Prus- 
sians, exasperated  him  greatly  against  the  latter,  and  when  he  heard 
of  the  Emperor's  landing,  and  the  fortunate  issue  of  his  enterprise, 
he  beheld  in  him,  liencefortli,  the  liberator  of  liis  unfortunate  coun- 
try, and  he  wished  to  render  him  all  the  service  in  his  power. 

He  therefore  determined  to  return  to  France.     He  requested  an 


1811.  LA  SAHLA  AND  BARON  STEIN.  263 

audience  of  M.  Hardenbeig,  and  having  obtained  it,  he  pretended 
to  be  more  than  ever  bent  on  his  former  plan  of  assassinating  Napo- 
leon. M.  Hardenberg,  after  praising  his  good  intentions,  referred 
him  to  Marshal  Blncher,  whom  he  requested  to  furnish  him  with 
the  means  of  proceeding  to  France.  Marshal  Blucher's  headquar- 
ters were  then  at  Xamur,  and  the  chief  officer  of  his  staff,  who  gave 
La  Sahla  a  passport,  advised  him,  with  a  view  of  facilitating  his 
enterprise,  to  carry  with  him  some  detonating  powder,  and  men- 
tioned a  shopkeeper  at  Namur  of  whom  he  could  procure  it.  In 
order  to  avoid  exciting  suspicion  La  Sahla  went  himself  to  the 
dealer  and  purchased  only  four  ounces  of  the  fulminating  powder. 
He  then  proceeded  to  France,  and  on  his  arrival  in  Paris  he  instantly 
communicated  to  the  Government  all  the  information  he  had  ac- 
quired respecting  the  forces  of  the  Allies,  their  plans,  their  resources,  ^ 
etc.  By  endeavouring  to  serve  France  he  believed  that  he  was  serv- 
ing his  own  country.  The  police  was  satisfied  that  M.  de  La  Sahla 
had  communicated  to  the  Government  some  very  valuable  details, 
both  political  and  military.  He  also  informed  the  War  Minister 
that  he  had  brought  with  him  a  little  packet  of  detonating  powder, 
and  offered,  it  is  said,  to  give  it  i^p  ;  but  it  seems  that  no  one  was 
inclined  to  receive  the  dangerous  deposit.  Being  asked  the  reason 
why  he  carried  the  powder  about  him  he  replied  that  he  did  not 
wish  to  have  it  at  the  hotel  where  he  lodged,  for  fear  that  any  per- 
son should  touch  it  and  occasion  some  accident.  He  is  further  said 
to  have  given  M.  Metternich  proofs  that  M.  Stein,  the  Prussian 
Minister,  had  urged  him  to  poison  M.  de  Mongelas,  the  Bavarian 
Minister,  and  tliat  M.  Metternich  appeared  indignant  and  horror- 
struck  at  M.  Stein's  conduct.  If  these  delarations  be  true  it  must 
be  acknowledged  that  some  members  of  the  Prussian  Cabinet  then 
resorted  to  diplomatic  measures  of  a  very  extraordinary  nature. 

There  is  an  evident  error  in  the  above  report  respecting 
the  age  of  M.  La  Sahla,  who  in  1815  could  not  be  more 
than  twenty-three.  It  is  the  latter  part  of  the  report  whicli 
induced  me  to  observe  above,  that  if  there  were  any  inac- 
curacies in  the  statement  they  were  more  likely  to  proceed 
from  Fouche's  police  than  the  false  representations  of 
young  La  Sahla.  It  is  difficult  to  give  credit  without  proof 
to  such  accusations.  However,  I  decide  nothing  ;  but  I 
consider  it  my  duty  to  express  doubts  of  the  truth  of  these 
charges  brought  against  the  two  Prussian  Ministers,  of 


264         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811, 

whom  the  Prince  of  Wittgenstein,  a  man  of  nndoulDted 
honour,  has  always  spoken  to  me  in  the  best  of  terms. 

There  is  nothing  to  prove  that  La  Sahla  returned  to 
France  the  second  time  with  the  same  intentions  as  before. 
This  project,  however,  is  a  mystery  to  me,  and  his  deto- 
nating powder  gives  rise  to  many  conjectures.' 

I  had  scarcely  left  Hamburg  when  the  Prince  of  Eck- 
muhl  (Marshal  Davoust)  was  appointed  Governor-General 
of  that  place  on  the  union  of  the  Hanse  Towns  with  the 
Empire.  From  that  period  I  was  constantly  occupied  in 
contending  against  the  persecutions  and  denunciations 
which  he  racked  his  imagination  to  invent.  I  cannot  help 
artributing  to  those  persecutions  the  Emperor's  coolness 
towards  me  on  my  arrival  in  Paris.  But  as  Davoust's 
calumnies  were  devoid  of  j)roof,  he  i-esorted  to  a  scheme 
by  which  a  certain  appearance  of  probability  might  sup- 
l^ly  the  place  of  truth.  When  I  arrived  in  Paris,  at  the 
commencement  of  1811,  I  was  informed  by  an  excellent 

'  This  account  of  La  Sahla  produced  a  warm  remonstrance  from  Baron  Stein, 
which  appeared  first  in  tlie  Prussian  Slate  Gazette,  and  was  afterwards  copied  into 
many  other  papers.  In  the  Baron's  reply  he  declares  that  he  never  saw  La  Sahla 
until  that  person  visited  him  in  Paris  in  1814.  The  Baron  was  not  then  a  Prussian 
Minister,  having  been  dismissed  by  Napoleon  in  1808  from  that  cabinet,  of  which  he 
never  afterwards  was  a  member.  He  asks,  what  motive  could  he  have  for  poisoning 
Count  Mongelas,  and  what  possible  influence  could  such  a  crime  have  on  the  politi- 
cal questions  which  were  agitated  in  the  autumn  of  1814  and  the  spring  of  1815  ?  A 
complete  copy  of  the  Baron's  vindication  was  annexed  to  the  German  translation  of 
Bourrienne's  Memoirs.  Baron  Gagern  applied  to  Prince  Metternich  for  a  declaration 
from  him  on  the  subject,  and  received  in  return  the  following  letter  : — 

"The  passage  in  M.  de  Bourrienne's  Memoirs  which  has  attracted  Baron  Stein's 
attention  produced  a  similar  effect  on  me.  I  never  knew  any  Individual  called  La 
Sahla,  either  personally  or  by  name.  Never,  nnder  any  name  whatever,  did  any 
person  ever  come  to  me  and  attribute  to  Ban m  Stein  a  purpose  having  the  slightest 
relntion  to  that  stated  in  the  passage  in  question.  I  honour  the  indignation  which 
Baron  Stein  feels.  An  accusation  which  wounds  honour  may  exist,  and  be  consid- 
ered true,  while  it  remains  uncontradicted,  by  the  greater  part  of  readers,  who  always 
have  a  predisposition  to  credulity.  They  ought  to  be  undeceived  ;  and  the  necessity 
for  contradiction  is  the  more  pressing  when  an  error  appears  in  a  work  like  M.  de 
Bourrienne's,  which  is  stamped  with  a  character  entirely  different  from  the  multi- 
tude of  wretched  publications  which  daily  appear." 

B  \ron  Gagern  afterwards  corresponded  with  Bourrienne,  who  stated  that  he  could 
not  make  the  desired  coiTection  until  he  published  a  third  edition.  This  proposal, 
however,  was  not  satisfactory  to  Baron  Stein  (Erreurs,  tome  ii.  p.  200). 


1811.  CHARGES 'AGAINST  BOURRIENNE.  265 

friend  I  had  left  at  Hamburg,  M.  Bouvier,  an  emigrant, 
and  one  of  the  hostages  of  Louis  XVI.,  that  in  a  few  days 
I  would  receive  a  letter  which  would  commit  me,  and  like- 
wise M.  de  Talleyrand  and  General  Rapp.  I  had  never 
had  any  connection  on  matters  of  business,  with  either  of 
these  individuals,  for  whom  I  entertained  the  most  sincere 
attachment.  They,  like  myself,  were  not  in  the  good  graces 
of  Marshal  Davoust,  who  could  not  pardon  the  one  for  his 
incontestable  superiority  of  talent,  and  the  other  for  his 
blunt  honesty.  Ou  the  receipt  of  M.  Bouvier's  letter  I 
carried  it  to  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  whose  situation  made 
him  perfectly  aware  of  the  intrigues  which  had  been  car- 
ried on  against  me  since  I  had  left  Hamburg  by  one  whose 
ambition  aspired  to  the  Viceroyalty  ef  Poland.  On  that, 
as  on  many  other  similar  occasions,  the  Due  de  Rovigo  ad- 
vocated my  cause  with  Napoleon.  We  agreed  that  it  would 
be  best  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  letter  which  M.  Bouvier 
had  announced.  Three  weeks  elapsed,  and  the  letter  did 
not  appear.  The  Due  de  Rovigo,  therefore,  told  me  that 
I  must  have  been  misinformed.  However,  I  was  certain 
that  M.  Bouvier  would  not  have  sent  me  the  information 
on  slight  grounds,  and  I  therefore  supposed  that  the  proj- 
ect had  only  been  delayed.  I  was  not  wrong  in  my  con- 
jecture, for  at  length  the  letter  arrived.  To  what  a  depth 
of  infamy  men  can  descend !  The  letter  was  fi*om  a  man 
whom  I  had  known  at  Hamburg,  whom  I  had  obliged, 
whom  I  had  employed  as  a  spy.  His  epistle  was  a  miracle 
of  impudence.  After  relating  some  extraordinary  trans- 
actions which  he  said  had  taken  place  between  us,  and 
which  all  bore  the  stamp  of  falsehood,  he  requested  me  to 
send  him  by  return  of  post  the  sum  of  60,000  francs  on 
account  of  what  I  had  promised  him  for  some  business  he 
executed  in  England  by  the  direction  of  M.  de  Talleyrand, 
General  Rapp,  and  myself.  Such  miserable  wretches  are 
often  caught  in  the  snai-es  they  spread  for  others.  This 
was  the  case  in  the  present  instance,  for  the  fellow  had 


266-        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

committed  the  blunder  of  fixing  upon  the  year  1802  as  the 
period  of  this  pretended  business  in  England,  that  is  to 
say,  two  years  before  my  appointment  as  Ministei'-Pleni- 
potentiary  to  the  Hause  Towns.  This  anachronism  was 
not  the  only  one  I  discovered  in  the  letter. 

I  took  a  copy  of  the  letter,  and  immediately  carried 
the  original  to  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  as  had  been  agreed 
between  us.  When  I  waited  on  the  Minister  he  was  just 
preparing  to  go  to  the  Emperor.  He  took  with  him  the 
letter  which  I  brought,  and  also  the  letter  Avhich  an- 
nounced its  arrival.  As  the  Due  de  Rovigo  entered  the 
audience-charnber  Napoleon  advanced  to  meet  him,  and 
apostrophised  him  thus  :  "  Well,  I  have  learned  fine  things 
of  your  Bourrienne,  whom  you  are  always  defending." 
The  fact  was,  the  Emperor  had  already  received  a  copy  of 
the  letter,  which  had  been  opened  at  the  Hamburg  j^ost-office. 
The  Due  de  Rovigo  told  the  Emperor  that  he  had  long 
known  what  his  Majesty  had  communicated  to  him.  He 
then  entered  into  a  full  explanation  of  the  intrigue,  of 
which  it  was  wished  to  render  me  the  victim,  and  proved 
to  him  the  more  easily  the  falsehood  of  my  accusers  by 
reminding  him  that  in  1802  I  was  not  in  Hamburg,  but 
was  still  in  his  service  at  home. 

It  may  be  supposed  that  I  was  too  much  interested  in 
knowing  what  had  passed  at  the  Tuileries  not  to  return  to 
the  Due  de  Rovigo  the  same  day.  I  learned  from  him 
the  particulars  which  I  have  already  related.  He  added 
that  he  had  observed  to  the  Emperor  that  there  was  no 
connection  between  Rapp  and  M,  de  Talleyrand  which 
could  warrant  the  suspicion  of  their  being  concerned  in 
the  affair  in  question.  "  When  Napoleon  saw  the  matter 
in  its  true  light,"  said  Savary,  "when  I  proved  to  him  the 
palpable  existence  of  the  odious  machination,  he  could  not 
find  tei'ms  to  express  his  indignation.  '  What  baseness, 
what  horrible  villainy  ! '  he  exclaimed  ;  and  gave  me  or- 
ders to  arrest  and  bring-  to  Paris  the  infamous  writer  of 


1811.  THE  DUG  DE  ROVIGO.  267 

the  letter ;  aud  you  may  rely  upou  it  bis  orders  shall  be 
promptly  obeyed." 

Savary,  as  he  had  said,  instantly  despatched  orders  for 
the  arrest  of  the  writer,  whom  he  directed  to  be  sent  to 
France.  On  his  arrival  he  was  inteiTogated  respecting  the 
letter.  He  declared  that  he  had  written  it  at  the  insti- 
gation and  under  the  dictation  of  Marshal  Davoust,'  for  do- 
ing which  he  received  a  small  sum  of  money  as  a  reward.^ 
He  also  confessed  that  when  the  letter  was  put  into  the 
post  the  Prince  of  Eckmuhl  ordered  the  Director  of  the 
Post  to  open  it,  take  a  copy,  then  seal  it  again,  and  send 
it  to  its  address — that  is  to  say,  to  me — and  the  copy  to 
the  Emperor.  The  writer  of  the  letter  was  banished  to 
Marseilles,  or  to  the  Island  of  Hyeres,  but  the  individual 
who  dictated  it  continued  a  Marshal,  a  Prince,  and  a  Gov- 
ernor-General, and  still  looked  forward  to  the  Viceroyalty 
of  Poland  !  Such  was  the  discriminating  justice  of  the 
Empire  ;  and  Davoust  continued  his  endeavours  to  revenge 
himself  by  other  calumnies  for  my  not  having  considered 
him  a  man  of  talent.  I  must  do  the  Due  de  Rovigo  the 
justice  to  say  that,  though  his  fidelity  to  Napoleon  was,  as 
it  always  had  been,  boundless,  yet  whilst  he  executed  the 
Emperor's  orders  he  endeavoured  to  make  him  acquainted 
with  the  truth,  as  was  pi-oved  by  his  conduct  in  the  case  I 
have  just  mentioned.  He  was  much  distressed  by  the 
sort  of  terror  which  his  appointment  had  excited  in  the 

'  The  explanation  of  these  attacks  on  Davoust  (more  properly  spelt  Davout),  has 
already  been  given  in  the  note  on  the  demand  made  on  Bourrienne  on  his  return 
from  Hamburg.  The  subject  is  treated  at  length  by  the  Marshal's  son  in  Erreurs, 
tome  ii.  p.  225.  Davoust  was  at  Paris  on  leave,  and  had  not  even  been  to  Hamburg 
when  Napoleon  first  called  on  him  for  information  about  Bourrienne's  peculations, 
and  the  first  reports  against  Bourrienne,  made  in  reply  to  the  Emperor's  questions, 
were  furnished  by  the  Marshal's  Chief  of  the  Staff,  and  simply  forwarded  by  him.  The 
letters  of  Davoust  seem  to  show  no  special  illwill  towards  Bourrienne,  and  it  would 
be  difficult  to  find  any  reason  for  a  man  in  Davoust's  high  position  intriguing  against 
the  ex-Secretary.  The  Comte  Alexandre  de  Puymaigre  (Soi/venirs,  p.  135).  not  very 
favourably  disposed  towards  Davoust,  speaks  to  the  general  and  strong  belief  at 
Hamburg  that  Bourrienne  had  made  large  sums  of  money  there  improperly. 

2  It  does  not  appear  at  all  clear  why  credence  should  be  given  to  the  informer's 
statement  in  the  latter  case  any  more  than  the  former. 


268         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1811. 


public,  and  lie  acknowledged  to  me  that  he  intended  to 
restore  confidence  by  a  more  mild  system  than  that  of  his 
predecessor.  I  had  observed  formerly  that  Savary  did 
not  coincide  in  the  opinion  I  had  always  entertained  of 
Fouche,  but  when  once  the  Due  de  Eovigo  endeavoured  to 
penetrate  the  labyrinth  of  police,  counter-police,  inspec- 
tions and  hierarchies  of  espionage,  he  found  they  were 
all  bugbears  which  Fouche  had  created  to  alarm  the  Em- 
peror, as  gardeners  put  up  scarecrows  among  the  fruit- 
trees  to  frighten  away  the  sparrows.  Thus,  thanks  to  the 
artifices  of  Fouche,  the  eagle  was  frightened  as  easily  as 
the  sparrows,  until  the  period  when  the  Emperor,  con- 
vinced that  Fouche  was  maintaining  a  correspondence 
with  England  through  the  agency  of  Ouvrard,  dismissed 
him. 

I  saw  with  pleasure  that  Savary,  the  Minister  of  Police, 
wished  to  simplify  the  working  of  his  administration,  and 
to  gradually  diminish  whatever  was  annoying  in  it,  but, 
whatever  might  be  his  intentions,  he  was  not  always  free 
to  act.  I  acknowledge  that  when  I  read  his  Memoirs  I 
saw  with  great  impatience  that  in  many  matters  he  had 
voluntarily  assumed  responsibilities  for  acts  which  a  word 
from  him  might  have  attiibuted  to  their  real  author. 
However  this  may  be,  what  much  pleased  me  in  Savary 
was  the  wish  he  showed  to  learn  the  real  truth  in  order  to 
tell  it  to  Napoleon.  He  received  from  the  Emperor  more 
than  one  severe  rebuff.  This  came  from  the  fact  that 
since  the  immense  aggrandisement  of  the  Empire  the 
ostensible  Ministers,  instead  of  rising  in  credit,  had  seen 
their  functions  diminish  by  degrees.  Thus  proposals  for 
appointments  to  the  higher  grades  of  the  army  came  from 
the  cabinet  of  Berthier,  and  not  from  that  of  the  Minister 
of  War.  Everything  which  concerned  any  part  of  the 
government  of  the  Interior  or  of  the  Exterior,  except  for 
the  administration  of  War  and  perhaps  for  that  of  Finance, 
had  its  centre  in  the  cabinet  of  M.  Maret,  certainly  an 


1811.  SAVARY,  MINISTER  OF  POLICE.  269 

honest  man,  but  whose  facility  in  saying  "  All  is  right,"  so 
much  helped  to  make  all  wrong.' 

The  home  trade,  manufactures,  and  particularly  several 
of  the  Parisian  firms  were  in  a  state  of  distress  the  more 
hurtful  as  it  contrasted  so  singularly  with  the  splendour 
of  the  Imperial  Court  since  the  marriage  of  Napoleon  with 
Maria  Louisa.  In  this  state  of  affairs  a  chorus  of  com- 
plaints reached  the  ears  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo  every  day. 
I  must  say  that  Savary  was  never  kinder  to  me  than  since 
my  disgrace  ;  he  nourished  my  hope  of  getting  Napoleon 
to  overcome  the  prejudices  against  me  with  which  the 
spirit  of  vengeance  had  insiaired  him,  and  I  know  for 
certain  that  Savar}"^  returned  to  the  charge  more  than  once 
to  manage  this.  The  Emperor  listened  without  anger, 
did  not  blame  him  for  the  closeness  of  our  intimacy, 
and  even  said  to  him  some  obliging  but  insignificant 
words  about  me.  This  gave  time  for  new  machinations 
agamst  me,  and  to  fill  him  with  fresh  doubts  when  he  had 
almost  overcome  his  former  ideas." 

'  The  evil  to  which  Bourrienne  hero  alludes,  the  loss  of  power  by  the  Ministers, 
was  one  of  the  great  causes  of  the  disasters  of  the  Empire.  The  Minister  of  War 
was  little  more  than  a  clerk,  the  administration  of  the  "  materiel,"  etc.,  being  sepa- 
rated, and  the  higher  appointments  being  given  through  Berthier  without  reference 
to  him.  See  Foy,  tome  i.  pp.  74,  75.  In  the  absences  of  the  Emperor  from  Paris 
the  despatches  of  the  Ministers  were  presented  to  him  by  Maret,  Due  de  Bassano, 
a  man  ready  to  undertake  any  responsibility.  If  the  Emperor  objected  to  any  name 
submitted  from  Paris  for  an  appointment,  Maret  was  at  hand  to  suggest  another 
person,  and  the  nominally  responsible  Ministers  lost  pmver  and  credit.  This  was 
especially  the  case  in  the  later  years  of  the  Empire  (Savary,  tome  iii.  p.  35). 

2  Savary,  Due  de  Rovigo,  had  become  Minister  of  Police  on  the  disgrace  of  Fouche 
in  June  ISIO,  and  in  his  own  Memoirs  lie  describes  his  reforms  in  his  administration 
to  the  same  effect  as  BouiTienne  does.  He  corroborates  Bourrienne  as  to  their  con- 
tinued intimacy,  and  his  efforts  to  got  Bourrienne  again  employed,  but  his  own 
character  was  not  of  a  description  to  add  much  weight  to  his  recommendation  in 
this  case. 


370  1811. 


CHAPTER    XXV. 
1811. 

M.  Czernischeff — Dissimulation  of  Napoleon — Napoleon  and  Alexander- 
Josephine's  foresight  respecting  the  affairs  of  Spain — My  visits  to 
Malmaison — Grief  of  Josephine — Tears  and  the  toilet — Vast  extent  of 
the  Empire — List  of  persons  condemned  to  death  and  banishment  in 
Piedmont — Observation  of  Alfieri  respecting  the  Spaniards — Success 
in  Spain— Check  of  Massena  in  Portugal — Money  lavished  by  the 
English — Bertrand  sent  to  Illyria,  and  Marmont  to  Portugal — Situa- 
tion of  the  French  army — Assembling  of  the  Cortes — Europe  sacrificed 
to  the  Continental  system — Conversation  with  Murat  in  the  Champs 
Elysees — New  titles  and  old  names — Napoleon's  dislike  of  literary 
men — Odes,  etc. ,  on  the  marriage  of  Napoleon — Chateaubriand  and 
Lemercier — Death  of  Chenier — Chateauliriand  elected  his  successor — 
His  discourse  read  by  Napoleon — Bonaparte  compared  to  Nero — Sup- 
pression of  the  Aferrure — M.  de  Chateaubriand  ordered  to  leave  Paris 
• — MM.  Lemercier  and  Esmenard  presented  to  the  Emperor — Birth  of 
the  King  of  Rome — Prance  in  ISll. 

Since  my  return  to  France  I  had  heard  much  of  the  in- 
trigues of  M.  Czernischeff,  an  aide  de  canvp  of  the  Emperor 
of  Russia,  who,  under  the  pretext  of  being  frequently  sent 
to  compHment  Napoleon  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  performed,  in  fact,  the  office  of  a  spy.  The 
conduct  of  Napoleon  with  regard  to  M.  Czernischeff  at 
that  period  struck  me  as  singular,  especially  after  the  in- 
telligence which  before  my  departure  from  Hamburg  I 
had  transmitted  to  him  respecting  the  dissatisfaction  of 
Russia  and  her  hostile  inclinations.  It  is  therefore  clear 
to  me  that  Bonaparte  was  well  aware  of  the  real  object  of 
M.  Czernischeff's  mission,  and  that  if  he  appeared  to  give 
credit  to  the  increasing  professions  of  his  friendship  it 
was  only  because  he  still  wished,  as  he  formerly  did,  that 


1811.  M.  GZERNISGHEFF  IN  PARIS.  271 


Russia  might  so  far  commit  herself  as  to  afford  him  a 
fair  pretext  for  the  commencement  of  hostilities  in  the 
north. 

M.  Czernischeff  first  arrived  in  Paris  shortly  after  the 
interview  at  Erfurt,  and  after  that  period  w^as  almost  con- 
stantly on  the  road  between  Paris  and  St.  Petersburg  ;  it 
has  been  computed  that  in  the  space  of  less  than  four 
3'ears  he  travelled  more  than  10,000  leagues.  For  a  long 
time  his  frequent  journeyings  excited  no  surmises,  but  while 
I  was  in  Paris  Savary  began  to  entertain  suspicions,  the 
correctness  of  which  it  was  not  difficult  to  ascertain,  so 
formidable  was  still  the  system  of  espionage,  notwith- 
standing the  precaution  taken  by  Fouche  to  conceal  from 
his  successor  the  names  of  his  most  efficient  spies.  It 
was  known  that  M.  Czernischeff  was  looking  out  for  a 
jDrofessor  of  mathematics, — doubtless  to  disguise  the  real 
motives  for  his  stay  in  Paris  by  veiling  them  under  the 
desire  of  studying  the  sciences.  The  confidant  of  Alex- 
ander had  applied  to  a  jarofessor  connected  with  a  public 
office  ;  and  from  that  time  all  the  steps  of  M.  Czernischeff 
were  known  to  the  police.  It  was  discovered  that  he  was 
less  anxious  to  question  his  instructor  respecting  the 
equations  of  a  degree,  or  the  value  of  unknown  quantities, 
than  to  gain  all  the  information  lie  could  about  the  dif- 
ferent branches  of  the  administration,  and  i^articularly  the 
department  of  war.  It  hapjiened  that  the  professor  knew 
some  individuals  employed  in  the  public  offices,  who 
furnished  him  with  intelligence,  which  he  in  tui-n  com- 
municated to  M.  Czernischeff,  but  not  without  making  a 
report  of  it  to  the  police  ;  according  to  custom,  instead  of 
putting  an  end  to  this  intrigue  at  once  it  was  suffered 
fuUy  to  develop  itself.  Napoleon  was  informed  of  what 
was  going  on,  and  in  this  instance  gave  a  new  proof  of  his 
being  an  adept  in  the  art  of  dissimulation,  for,  instead  of 
testifying  any  displeasure  against  M.  Czernischeff,  he  con- 
tinued to  receive  him  with  the  same  marks  of  favour  which 


272         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       18)1. 

he  had  shown  to  him  during  his  former  missions  to  Paris. 
Being,  nevertheless,  desirous  to  get  rid  of  him,  without 
evincing  a  suspicion  that  his  clandestine  proceedings  had 
been  discovered,  he  entrusted  him  with  a  friendly  letter 
to  his  brother  of  Russia,  but  Alexander  was  in  such  haste 
to  reply  to  the  flattering  :nissive  of  his  brother  of  France 
that  M.  Czernischeff  was  hurried  back  to  Paris,  having 
scarcely  been  suffered  to  enter  the  gates  of  St.  Petersburg. 
I  believe  I  am  correct  in  the  idea  that  Napoleon  was  not 
really  displeased  at  the  intrigues  of  M.  Czernischefl',  from 
the  supposition  that  they  afforded  an  indication  of  the 
hostile  intentions  of  Russia  towards  France  ;  for,  whatever 
he  might  say  on  this  subject  to  his  confidants,  what  re- 
liance can  we  place  on  the  man  who  formed  the  camp  of 
Boulogne  without  the  most  distant  intention  of  attempting 
a  descent  upon  England,  and  who  had  deceived  the  whole 
world  respecting  that  important  affair  without  taking  any 
one  into  his  own  confidence  ? 

During  the  period  of  my  stay  in  Paris  the  war  with 
Spain  and  Portugal  occupied  much  of  the  public  attention  ; 
and  it  proved  in  the  end  an  enterprise  upon  which  the 
intuition  of  Josephine  had  not  deceived  her.  In  general 
she  intermeddled  little  with  political  affairs  ;  in  the  first 
place,  because  her  doing  so  would  have  given  offence  to 
Napoleon  ;  and  next,  because  her  natural  frivolity  led  her 
to  give  a  preference  to  lighter  pursuits.  But  I  may  safely 
affirm  that  she  was  endowed  with  an  instinct  so  perfect  as 
seldom  to  be  deceived  respecting  the  good  or  evil  tendency 
of  any  measure  which  Napoleon  engaged  in  ;  and  I  remem- 
ber she  told  me  that  when  informed  of  the  intention  of  the 
Emperor  to  bestow  the  throne  of  Spain  on  Joseph,  she  was 
seized  with  a  feeling  of  indescribable  alarm.  It  would  be 
diflicult  to  define  that  instinctive  feeling  which  leads  us  to 
foresee  the  future  ;  but  it  is  a  fact  that  Josephine  was  en- 
dowed with  this  faculty  in  a  more  perfect  degree  than  any 
other  person  I  have  ever  known,  and  to  her  it  was  a  fatal 


1811.  PREVISIONS  OF  JOSEPHINE.  373 

gift,  for  she  suffered  at  the  same  time  under  the  weight  of 
present  and  of  future  misfortunes. 

I  often  visited  her  at  Mahnaison,  as  Duroc  assured  me 
that  the  Emperor  had  no  objection  to  my  doing  so  ;  yet 
he  must  have  been  fully  aware  that  when  Josephine  and  I 
were  in  confidential  conversation  he  would  not  always  bo 
mentioned  in  terms  of  unqualified  eulogy  ;  and  in  truth, 
his  first  friend  and  his  first  wife  might  well  be  excused  for 
sometimes  commingling  their  complaints. 

Though  more  than  a  twelvemonth  had  elapsed  since  the 
divorce  grief  still  preyed  on  the  heart  of  Josephine.  "  You 
cannot  conceive,  my  friend,"  she  often  said  tome,  "all  the 
torments  that  I  have  suffered  since  that  fatal  day  !  I  can- 
not imagine  how  I  survived  it.  You  cannot  figure  to  your- 
self the  pain  I  endure  on  seeing  descriptions  of  his  fetes 
everywhere.  And  the  first  time  he  came  to  visit  me  after 
his  marriage,  what  a  meeting  was  that !  How  many  tears 
I  shed !  The  days  on  which  he  comes  are  to  me  days  of 
misery,  for  he  spares  me  not.  How  cruel  to  speak  of  his 
expected  heir.  Bourrienne,  you  cannot  conceive  how 
heart-rending  all  this  is  to  me  !  Better,  far  better  to  be 
exiled  a  thousand  leagues  from  hence !  However,"  added 
Josephine,  "a  few  friends  still  remain  faithful  in  my 
changed  fortune,  and  that  is  now  the  only  thing  which 
affords  me  even  temporaiy  consolation."  The  truth  is  that 
she  was  extremely  unhappy,  and  the  most  acceptable  con- 
solation her  friends  could  offer  her  was  to  weep  with  her. 
Yet  such  was  still  Josephine's  passion  for  dress,  that  after 
having  wept  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour  she  would  dry  her 
tears  to  give  audience  to  milliners  and  jewellers.  The 
sight  of  a  new  hat  would  call  forth  all  Josephine's  feminine 
love  of  finery. '    One  day  I  remember  that,  taking  advantage 

•  The  amusing  femme  de  cfiambre  Mademoiselle  Avrillion  informs  ua  that  Joseph- 
ine, after  her  divorce,  amused  her  solitude  with  embroidering,  and  other  little 
works  of  the  kind.  She  saya  she  was  also  very  fond  of  reading,  or  of  having  books 
read  out  to  her ;  but  mademoiselle  admits  on  fifty  occasions  that  the  principal  occu- 
pation of  the  ex-Empress  was  the  toilet,  and  that  her  taste  for  finery  and  expeujive 

Vol.  III.— 18 


274         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

of  the  momeutary  serenity  occasioned  by  an  ample  display 
of  sparkling  gewgaws,  I  congratulated  her  upon  the  happy 
influence  they  exercised  over  her  spirits,  when  she  said, 
"  My  dear  friend,  I  ought,  indeed,  to  be  indifferent  to  all 
this  ;  but  it  is  a  habit."  Josephine  might  have  added  that 
it  was  also  an  occupation,  for  it  would  be  no  exaggeration 
to  say  that  if  the  time  she  wasted  in  tears  and  at  her  toilet 
had  been  subtracted  from  her  life  its  duration  would  have 
been  considerably  shortened. 

The  vast  extent  of  the  French  Empire  now  presented  a 
spectacle  which  resembled  rather  the  dominion  of  the 
Romans  and  the  conquests  of  Charlemagne  than  the 
usual  form  and  political  changes  of  modern  Europe.'  In 
fact,  for  nearly  two  centuries,  until  the  period  of  the 
Revolution,  and  particularly  until  the  elevation  of  Napo- 
leon, no  remarkable  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  boun- 
daries of  European  States,  if  we  except  the  partition  of 
Poland,  when  two  of  the  co-partitioners  committed  the 
eiTor  of  turning  the  tide  of  Russia  towards  the  west! 
Under  Napoleon  everything  was  overturned  with  astonish- 
ing rapidity :  customs,   manners,   laws,  were  superseded 

nick-nacks  continued  undiminished  by  time  and  many  sorrows.  Shortly  after  the  di- 
vorce Josephine  made  a  journey  to  the  waters  of  Aix,  in  Savoy,  and  then  a  short  tour 
in  Switzerland.  ^Vhea  she  was  at  Coppet,  where  Madame  de  Stael  was  residing,  she 
declined  receiving  the  visit  of  that  celebrated  woman,  as  she  feared  that  by  so  doing 
she  would  offend  her  former  husband,  the  great  Napoleon,  who  was  in  a  state  of 
open  warfare  with  the  author  of   Corinne. 

1  The  so-called  "  French  "  armies  of  the  time,  drawn  from  all  parts  of  the  Em- 
pire and  from  the  dependent  'States,  represented  the  extraordinary  fusion  attempted 
by  Napoleon.  Thus,  at  the  battle  of  Ocana  there  were  at  least  troops  of  the  follow- 
ing States,  viz.  Warsaw,  Holland,  Baden,  Nassau,  Hesse  Darmetndt,  Frankfort, 
besides  the  Spaniards  in  Joseph's  service.  A  Spanish  division  went  to  Denmark, 
the  regiment  from  Isembourg  was  sent  to  Naples,  while  the  Neapolitans  crossed  to 
Spain.  Even  the  little  Valais  had  to  furnish  a  battalion.  Blacks  from  San  Domingo 
served  in  Naples,  while  sixteen  nations,  like  so  many  chained  dogs,  advanced  into 
Russia.     Such  troops  could  not  have  the  spirit  of  a  homogeneous  army. 

Already,  in  1808,  ilettcrnich  (vol.  ii.  p.  292)  had  written  from  Paris  to  his  Court, 
"  It  is  no  longer  the  nation  that  fights  :  the  present  war  (Sp.ain)  is  Napoleon's  war; 
it  is  not  even  that  of  his  army."  But  Napoleon  himself  was  aware  of  the  danger 
of  the  Empire  from  its  own  extent.  In  the  silence  of  his  cabinet  his  secretary  Me- 
i.eval  (tome  iii.  pp.  273,  274)  sometimes  heard  him  murmur,  "  Varc  est  trap  long, 
temps  tencln." 


C  PRINCE  OF  ESSLING) 


1811.  THE  KINGDOM  OF  ITALY.  275 

by  new  customs,  new  manners,  and  new  laws,  imposed 
by  foi'ce,  and  forming  a  lieterogeneous  whole,  wliicb  could 
not  fail  to  dissolve,  as  soon  as  the  influence  of  the  power 
which  had  created  it  should  cease  to  operate.  Such  was 
the  state  of  Italy  that  I  have  been  informed  by  an  indi- 
vidual worthy  of  credit  that  if  the  army  of  Prince  Eugene, 
instead  of  being  victorious,  had  been  beaten  on  the 
Piava,  a  deeply-organised  revolution  would  have  broken 
out  in  Piedmont,  and  even  in  the  Kingdom  of  Italy, 
where,  nevertheless,  the  majority  of  the  people  fully  ap- 
preciated the  excellent  qualities  of  Eugene.  I  have  been 
also  credibly  informed  that  lists  were  in  readiness  desig- 
nating those  of  the  French  who  were  to  be  put  to  death, 
as  well  as  those  by  whom  the  severe  orders  of  the  Impe- 
rial Government  had  been  mitigated,  and  who  were  only 
to  be  banished.  In  fact,  revolt  was  as  natural  to  the 
Italians  as  submission  to  the  Germans,  and  as  the  fury  of 
despair  to  the  Spanish  nation.  On  this  subject  I  may 
cite  an  observation  contained  in  one  of  the  works  of 
Alfieri,  published  fifteen  years  before  the  Spanish  war. 
Taking  a  cursory  view  of  the  different  European  nations 
he  regarded  the  Spaniards  as  the  only  people  possessed 
of  "  sufficient  energy  to  struggle  against  foreign  usurpa- 
tion." Had  I  still  been  near  the  person  of  Napoleon  I 
would  most  assuredly-  have  resorted  to  an  innocent  arti- 
fice, which  I  had  several  times  employed,  and  placed  the 
work  of  Alfieri  on  his  table  open  at  the  page  I  wished 
him  to  read.  Alfieri's  opinion  of  the  Spanish  people  was 
in  the  end  fully  verified  ;  and  I  confess  I  cannot  think 
without  shuddering  of  the  torrents  of  blood  which  inun- 
dated the  Peninsula;  and  for  what?  To  make  Joseph 
Bonaparte  a  King ! 

The  commencement  of  1811  was  sufficiently  favourable 
to  the  French  arms  in  Spain,  but  towards  the  beginning 
of  March  the  aspect  of  affairs  changed.  The  Duke  of 
Belluno,  notwithstanding  the  valour  of  his   troops,  Avas 


276         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1811. 

unsuccessful  at  Chiclana  ; '  and  from  that  day  the  French 
army  could  not  make  head  against  the  combined  forces 
of  England  and  Portugal.  Even  Massena,  notwithstand- 
ing the  title  of  Prince  of  Eslingen  (or  Essling),  which  he 
had  won  under  the  walls  of  Vienna,  was  no  longer  "  the 
favourite  child  of  victory  "  as  he  had  been  at  Zurich. 

Having  mentioned  Massena  I  may  observe  that  he  did 
not  favour  the  change  of  the  French  Government  on  the 
foundation  of  the  Empire.  Massena  loved  two  things, — 
glory  and  money  ;  but  as  to  what  is  termed  honours,  he 
only  valued  those  which  resulted  from  the  command  of 
an  army  ;  and  his  recollections  all  bound  him  to  the  Re-' 
public,  because  the  Republic  recalled  to  his  mind  tlie 
most  brilliant  and  glorious  events  of  his  military  career. 
He  was,  besides,  among  the  number  of  the  Marshals  who 
wished  to  see  a  limit  put  to  the  ambition  of  Bonaparte  ; 
and  he  had  assuredly  done  enough,  since  the  commence- 
ment of  the  wars  of  the  Republic,  to  be  permitted  to 
enjoy  some  repose,  which  his  health  at  that  jDeriod  i-e- 
quired.  What  could  he  achieve  against  the  English  in 
Portugal?  The  combined  forces  of  England  and  Portu- 
gal daily  augmented,  while  ours  diminished.  No  efforts 
were  spared  by  England  to  gain  a  superiority  in  the  great 
struggle  in  which  she  was  engaged;  as  her  money  was 
lavished  profusely,  her  troops  paid  well  wherever  they 
went,  and  were  abundantly  supplied  with  ammunition  and 
provisions  :  the  French  army  was  compelled,  though  far 
fi'om  possessing  such  ample  means,  to  purchase  at  the 
same  high  rate,  in  order  to  keep  the  natives  from  joining 
the  English  party.  But  even  this  did  not  j^revent  numer- 
ous ]3artial  insurrections  in  different  places,  which  ren- 
dered all  communication  with  France  extremely  difficult. 
Armed  bands  continually  carried  off  our  dispersed  sol- 
diers ;  and  the  presence  of  the  British  troops,  supported 
by  the  money  they  spent  in  the  country,  excited  the  in- 

•  Barroea. 


1811.         CONDITION  OF  THE  FRENCH  ARMT.  277 


habitants  against  us  ;  for  it  is  impossible  to  suppose  that, 
unsupported  by  the  English,  Portugal  could  have  held  out 
a  single  moment  against  France.  But  battles,  bad  weath- 
er, and  even  want,  had  so  reduced  the  French  force  that 
it  was  absolutely  necessary  our  troops  should  repose  when 
their  enterprises  could  lead  to  no  results.  In  this  state  of 
things  Massena  was  recalled,  because  his  health  was  so 
materially  injured  as  to  render  it  impossible  for  him  to 
exert  sufficient  activity  to  restore  the  army  to  a  respecta- 
ble footing. 

Under  these  circumstances  Bonaparte  sent  Bertrand 
into  Illyria  to  take  the  place  of  Marmont,  who  was  ordered 
in  his  turn  to  i-elieve  Massena  and  take  command  of  the 
French  army  in  Portugal.  Marmont  on  assuming  the 
command  found  the  troops  in  a  deplorable  state.  The 
difficulty  of  procuring  provisions  was  extreme,  and  the 
means  he  was  compelled  to  employ  for  that  purpose 
greatly  heightened  the  evil  ;  at  the  same  time  insubordi- 
nation and  want  of  discipline  prevailed  to  such  an  alarming- 
degree  that  it  would  be  as  difficult  as  painful  to  depict  the 
situation  of  our  army  at  this  period.  Marmont,  by  his 
steady  conduct,  fortunately  succeeded  in  correcting  the 
disorders  which  prevailed,  and  vei'y  soon  found  himself  at 
the  head  of  a  well-organised  army,  amounting  to  30,000 
infantry,  with  forty  pieces  of  artillery,  but  he  had  only  a 
very  small  body  of  cavalry,  and  those  ill-mounted. 

Aifairs  in  Spain  at  the  commencement  of  1811  exhibited 
an  aspect  not  very  different  from  those  of  Portugal.  At 
first  we  were  uniformly  successful,  but  our  advantages 
were  so  dearly  purchased  that  the  ultimate  issue  of  this 
struggle  might  easily  have  been  foreseen,  because  when  a 
people  fight  for  their  homes  and  their  liberties  the  invading 
army  must  gradually  diminish,  while  at  the  same  time  the 
armed  population,  emboldened  by  success,  increases  in  a 
still  more  marked  progression.  Insurrection  was  now  re- 
garded by  the  Spaniards  as  a  holy  and  sacred  duty,  to 


378         MEMOIRS  OB'  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       181 1 

whicli  the  recent  meetings  of  the  Cortes  in  the  Isle  of  Leon 
had  given,  as  it  were,  a  legitimate  character,  since  Spain 
found  again,  in  the  remembrance  of  her  ancient  privi- 
leges, at  least  the  shadow  of  a  Government — a  centre 
around  which  the  defenders  of  the  soil  of  the  Peninsula 
could  rally.' 

The  Continental  system  was  the  cause,  if  not  of  the  event- 
ual fall,  at  least  of  the  rapid  fall  of  Napoleon.  This  can- 
not be  doubted  if  we  consider  for  a  moment  the  brilliant 
situation  of  the  Empire  in  1811,  and  the  effect  simulta- 
neously produced  throughout  Europe  by  that  system, 
which  undermined  the  most  powerful  throne  which  ever 
existed.  It  was  the  Continental  system  that  Napoleon 
upheld  in  Spain,  for  he  had  persuaded  himself  that  this 
system,  rigorously  enforced,  would  strike  a  death  blow  to 
the  commerce  of  England  ;  and  Duroc  besides  informed 
me  of  a  circumstance  which  is  of  great  weight  in  this 
question.  Napoleon  one  day  said  to  him,  "  I  am  no  lon- 
ger anxious  that  Joseph  should  be  King  of  Spain  ;  and  he 
himself  is  indifferent  about  it.  I  would  give  the  crown 
to  the  first  comer  who  would  shut  his  ports  against  the 
English." 

Murat  had  come  to  Paris  on  the  occasion  of  the  Empress' 
accouchement,  and  I  saw  him  several  times  during  his 
stay,  for  we  had  always  been  on  the  best  terms;  and  I 

'  Lord  Wellington  gave  Mass^na  a  beating  at  Fuentes  d'Onore  on  the  5th  of  May 
1811.  It  was  soon  after  this  battle  that  Napoleon  sent  Marmont  to  succeed  Mass^na. 
Advancing  on  the  southern  frontier  of  Portugal  the  skilful  Soult  contrived  to  take 
Badajoz  from  a  wavering  Spanish  garrison.  About  this  time,  however,  General 
Graham,  with  his  British  corps,  sallied  out  of  Cadiz,  and  beat  the  French  on  the 
heights  of  Barrosa,  which  lie  in  front  of  Cadiz,  which  city  the  French  were  then 
besieging.  Encouraged  by  the  suecesscs  of  our  regular  armies,  the  Spanish  Gueril- 
las became  more  and  more  numerous  and  daring.  By  the  end  of  1811  Joseph  Bona- 
parte found  so  many  thorns  in  his  usurped  crown  that  he  implored  his  brother  to  put 
it  on  some  other  bead.  Napoleon  would  not  then  listen  to  his  prayer.  In  the  course 
<  if  1811  a  plan  was  laid  for  liberating  Ferdinand  from  his  prison  in  France  and  plac- 
ing him  at  the  head  of  affairs  in  Spain,  but  was  detected  by  the  emissaries  of  Bona- 
parte's police.  Ferdinand's  sister,  the  ex-Queen  of  Etruria,  had  also  planned  an 
escape  to  England.  Her  agents  wore  betrayed,  tried  by  a  military  commission,  and 
shot — the  Princess  herself  was  condemned  to  close  confinement  in  a  Komau  con- 
vent. — Eilitor  of  1836  edition. 


1811.         MDIiATS  DECLARATION  OF  FAITH  279 

must  do  him  the  justice  to  say  that  he  never  assumed  the 
King  but  to  his  courtiers,  and  those  who  had  known  him 
only  as  a  monarch.  Eight  or  ten  days  after  the  birth  of 
the  King  of  Eome,  as  I  was  one  morning  walking  in  the 
Champs  Elysees,  I  met  Murat.  He  was  alone,  and  dressed 
iu  a  long  blue  overcoat.  We  were  exactly  opposite  the 
gardens  of  his  sister-in-law,  the  Princess  Borghose.  "  Well, 
Bourrienne,"said  Murat,  after  we  had  exchanged  the  usual 
courtesies,  "  well,  what  are  you  about  now  ?  "  I  informed 
him  how  I  had  been  treated  by  Napoleon,  who,  that  I 
might  not  be  in  Hamburg  when  the  decree  of  union 
aiTived  there,  had  recalled  me  to  Paris  under  a  show  of 
confidence.  I  think  I  still  see  the  handsome  and  expres- 
sive countenance  of  Joachim  when,  having  addressed  him 
by  the  titles  of  Sire  and  Your  Majesty,  he  said  to  me, 
"Pshaw!  Bourrieune,  are  we  not  old  comrades?  The 
Emperor  has  treated  you  unjustly ;  and  to  whom  has  he 
not  been  unjust?  His  displeasure  is  preferable  to  his 
favour,  which  costs  so  dear !  He  says  that  he  made  us 
Kings ;  but  did  we  not  make  him  an  Emperor  ?  To  you, 
my  friend,  whom  I  have  known  long  and  intimately,  I  can 
make  my  profession  of  faith.  My  sword,  my  blood,  my 
life  belong  to  the  Emperor.  When  he  calls  me  to  the 
field  to  combat  his  enemies  and  the  enemies  of  France  I 
am  no  longer  a  King,  I  resume  the  rank  of  a  Marshal  of 
the  Empire ;  but  let  him  require  no  more.  At  Naples  I 
will  be  King  of  Naples,  and  I  will  not  sacrifice  to  his  false 
calculations  the  life,  the  wellbeing,  and  the  interests  of  my 
subjects.'     Let  him  not  imagine  that  he  can  treat  me  as 

'  If  we  add  to  the  irksomeness  of  a  foreign  rule  the  severity  of  the  irrcprular  courts- 
martial  and  military  tribunals  and  the  detested  conscription  law,  which  sent  the 
yonng  men  of  sunny  Naples  to  perish  by  thousands  in  Northern  Germany  or  the 
wilds  of  Poland  and  Russia,  it  will  be  understood  how  unpopular  must  have  been 
Napoleon,  who  ordered  all  these  things.  M.  de  Bourrienne,  however,  does  not  over- 
estimate the  effects  of  the  Continental  system  :  it  had  reduced  one-half  of  the  King- 
dom to  beggary.  In  the  rich  oil  country  about  Gallipoli,  Taranto,  and  Bari,  through 
a  large  portion  of  Apulia  and  Calabria,  many  people  no  longer  pressed  the  olives  that 
their  rich  groves  furnished,  as,  owing  to  the  exclusion  of  England,  America,  etc., 


280         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1811. 

he  has  treated  Louis !  For  I  am  ready  to  defend,  even 
against  him,  if  it  must  be  so,  the  rights  of  the  people  over 
whom  he  has  appointed  me  to  rule.  Am  I  then  an  advance- 
guard  King?"'  These  last  words  appeared  to  me  pecul- 
iarly appropriate  in  the  mouth  of  Murat,  who  had  always 
served  in  the  advance-guard  of  our  armies,  and  I  thought 
expressed  in  a  very  happy  manner  the  similarity  of  his 
situation  as  a  king  and  a  soldier. 

I  walked  with  Murat  about  half  an  hour.  In  the  course 
of  our  conversation  he  informed  me  that  his  greatest  cause 
of  complaint  against  the  Emperor  was  his  having  first  put 
him  forward  and  then  abandoned  him.  "  Before  I  arrived 
in  Naples,"  continued  he,  "it  was  intimated  to  me  that 
there  was  a  design  of  assassinating  me.  What  did  I  do  ? 
I  entered  that  city  alone,  in  full  daylight,  in  an  open  car- 
riage, for  I  would  rather  have  been  assassinated  at  once 
than  have  lived  in  the  constant  fear  of  being  so.  I  after- 
wards made  a  descent  on  the  Isle  of  Capri,  which  succeeded. 
I  attempted  one  against  Sicily,  and  am  certain  it  would 
have  also  been  successful  had  the  Emperor  fulfilled  his 
promise  of  sending  the  Toulon  fleet  to  second  my  opera- 
tions ;  but  he  issued  contrary  orders :  he  enacted  Mazarin, 
and  wished  me  to  play  the  part  of  the  adventurous  Duke  of 
Guise.  But  I  see  through  his  designs.  Now  that  he  has 
a  son,  on  whom  he  has  bestowed  the  title  of  King  of  Kome, 
he  merely  Avishes  the  crown  of  Naples  to  be  considered  as 
a  deposit  in  my  hands.     He  regards  Naples  as  a  future 

from  the  market,  the  price  of  the  oil  scarcely  paid  the  expenses  of  its  preparation. 
Murat,  however,  was  always  personally  popular  with  a  large  portion  of  the  Neapolitan 
nation. — Editor  0/18.36  edition. 

'  The  question  here  asked  by  Murat  would  have  been  answered  by  Napoleon  in  the 
affirmative  ;  and  indeed  a  great  part  of  the  difficulties  of  the  Emperor  and  of  the 
Kings  set  up  by  him  was  that  these  Sovereigns  would  not  recognise  that  this  ■was 
their  real  position.  They  were  the  leaders  of  the  advanced  guard,  or  wardens  of  the 
marches,  of  the  Empire ;  and  tlieir  pitiful,  if  natural  and  sometimes  honourable, 
attempts  to  assume  the  status  of  independent  monarchs,  did  much  to  ruin  the  Empire 
to  which  alone  they  owed  their  existence.  If  Spain,  Holland,  and  Italy  were  to  be 
independent  it  was  not  for  Joseph,  Louis,  and  Murat  to  head  the  struggle  in  thes« 
countrieB. 


1811.  TEE  NEW  NOBILITY.  281 

annexation  to  the  Kingdom  of  Rome,  to  which  I  foresee  it 
is  his  design  to  unite  the  whole  of  Ital}'.  But  let  him  not 
urge  me  too  far,  for  I  will  oppose  him,  and  conquer,  oi' 
perish  in  the  attempt,  sword  in  hand." 

I  had  the  discretion  not  to  inform  Murat  how  correctly 
he  had  divined  the  plans  of  the  Emperor  and  his  projects 
as  to  Italy,  but  in  regard  to  the  Continental  system,  which, 
perhaps,  the  reader  will  be  inclined  to  call  my  great  stalk- 
ing-horse, I  spoke  of  it  as  I  had  done  to  the  Prince  of 
Sweden,  and  I  perceived  that  he  was  fully  disjjosed  to 
follow  my  advice,  as  experience  has  sufficiently  proved. 
It  was  in  fact  the  Continental  system  which  separated  the 
interests  of  Murat  from  those  of  the  Emperor,  and  which 
compelled  the  new  King  of  Naples  to  form  alliances 
amongst  the  Princes  at  war  with  France.  Different  opin- 
ions have  been  entertained  on  this  subject ;  mine  is,  that 
the  Marshal  of  the  Empire  was  wrong,  but  the  King  of 
Naples  right. 

The  Princes  and  Dukes  of  the  Empire  must  pardon  me 
for  so  often  designating  them  by  their  Republican  names. 
The  Marshals  set  less  value  on  their  titles  of  nobility  than 
the  Dukes  and  Counts  selected  from  among  the  civiliajis. 
Of  all  the  sons  of  the  Republic  Regnault  de  St.  Jean 
d'Angely  was  the  most  gratified  at  being  a  Count,  whilst, 
among  the  fathers  of  the  Revolution  no  one  could  regard 
with  greater  disdain  than  Fouche  his  title  of  Duke  of 
Otranto  ;'  he  congratulated  himself  upon  its  possession 
only  once,  and  that  was  after  the  fall  of  the  Empire. 

I  have  expressed  my  dislike  of  Fouche  ;  and  the  reason 
of  that  feeling  was,  that  I  could  not  endure  his  system  of 
making  the  police  a  government  within  a  government. 
He  had  left  Paris  before  my  return  thither,  but  I  had  fre- 
quent occasion  to  speak  of  that  famous  personage  to  Sa- 

1  This  is  in  opposition  to  the  story  that  Fouoh6  took  to  his  new  dignity  so  kindly 
that,  in  recounting  a  conversation,  he  described  Robespierre  as  addressing  him  as 
"Duo  d'Otrante." 


282         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811 

vary,  whom,  for  the  reason  above  assigned,  I  do  not  always 
term  Due  de  Rovigo.  Savary  knew  better  than  any  one 
the  fallacious  measures  of  Fouche's  administration,  since 
he  was  his  successor.  Fouche,  under  pretence  of  encour- 
aging men  of  letters,  though  well  aware  that  the  Emper- 
or was  hostile  to  them,  intended  only  to  bring  them  into 
contempt  by  making  them  write  verses  at  command.  It 
was  easily  seen  that  Napoleon  nourished  a  profound  dis- 
like of  literary  men,'  though  we  must  not  conclude  that 
he  wished  the  public  to  be  aware  of  that  dislike.  Those, 
besides,  who  devoted  their  pens  to  blazon  his  glory  and 
his  power  were  sure  to  be  received  by  him  with  distinc- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  as  Charlemagne  and  Louis  XFV. 
owed  a  portion  of  the  spendour  of  their  reigns  to  the  lus- 
tre reflected  on  them  by  literature,  he  wished  to  appear  to 
patronise  authors,  provided  that  they  never  discussed 
questions  relating  to  philosophy,  the  independence  of 
mankind,  and  civil  and  political  rights.  With  regard  to 
men  of  science  it  was  wholly  different ;  those  he  held  in 
real  estimation  ;  but  men  of  letters,  properly  so  called, 
were  considei'ed  by  him  merely  as  a  sprig  in  his  Imperial 
crown. 

The  marriage  of  the  Emperor  with  an  Archduchess  of 
Austria  had  set  all  the  Court  poets  to  work,  and  in  this 
contest  of  praise  and  flattery  it  must  be  confessed  that 
the  false  gods  were  vanquished  by  the  true  God  ;  foi-,  in 
spite  of  their  fulsome  verses,  not  one  of  the  dicij)les  of 
Apollo  could  exceed  the  extravagance  of  the  Bishops  in 
their  pastoral  letters.  At  a  time  when  so  many  were 
striving  to  force  themselves  into  notice  there  still  existed 
a  feeling  of  esteem  in  the  public  mind  for  men  of  supe- 

'  It  would  not  be  difficult  to  show  that  Napoleon  had  only  a  jirofound  dislike  for 
those  literary  men  who  used  their  pens  in  bitter  attacks  on  him,  or  in  that  party 
warfare  which  it  was  his  great  object  to  put  an  end  to.  If  studying  the  works  of 
the  great  authors,  loving  to  converse  with  those  who  could  pardon  his  elevation,  and 
pensioning  both  those  who  praised  and  those  who  attacked  him,  Is  any  proof  of 
liking  literary  men,  he  certainly  liked  them. 


1811.         CHENIER  AND  DE   CHATEAUBRIAND.  28^ 

rior  talent  who  remained  independent  amidst  the  generaV 
corruption  ;  such  Avas  M.  Lemercier,  such  was  M.  de  Cha- 
teaubriand. I  was  in  Paris  in  the  spring  of  1811,  at  the 
period  of  Chenier's  death,"  when  the  numerous  friends 
whom  Chateaubriand  possessed  in  the  second  class  of  the 
Institute  looked  to  him  as  the  successor  of  Chenier.  This 
was  more  than  a  mere  literary  question,  not  only  on  ac- 
count of  the  high  literary  reputation  M.  de  Chateaubriand 
already  possessed,  but  of  the  recollection  of  his  noble  con- 
duct at  the  period  of  Due  d'Enghien's  death,  which  was 
yet  fresh  in  the  memory  of  every  one  ;  and,  besides,  no 
person  could  be  ignorant  of  the  immeasurable  difference 
of  opinion  between  Chenier  and  M.  de  Chateaubriand. 

M.  de  Chauteaubriand  obtained  a  great  majority  of 
votes,  and  was  elected  a  Member  of  the  Institute.  This 
opened  a  wide  field  for  conjecture  in  Paris.  Every  one 
was  anxious  to  see  how  the  author  of  the  Genie  du  Ghris- 
tianisme,  the  faithful  defender  of  the  Bourbons,  would  bend 
his  eloquence  to  pronounce  the  eulogium  of  a  regicide. 
The  time  for  the  admission  of  the  new  Member  of  the  In- 
stitute arrived,  but  in  his  discourse,  copies  of  which  were 
circulated  in  Paiis,  he  had  ventured  to  allude  to  the  death 
of  Louis  XVI, ,  and  to  raise  his  voice  against  the  regicides. 
This  did  not  displease  Napoleon  ;  but  M.  de  Chateau- 
briand also  made  a  j)rof ession  of  faith  in  favour  of  liberty, 
which,  he  said,  found  refuge  amongst  men  of  letters  when 
banished  from  the  politic  body.     This  was  great  boldness 

'  Marie  Joseph  de  Chonier  died  iu  ISll.  He  had  been  a  fervid  Republican,  while 
his  brother  Andr6  had  taken  the  opposite  side  and  had  been  guillotined  in  1794.  Aa 
Joseph  was  not  believed  to  have  exerted  himself  Vo  save  his  brother  his  opponents 
delighted  to  speak  of  hira,  by  an  intentional  mistake,  as  "  the  brother  of  Abel 
Chenier."  Savary,  then  Minister  of  Police,  claims  (tome  v.  p.  17)  to  have  got  Cha- 
teaubriand nominated  to  the  Academy  ;  see  also  Merlet  (  TAtteratvre  Franfaise, 
1800-15,  tome  i.  p.  245)  to  same  effect.  Chateaubriand  required  some  pressing  to  join 
what  he  called  a  den  of  philosoi)hers,  but  his  permitting  his  name  to  be  put  for- 
ward is  i;ot  quite  consistent  with  his  resignation  of  his  post  after  the  death  of  the 
Due  d'Enghien,  and  with  hia  furious  attack  in  1814  on  the  fallen  Emperor.  For 
a  brief  aocoimt  of  the  complimentary  odes  of  the  period  see  Merlet,  tome  i.  p.  18^ 
and  Savary,  tome  v.  p.  12, 


284         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811 

for  the  time  ;  for  though  Bonaparte  was  secretly  gratified 
at  seeing  the  judges  of  Louis  XVI,  scourged  by  an  heroic 
pen,  yet  those  men  held  the  highest  situations  under  the 
Government.  Cambaceres  filled  the  second  place  in  the 
Empire,  although  at  a  great  distance  from  the  first ;  Mer- 
lin de  Douai  was  also  in  power  ;  and  it  is  known  how 
much  liberty  was  stifled  and  hidden  beneath  the  dazzHng 
illusion  of  what  is  termed  glory.  A  commission  was 
named  to  examine  the  discourse  of  Chateaubriand.  MM. 
Suard,  de  Segur,  de  Fontanes,  and  two  or  three  other 
members  of  the  same  class  of  the  Institute  whose  names  I 
cannot  recollect,  were  of  opinion  that  the  discourse  should 
be  read  ;  but  it  was  opposed  by  the  majority. 

When  Napoleon  was  informed  of  what  had  passed  he 
demanded  a  sight  of  the  address,  which  was  presented  to 
him  by  M.  Daru.  After  having  perused  it  he  exclaimed, 
"  Had  this  discourse  been  delivered  I  would  have  shut  the 
gates  of  the  Institute,  and  thrown  M.  de  Chateaubriand 
into  a  dungeon  for  life."  The  storm  long  raged  ;  at  length 
means  of  conciliation  were  tried.  The  Emperor  required 
M.  de  Chateaubriand  to  prepare  another  discourse,  which 
the  latter  refused  to  do,  in  spite  of  every  menace.  Ma- 
dame Gay  applied  to  Madame  Eegnault  de  St.  Jean  d'An- 
goly,  who  interested  her  husband  in  favour  of  the  author 
of  the  Genie  du  Christianisme.  M.  de  Montalivet  and 
Savary  also  acted  on  this  occasion  in  the  most  praise- 
worthy manner,  and  succeeded  in  aj^peasing  the  first 
transports  of  the  Emperor's  rage.  But  the  name  of  Cha- 
teaubriand constantly  called  to  mind  the  circumstances 
which  had  occasioned  him  to  give  in  his  resignation  ;  and, 
besides,  Napoleon  had  another  complaint  against  him. 
He  had  published  in  the  Mercure  an  article  on  a  work  of 
M.  Alexandre  de  Laborde.  In  that  article,  which  was 
eagerh'  read  in  Paris,  and  which  caused  the  suppression 
of  the  Mercure,  occurred  the  famous  phrase  which  has 
been  since  so  often  repeated  :  "  In  vain  a  Nero  triumphs  : 


1811.  AN  IMPERIAL    CENSOR.  285 

Tacitus  is  already  born  in  Ins  Empire."  This  quotation 
leads  me  to  repeat  an  observation,  whicb,  I  believe,  I  have 
already  made,  viz.  that  it  is  a  manifest  misconception  to 
compare  Bonaparte  to  Nero.  Napoleon's  ambition  might 
blind  his  vision  to  political  crimes,  but  in  private  life  no 
man  could  evince  less  disposition  to  cruelty  or  blood- 
shed. A  proof  that  he  bore  little  resemblance  to  Nero  is 
that  his  anger  against  the  author  of  the  article  in  question 
vented  itself  in  mere  words.  "  ^ATiat !  "  exclaimed  he, 
"  does  Chateaubriand  think  I  am  a  fool,  and  that  I  do  not 
know  what  he  means  ?  If  he  goes  on  this  way  I  will  have 
him  sabred  on  the  steps  of  the  Tuileries."  '  This  lan- 
guage is  quite  characteristic  of  Bonaparte,  but  it  was  ut- 
tered in  the  first  ebullition  of  his  wrath.  Napoleon 
merely  threatened,  but  Nero  would  have  made  good  his 
threat ;  and  in  such  a  case  there  is  surely  some  difference 
between  words  and  deeds. 

The  discourse  of  M.  de  Chateaubriand  revived  Na- 
poleon's former  enmity  against  him  ;  he  received  an  order 
to  quit  Paris.  M.  Daru  returned  to  him  the  manuscript 
of  his  discourse,  which  had  been  read  by  Bonaparte,  who 
cancelled  some  passages  with  a  pencil.  We  can  be  sure 
that  the  phrase  about  liberty  was  not  one  of  those  spared 
by  the  Imperial  pencil.  However  that  may  be,  written 
copies  were  circulated  with  text  altered  and  abbreviated  ; 

1  The  account  of  the  anger  of  Napoleon  is  rather  exaggerated,  and  Chateaubriand 
himself  seems  to  have  been  the  author  of  the  phrase  about  sabring  him  on  the  steps 
of  the  Tuileries.  It  was  Napoleon  who  had  suggested  the  nomination  of  Chateau- 
briand to  the  Institute  ;  and  that  the  Emperor  was  not  ill-advised  in  objecting  to 
the  discourse  presented  to  him  for  his  inspection  .^eems  proved  by  the  fact  that  Cha- 
teaubriand never  published  it  among  his  works,  nor  ga\e  any  acknowledged  text. 
Napoleon  was,  however,  angry  enough  to  give  rise  to  an  amusing  scene.  Daru,  him- 
self an  author  and  a  critic,  brought  the  manuscript  to  the  Emperor,  who  received 
him  alone,  and  soon  worked  himself  into  a  passion  over  the  discourse.  His  furious 
apostrophes  of  the  absent  Chateaubriand  were  overheard  in  the  antechamber,  and 
believed  to  be  addressed  to  Daru.  Thus,  when  Daru  reappeared,  he  found  himself, 
to  his  surprise,  shunned  by  all  the  men  who  on  his  entry  had  greeted  him  most 
warmly ;  each,  however,  on  ascertaining  the  truth,  assuring  him  that  they  had  not 
been  duped.  See  the  description  in  Sainte  Beuve's  Chateaubriand  et  so7i  Groupe 
Litteraiie,  tome  ii.  pp.  99-110. 


286         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

and  I  have  even  been  told  that  a  printed  edition  appeared, 
but  I  have  never  seen  any  copies  ;  and  as  I  do  not  find  the 
discourse  in  the  works  of  M.  de  Chateaubriand  I  have 
reason  to  believe  that  the  author  has  not  yet  wished  to 
publish  it. 

Such  were  the  principal  circumstances  attending  the 
nomination  of  Chateaubriand  to  the  Institute.  I  shall  now 
relate  some  others  which  occurred  on  a  previous  occa- 
sion, viz.  on  the  election  of  an  old  and  worthy  visitor  at 
Malmaison,  M.  Lemercier,  and  which  will  serve  to  show 
one  of  those  strange  inconsistencies  so  frequent  in  the 
character  of  Napoleon. 

After  the  foundation  of  the  Empire  M.  Lemercier  ceased 
to  present  himself  at  the  Tuileries,  St.  Cloud,  or  at  Mal- 
maison, though  he  was  often  seen  in  the  salons  of  Madame 
Bonaparte  while  she  yet  hoped  not  to  become  a  Queen. 
Two  places  were  vacant  at  once  in  the  second  class  of  the 
Institute,  which  still  contained  a  party  favourable  to 
liberty.  This  party,  finding  it  impossible  to  influence  the 
nomination  of  both  members,  contented  itself  with  nam- 
ing one,  it  being  the  mutual  condition,  in  return  for  fa- 
vouring the  Government  candidate,  that  the  Government 
party  should  not  oj^pose  the  choice  of  the  liberals.  The 
liberal  party  selected  M.  Lemercier,  but  as  they  knew  his 
former  connection  with  Bonaparte  had  been  broken  off 
they  wished  first  to  ascertain  that  he  would  do  nothing  to 
commit  their  choice.  Chenier  was  emi^owered  to  inquire 
whether  M.  Lemercier  would  refuse  to  accompany  them 
to  the  Tuileries  when  they  repaired  thither  in  a  body,  and 
whether,  on  his  election,  he  would  comply  with  the  usual 
ceremony  of  being  presented  to  the  Emperor.  M.  Lemer- 
cier replied  that  he  would  do  nothing  contrary  to  the 
customs  and  usages  of  the  body  to  which  he  might  be- 
long :  he  was  accordingly  elected.  The  Government  can- 
didate was  M.  Esmenard,  who  was  also  elected.  The  two 
new  members    were   presented    to    the    Emperor  on   the 


1811.  BIRTH  OF  THE  KINO   OF  ROME.  287 

same  day.  On  this  occasion  upwards  of  400  persons  were 
present  in  the  salon,  from  one  of  whom  I  received  these 
details.  When  the  Emperor  saw  M.  Lemercier,  for  whom 
he  had  long  pretended  great  friendship,  he  said  to  him 
in  a  kind  tone,  "  Well,  Lemercier,  you  are  now  installed." 
Lemercier  resjDectfull}'  bowed  to  the  Emperor,  but  without 
uttering  a  word  of  reply.  Napoleon  was  mortified  at  this 
silence,  but  without  saying  anything  more  to  Lemercier 
he  turned  to  Esmenard,  the  member  who  should  have 
been  most  acceptable  to  him,  and  vented  upon  him  the 
whole  weight  of  his  indignation  in  a  manner  equally  un- 
feeling and  unjust.  "Well,  Esmenard,"  said  he,  "do  you 
still  hold  your  place  in  the  police  ?  "  '  These  words  were 
spoken  in  so  loud  a  tone  as  to  be  heard  by  all  present ; 
and  it  was  doubtless  this  cruel  and  ambiguous-  speech 
which  furnished  the  enemies  of  Esmenard  with  arms  to 
attack  his  reputation  as  a  man  of  honour,  and  to  give  an 
appearance  of  disgrace  to  those  functions  which  he  exer- 
cised with  so  much  zeal  and  ability. 

When,  at  the  commencement  of  1811,  I  left  Paris  I  had 
ceased  to  delude  myself  respecting  the  brilliant  career 
which  seemed  opening  before  me  during  the  Consulate.  I 
clearly  perceived  that  since  Bonaparte,  instead  of  receiving 
me  as  I  expected,  had  refused  to  see  me  at  all,  the  calum- 
nies of  my  enemies  were  triumphant,  and  that  I  had  noth- 
ing to  hope  for  from  an  absolute  ruler,  whose  past  injustice 
rendered  him  the  more  unjust.  He  now  possessed  what 
he  had  so  loug  and  ardently  wished  for, — a  son  of  his  own, 

*  For  the  connection  of  Esmenard  with  the  police  as  editor,  etc.,  seeSavary  (tome 
V.  p.  15),  who  praises  liim  highly,  and  boa^^ts  that  it  was  he  who  got  him,  and  later 
Chateaubriand,  into  the  Academy.  Lemercier,  who  had  been  a  favoured  friend  of 
General  Bonaparte,  withdrew  from  the  Court  and  sent  back  his  cross  of  the  Legion 
o£  Honour  on  the  foundation  of  the  Empire.  His  writings  in  the  subsequent  years 
were  not  very  successful,  even  allowing  for  the  restraints  of  the  censorship.  "  He 
Bent,"  says  Merlet  (tome  i.  p.  ii63),  "  his  pieces  to  the  censor  as  a  general  laimches 
his  soldiers  to  the  assault.  He  thus  had  more  than  five  great  dramas  killed  under  him."' 
Preserving  his  hostility  during  the  time  of  Napoleon's  power  Lemercier  seem.'-  to  have 
regretted  the  Ret-toration,  or  at  least  he  might  have  said  with  Hoffman  when  then 
asked  why  he  did  not  write  against  Napoleon,  "  Because  1  have  never  flattered  him."' 


288         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1811. 

an  iulieritor  of  his  name,  his  power,  and  his  throne.  I  must 
take  this  oi^portiinity  of  stating  that  the  malevolent  and 
infamous  rumours  spread  abroad  respecting  the  birth  of 
the  King  of  Rome  were  wholly  without  foundation.  My 
friend  Corvisart,  who  did  not  for  a  single  instant  leave 
Maria  Louisa  during  her  long  and  painful  labour,  removed 
from  my  mind  every  doubt  on  the  subject.  It  is  as  true 
that  the  young  Prince,  for  whom  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
stood  sponsor  at  the  font,  was  the  son  of  Napoleon  and 
the  Archduchess  Maria  Louisa  as  it  is  false  that  Bonaparte 
Avas  the  father  of  the  first  child  of  Hortense.  The  birth 
of  the  son  of  Napoleon  was  hailed  with  general  enthusiasm.' 
The  Emperor  was  at  the  height  of  his  power  from  the 
period  of  the  birth  of  his  son  until  the  reverse  he  expe- 
rienced after  the  battle  of  the  Moskowa.  The  Empire,  in- 
cluding the  States  possessed  by  the  Imperial  family,  con- 
tained nearly  57,000,000  of  inhabitants ;  but  the  period 
was  fast  approaching  when  this  power,  unparalleled  in 
modern  times,  was  to  collapse  under  its  own  weight. 

1  The  reader  ■will  find  some  very  Interesting  notices  of  this  great  event  and  the 
f^es  which  followed,  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  of  Abrantes,  vol  iii.  p.  279.  It 
appears  from  Mademoiselle  Avrillion's  Memoirs  that  Napoleon  was  the  first  to  an- 
nounce to  Josephine  the  birth  of  his  son.  "  In  such  circumstances,"  said  made- 
moiselle, ''all  that  passes  in  the  breast  of  a  woman  is  inexplicable;  the  Empress 
testified  the  greatest  and  the  most  sincere  joy  at  an  event  which  was  considered  by 
almost  all  Frenchmen  as  an  immense  happiness  for  the  Empire.  .  .  .  She  showed 
rae,  with  a  sort  of  pride,  the  letter  the  Emperor  had  written  her  with  his  own  hand, 
and  in  which  he  added,  after  having  said,  '  My  dear  Josephine,  I  have  a  son,'  these 
other  words,  '  I  am  at  the  summit  of  my  happiness.' 

"  •  Yes  ! '  said  the  Empress  Josephine  to  me  with  visible  emotion,  though  without 
any  sign  of  jealousy  or  ill-humour,  '  Yes  !  he  must  be  very  happy  ! '  and  then,  after 
drying  some  tears  that  escaped  her,  she  continued,  '  and  I  also — I  too  ought  to  be  very 
happy  at  the  happiness  of  the  Emperor — happy  to  see  the  fulfilment  of  the  wishes  of 
all  France — I  now  gather  the  fruits  of  ray  painful  sacrifices,  since  they  have  secured 
the  prosperity  of  France.' " 

The  little  King  of  Rome,  Napoleon  Francis  Bonaparte,  was  born  on  the  20th  ol 
March  1811. — Editor  of  1836  edition. 


1811.  369 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 
1811. 

My  return  to  Hamburg — Government  Committee  established  there — An- 
ecdote of  the  Comte  de  Chaban — Napoleon's  misunderstanding  with 
the  Pope — Cardinal  Fesch — Convention  of  a  Council — Declaration 
required  from  the  Bishops — Spain  in  1811 — Certainty  of  war  with 
Russia — Lauriston  supersedes  Caulaincourt  at  St.  Petersburg — The 
war  in  Spain  neglected — Troops  of  all  nations  at  the  disposal  of  Bona- 
parte— Levy  of  the  National  Guard — Treaties  with  Prussia  and  Austria 
— Capitulation  renewed  with  Switzerland — Intrigues  with  CzernischefT 
— Attacko  of  niy  enemies — Memorial  to  the  Emperor — Ogier  de  la 
Saussaye  and  the  mysterious  box — Removal  of  the  Pope  to  Fontaine- 
bleau — Anecdote  of  His  Holiness  and  M.  Denon — Departure  of  Na- 
poleon and  Maria  Louisa  for  Dresden — Situation  of  affairs  in  Spain 
and  Portugal — Rapp's  account  of  the  Emperor's  journey  to  Dantzic 
— Mutual  wish  for  war  on  the  part  of  Napoleon  and  Alexander — Swe- 
den and  Turkey — Napoleon's  vain  attempt  to  detach  Sweden  from 
her  alliance  with  Russia. 

As  I  took  the  most  lively  interest  in  all  that  concerned 
the  Hanse  Towns,  my  first  care  on  returning  to  Hamburg- 
was  to  collect  information  from  the  most  respectable 
sources  concerning  the  influential  members  of  the  new 
Government.'  Davoust  was  at  its  head.  On  his  arrival 
he  had  established  in  the  Duchy  of  Mecklenburg,  in 
Swedish  Pomerania,  and  in  Stralsund,  the  capital  of  that 
province,  military  posts  and  custom-houses,  and  that  in  a 
time  of  profound  peace  with  those  countries,  and  without 

'  Bourrienne  took  an  interest  in  Hamburg  which  it  is  difficult  to  explain  unless  he 
was,  as  his  enemies  asserted,  engaged  in  Royalist  plots  and  in  underhand  business 
there.  In  1813  Davoust  complained  to  the  Emperor  of  his  intrigues,  and  Napoleon 
replied  that  Bourrienne  had  been  ordered  to  cease  all  correspondence  with  Hamburg, 
and  declared  that  he  would  arrest  him  if  he  still  wrote  there.  Even  then,  30th  June 
1813,  Napoleon  urged  Davoust  to  try  to  discover  Bourrienne's  robberies  in  order  tbac 
he  might  be  made  to  disgorge  (Erreurs,  tome  ii.  p.  241). 

Vol.  in.— 19 


290         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1811. 

any  previous  declaration.  The  omnipotence  of  Napoleon, 
and  the  terror  inspired  by  the  name  of  Davoust,  overcame 
all  obstacles  which  might  have  opposed  those  iniquitous 
usurpations.     The  weak  were  forced  to  yield  to  the  strong. 

At  Hamburg  a  Government  Committee  was  formed, 
consisting  of  the  Prince  of  Eckmuhl  as  President,  Comte 
de  Chaban,  Councillor  of  State,  who  superintended  the 
departments  of  the  Interior  and  Finance,  and  of  M.  Faure, 
Councillor  of  State,  who  was  appointed  to  form  and  regu- 
late the  Courts  of  Law.  I  had  sometimes  met  M.  de 
Chaban  at  Malmaison.  He  was  distantly  related  to  Joseph- 
ine, and  had  formerly  been  an  officer  in  the  French  Guards. 
He  was  compelled  to  emigrate,  having  been  subjected  to 
every  species  of  persecution  during  the  Revolution.' 

M.  de  Chaban  was  among  the  first  of  the  emigrants  who 
returned  to  France  after  the  18th  Brumaire.  He  was  at 
first  made  Sub-Prefect  of  Vendume,  but  on  the  union  of 
Tuscany  with  France  Napoleon  created  him  a  member  of 
the  Junta  appointed  to  regulate  the  affairs  of  Tuscany. 
He  next  became  Prefect  of  Coblentz  and  Brussels,  was 
made  a  Count  by  Bonaparte,  and  was  afterwards  chosen  a 
member  of  the  Government  Committee  at  Hamburg.  M. 
de  Chaban  was  a  man  of  upright  principles,  and  he  dis- 
charged his  various  functions  in  a  way  that  commanded 
esteem  and  attachment." 

"  I  recollect  an  anecdote  which  but  too  well  depicts  those  disastrous  times.  The 
Conite  de  Chaban,  being  obliged  to  cross  France  during  the  Reign  of  TeiTor,  was 
compelled  to  assume  a  disguise.  He  accordingly  provided  himself  with  a  smock- 
frock,  a  cart  and  horses,  and  a  load  of  corn.  In  this  manner  he  journeyed  from  place 
to  place  till  he  reached  the  frontiers.  He  stopped  at  Rochambeau,  in  the  VendO- 
mais,  where  he  was  recognised  by  the  Marshal  de  Rochambeau,  who,  to  guard  against 
exciting  any  suspicion  among  his  servants,  treated  him  as  if  he  had  really  been  a 
carman,  and  said  to  him,  "  Yon  may  dine  in  the  kitchen." — Soiirrieiine. 

"  "  It,"  says  the  Comte  Alexandre  de  Puymaigre  (p.  129),  who  was  employed  under 
Chaban  in  1811  at  Hamburg,  "anyone  could  soften  those  dispositions  (of  Marshal 
Davoust),  not  by  his  very  limited  means,  but  by  the  influence;  given  by  a  patriar- 
chal and  reproachless  life,  true  moderation,  and  undoubted  honesty,  it  was  the 
Comte  de  Chaban,  Councillor  of  State,  charged  with  the  finances  of  the  Northern 
Departments,  lately  annexed.  He  was  loved  and  esteemed  at  Hamburg,  where  he 
often  succeeded  in  reducing  the  burdens  and  in  rendering  the  position  less  painful." 
Chaban  died  of  typhus  at  Hamburg  in  1818. 


1811.         EXACTIONS  IN  THE  HANSE  TOWNS.  291 

The  Hanseatic  Towns,  united  to  the  Grand  Empire  pro- 
fessedly for  their  welfare,  soon  felt  the  blessings  of  the 
new  organisation  of  a  regenerating  Government.  They 
were  at  once  presented  with  the  stamp-duty,  registration, 
the  lotteiy,  the  droits  reunis,  the  tax  on  cards,  and  the 
octroi.  This  prodigality  of  presents  caused,  as  we  may 
be  sui'e,  the  most  lively  gratitude  ;  a  tax  for  military 
quarters  and  for  wai'like  supplies  was  imposed,  but  this 
did  not  relieve  any  one  from  having  not  only  officers  and 
soldiers,  but  even  all  the  chiefs  of  the  administration  and 
their  officials  billeted  on  them.  The  refineries,  breweries, 
and  manufactures  of  all  sorts  were  suppressed.  The  cash 
chests  of  the  Admiralty,  of  the  charity  houses,  of  the  man- 
ufactures, of  the  savings-banks,  of  the  working  classes,  the 
funds  of  the  prisons,  the  relief  meant  for  the  infirm,  the 
chests  of  the  refuges,  orphanages,  and  of  the  hospitals, 
were  all  seized. 

More  than  200,000  men,  Italian,  Dutch,  and  French 
soldiers,  came  in  turn  to  stay  there,  but  only  to  be  cloth- 
ed and  shod  ;  and  then  they  left  newly  clothed  from  head 
to  foot.  To  leave  nothing  to  be  wished  for  Davoust, 
from  1812,  established  military  commissions  in  all  the 
thirty-second  military  division,  before  he  entered  upon 
the  Russian  campaign.  To  complete  these  oppressive 
measures  he  established  at  the  same  time  the  High  Pre- 
votal  Court  of  the  Customs.  It  was  at  this  time  that  ]\L 
Eudes,  the  director  of  the  ordinary  customs,  a  strict  but 
just  man,  said  that  the  rule  of  the  ordinary  customs  wouhi 
he  regretted,  "for  till  noio  you  have  only  been  on  roses." 
The  professed  judgments  of  this  cornet  were  executed  with- 
out appeal  and  without  delay.  From  what  I  have  ju.st 
said  the  situation  and  the  misery  of  the  north  of  Germany, 
and  the  consequent  discontent,  can  be  judged.' 

'  In  all  this  Davoust  was  only  an  instrument.  He  was  then  engaged  in  preparing 
the  army  for  the  Russian  campaign,  and  the  inevitable  strain  fell  heavily  on  the 
unfortunate  Hanse  Towns.  This  is  the  other  side  of  the  description  of  the  enor- 
moug  preparations  which  fill  so  much  of  Thiers  and  other  historians.     As  for  thb 


292         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

During  my  stay  in  Hamburg,  which  on  this  occasion 
was  not  very  long,  Napoleon's  attention  was  particularly 
engaged  by  the  campaign  of  Portugal,  and  his  discussions 
with  the  Pope.  At  this  period  the  thunderbolts  of  Rome 
were  not  very  alarming.  Yet  precautions  were  taken  to 
keep  secret  the  excommunication  which  Pius  VII.  had 
pronounced  against  Napoleon.  The  event,  however,  got 
reported  about,  and  a  party  in  favour  of  the  Pope  speedily 
rose  up  among  the  clergy,  and  more  particularly  among 
the  fanatics.  Napoleon  sent  to  Savona  the  Archbishops 
of  Nantes,  Bourges,  Treves,  and  Tours,  to  endeavour  to 
bring  about  a  reconciliation  with  His  Holiness.  But 
all  their  endeavours  were  unavailing,  and  after  staying  a 
month  at  Savona  they  returned  to  Paris  without  having 
done  anything.  But  Napoleon  was  not  discouraged  by 
this  first  disappointment,  and  he  shortly  afterwards  sent  a 
second  deputation,  which  expex'ienced  the  same  fate  as  the 
first.  Cardinal  Fesch,  Napoleon's  uncle,  took  part  with 
the  Pope.  For  this  fact  I  can  vouch,  though  I  cannot  for 
an  answer  which  he  is  said  to  have  made  to  the  Emperor. 
I  have  been  informed  that  when  Napoleon  was  one  day 
speaking  to  his  uncle  about  the  Pope's  obstinacy  the  Car- 
dinal made  some  observations  to  him  on  his  (Bonaparte's) 
conduct  to  the  Holy  Father,  upon  which  Napoleon  flew 
into  a  passion,  and  said  that  the  Pope  and  he  were  two  old 
fools.  "As  for  the  Pope,"  said  he,  "  he  is  too  obstinate  to 
listen  to  anything.  No,  I  am  determined  he  shall  never 
have  Rome  again.  .  .  .  He  will  not  remain  at  Savona, 
and  where  does  he  wish  I  should  send  him?" — "To 
Heaven,  perhaps,"  replied  the  Cardinal. 

The  truth  is,  the  Emperor  was  violently  irritated  against 
Pius  Vn.  Observing  with  uneasiness  the  differences  and 
difficulties  to  which  all  these  dissensions  gave  rise,  he  was 

seizure  of  all  the  cash,  whatever  might  be  its  intended  destination,  this  was  certain 
to  be  done  under  the  then  great  pressure.  The  same  act  on  the  part  of  the  Uus- 
sians,  when  they  entered  the  town  as  allies,  is  recorded  a  little  farther  on  by  Bour- 
rienne  without  the  sneers  he  employs  against  Davoust. 


1811.      CONFLICT   WITH  PIUS  THE  SEVENTH.         293 

anxious  to  put  a  stop  to  them.  As  the  Pope  would  not 
listen  to  any  propositions  that  were  made  to  him,  Napo- 
leon convoked  a  Council,  which  assembled  in  Paris,  and 
at  which  several  Italian  Bishops  were  present.  The 
Pope  insisted  that  the  temporal  and  spiritual  interests 
should  be  discussed  together ;  and,  however  disposed  a 
certain  number  of  prelates,  particularly  the  Italians,  might 
be  to  separate  these  two  points  of  discussion,  yet  the  in- 
fluence of  the  Church  and  well-contrived  intrigues  gradu- 
ally gave  preponderance  to  the  wishes  of  the  Pope.  The 
Emperor,  having  discovered  that  a  secret  correspondence 
was  carried  on  by  several  of  the  Bishops  and  Archbishops 
who  had  seats  in  the  Council,  determined  to  get  rid  of 
some  of  them,  and  the  Bishops  of  Ghent,  Troyes,  Tournay, 
and  Toulouse  were  arrested  and  sent  to  Vincennes.  They 
were  superseded  by  others.  He  wished  to  dissolve  the 
Council,  which  he  saw  was  making  no  advance  towards  the 
object  he  had  in  view,  and,  fearing  that  it  might  adopt 
some  act  at  variance  with  his  supreme  wish,  every  mem- 
ber of  the  Council  was  individually  required  to  make  a 
declaration  that  the  proposed  changes  were  conformable 
to  the  laws  of  the  Church.  It  was  said  at  the  time  that 
they  were  unanimous  in  this  individual  declaration, 
though  it  is  certain  that  in  the  sittings  of  the  Council 
opinions  were  divided.  I  know  not  what  His  Holiness 
thought  of  these  written  opinions  compared  with  the  ver- 
bal opinions  that  had  been  delivered,  but  certain  it  is 
though  still  a  captive  at  Savona,  he  refused  to  adhere  to 
the  concessions  granted  in  the  secret  declarations. 

The  conflicts  which  took  place  in  Spain  during  the  year 
1811  were  unattended  by  any  decisive  results.  Some 
brilliant  events,  indeed,  attested  the  courage  of  our  troops 
and  the  skill  of  our  generals.  Such  were  the  battle  of 
Albufera  and  the  taking  of  Tarragona,  while  Wellington 
was  obliged  to  raise  the  siege  of  Badajoz.  These  advan- 
tages, which  were  attended  only  by  glory,  encouraged  Na- 


294         MEMOIRS  -OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1811. 

poleon  in  the  hope  of  triumphing  in  the  Peninsula,  and  en- 
abled him  to  enjoy  the  brilliant /(^/es  which  took  place  at 
Paris  in  celebration  of  the  birth  of  the  King  of  Rome. 

On  his  return  from  a  tour  in  Holland  at  the  end  of 
October  Napoleon  clearly  saw  that  a  rupture  with  Russia 
was  inevitable/  In  vain  he  sent  Lauriston  as  Ambassador 
to  St.  Petersburg  to  supersede  Caulaincourt,  who  would 
no  longer  remain  there  :  all  the  diplomatic  skill  in  the 
world  could  effect  nothing  with  a  powerful  Government 
which  had  already  formed  its  determination.  All  the 
Cabinets  in  Europe  were  now  unanimous  in  wishing  for 
the  overthrow  of  Napoleon's  power,  and  the  j^eople  no  less 
ardently  wished  for  an  order  of  things  less  fatal  to  their 
trade  and  industry.  In  the  state  to  which  Eui'ope  was  re- 
duced no  one  could  counteract  the  wish  of  Russia  and  her 
allies  to  go  to  war  with  France — Lauriston  no  more  than 
Caulaincoiirt. 

The  war  for  which  Napoleon  was  now  obliged  to  pre- 
pare forced  him  to  neglect  Sijain,  and  to. leave  his  inter- 
ests in  that  country  in  a  state  of  real  danger.  Indeed,  his 
occupation  of  Spain  and  his  well-known  wish  to  maintain 
himself  there  were  additional  motives  for  inducing  the 
powers  of  Europe  to  enter  upon  a  war  which  would  neces- 
sarily divide  Napoleon's  forces.  All  at  once  the  troops 
which  were  in  Italy  and  the  north  of  Germany  moved 
towards  the  frontiers  of  the  Russian  Empire.  From 
March  1811  the  Emperor  had  all  the  military  forces  of 
Europe  at  his  disposal.  It  was  curious  to  see  this  union 
of  nations,  distinguished  by  difference  of  manners,  lan- 

•  It  should  be  remarked  that  Napoleon  was  far  from  being  anxious  for  the  war 
with  Bussia.  Metternich  (vol.  ii.  p.  493),  writing  on  26th  March  1811,  pays 
"  Everything  seems  to  indicate  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  is  at  present  still  far 
from  desiring  a  war  with  Russia.  But  it  is  not  less  true  that  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander has  given  himself  over,  nolens  volens,  to  the  war  party,  and  that  he  will  bring 
about  war,  because  the  time  is  approaching  when  he  will  no  longer  be  able  to  resist 
the  reaction  of  the  party  in  the  internal  affairs  of  his  Empire,  or  the  temper  of  his 
army.  The  contest  between  Count  Romanzow  and  the  party  oiiposed  to  that  Min- 
ister seems  on  the  point  of  precipitating  a  war  between  Russia  and  France."  This, 
from  Metternich,  is  strong  evidence. 


1811.  WAE  WITH  RUSSIA.  295 

guage,  religion,  and  interests,  all  ready  to  fight  for  one 
man  against  a  power  who  had  done  nothing  to  offend 
them.  Prussia  herself,  though  she  could  not  pardon  the 
injuries  he  had  inflicted  upon  her,  joined  his  alliance,  but 
with  the  intention  of  breaking  it  on  the  first  opportunity. 
When  the  war  with  Russia  was  first  spoken  of  Savary  and 
I  had  frequent  conversations  on  the  subject.  I  communi- 
cated to  him  all  the  intelligence  I  received  from  abroad 
respecting  that  vast  enterprise.  The  Due  de  Rovigo 
shared  all  my  forebodings  ;  and  if  he  and  those  who 
thovight  like  him  had  been  listened  to,  the  war  would 
probably  have  been  avoided.  Through  him  I  learnt  who 
Avere  the  individuals  who  urged  the  invasion.  The  eager 
ambition  Avith  which  they  looked  forward  to  Viceroyalties, 
Duchies,  and  endowments  blinded  them  to  the  possibility 
of  seeing  the  Cossacks  in  Paris. 

The  gigantic  enterprise  being  determined  on,  vast  prep- 
arations were  made  for  carrying  it  into  eflect.  Before 
his  departure  Napoleon,  who  was  to  take  with  him  all  the 
disposable  troops,  caused  a  Senatus-considte  to  be  issued 
for  levying  the  National  Guards,  who  were  divided  into 
three  cox'ps.  He  also  arranged  his  diplomatic  affairs  by 
concluding,  in  Februarj'  1812,  a  treaty  of  alliance,  offen- 
sive and  defensive,  with  Prussia,  by  virtue  of  which  the 
two  contracting  powei's  mutually  guaranteed  the  integrity 
of  their  own  possessions,  and  the  European  possessions  of 
the  Ottoman  Porte,  because  that  power  was  then  at  war 
with  Russia.  A  similar  treaty  was  concluded  about  the 
beginning  of  March  with  Austria,  and  about  the  end  of 
the  same  month  Napoleon  renewed  the  capitulation  of 
France  and  Switzerland.  At  length,  in  the  month  of 
April,  there  came  to  light  an  evident  proof  of  the  success 
which  had  attended  M.  Czernischeff's  intrigues  in  Paris. 
It  was  ascertained  that  a  clerk  in  the  War  0£&ce,  named 
Michel,  had  communicated  to  him  the  situation  of  the 
French  forces  in  Germany.     Michel  was  condemned  tc 


296         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

death,  for  the  time  was  gone  by  when  Bonaparte,  confi- 
dent in  his  genius  and  good  fortune,  could  communicate 
his  plans  to  the  spy  of  General  Melas. 

In  March  1812,  when  I  saw  that  the  approaching  war 
would  necessarily  take  Napoleon  from  France,  weary  of 
the  persecutions  and  even  threats  by  which  I  was  every 
day  assailed,  I  addressed  to  the  Emperor  a  memorial  ex- 
plaining my  conduct  and  showing  the  folly  and  wicked- 
ness of  my  accusers.  Among  them  was  a  certain  Ogier 
de  la  Saussaye,  who  had  sent  a  report  to  the  Emperor,  in 
which  the  principal  charge  was,  that  I  had  carried  off  a 
box  containing  important  papers  belonging  to  the  First 
Consul.  The  accusation  of  Ogier  de  la  Saussaye  termi- 
nated thus:  "  I  add  to  my  report  the  interrogatories  of  3TM. 
Wesfphalen,  Osy,  Chajpeau  Rouge,  Aukscher,  Thierry,  and 
Gum.precht-3fares.  The  evidence  of  the  latter  bears  jyrinci- 
paUy  on  a  certain  mysterious  box,  a  secret  upon  which  it  is 
impossible  to  throio  any  light,  but  the  reality  of  ivhich  we  are 
bound  to  believe."  These  are  his  words.  The  affair  of  the 
mysterious  box  has  been  already  explained.  I  have  al- 
ready informed  the  reader  that  I  put  my  papers  into  a 
box,  which  I  buried  lest  it  should  be  stolen  from  me.' 
But  for  that  precaution  I  should  not  have  been  able  to  lay 
before  the  reader  the  autograph  documents  in  my  posses- 
sion, and  which  I  imagine  form  the  most  essential  part  of 
these  volumes.  In  my  memorial  to  the  Emperor  I  said, 
in  allusion  to  the  passage  above  quoted,  "  This,  Sire,  is 
the  most  atrocious  part  of  Ogier's  report. 

"  Gumprecht  being  questioned  on  this  point  replies 
that  the  accuser  has  probably,  as  well  as  himself,  seen  the 
circumstance  mentioned  in  an  infamous  pamphlet  which 

'  This  burial  of  the  box  has  been  mentioned  by  Bourrienne  at  the  time  of  his  dis- 
grace in  1802.  What  possible  right  an  ex-Secretary  had  to  keep  autograph  documents, 
and  why  he  should  be  so  anxious  to  conceal  them  if  they  were  his  owm  property,  and 
contained  nothing  that  could  be  used  against  him  to  substantiate  the  charges  for 
which  he  was  disgraced,  are  points  he  docs  not  allude  to.  His  indignant  denial  of 
Ogier's  statement  is  good. 


1811.  THE  MTSTEMIOUS  BOX.  297 

appeared  seven  or  eight  j-ears  ago.  It  was,  I  think,  en- 
titled 'Le  Secret  du  Cabinet  des  Tuileries,'  and  was  very 
likely  at  the  time  of  its  appearance  denounced  by  the  po- 
lice. In  that  libel  it  is  stated,  among  a  thousand  other 
calumnies  equally  false  and  absurd,  that  '  When  I  left  the 
First  Consul  1  carried  aivay  a  box  full  of  important  papers, 
that  I  was  in  consequence  sent  to  the  Temple,  where  your 
brother  Joseph  came  to  me  and  offered  me  my  liberation, 
and  a  million  of  francs,  if  I  would  restore  the  papers,  ivhich 
I  refused  to  do,'  etc.  Ogier,  instead  of  looking  for  this 
libel  in  Hamburg,  where  I  read  it,  has  the  impudence  to 
give  credit  to  the  charge,  the  truth  of  which  could  have 
been  ascertained  immediately  :  and  he  adds,  '  This  secret 
ive  are  bound  to  believe.'  Your  Majesty  knows  whether  I 
was  ever  in  the  Temple,  and  whether  Joseph  ever  made 
such  an  offer  to  me."  I  entreated  that  the  Emperor 
would  do  me  the  favour  to  bring  me  to  trial ;  for  certainly 
I  should  have  regarded  that  as  a  favour  rather  than  to 
remain  as  I  was,  exposed  to  vague  accusations  ;  yet  all  my 
solicitations  were  in  vain.  My  letter  to  the  Emperor  re- 
mained unanswered  ;  but  though  Bonaparte  could  not 
spare  a  few  moments  to  reply  to  an  old  friend,  I  learned 
through  Duroc  the  contempt  he  cherished  for  my  ac- 
cusers. Duroc  advised  me  not  to  be  uneasy,  and  that  in 
all  probabilit}' the  Emperor's  prejudices  against  me  would 
be  speedily  overcome  ;  and  I  must  say  that  if  they  were 
not  overcome  it  was  neither  the  fault  of  Duroc  nor  Savary, 
who  knew  how  to  rightly  estimate  the  miserable  intrigues 
just  alluded  to. 

Napoleon  was  at  length  determined  to  extend  the  limits 
of  his  Empire,  or  rather  to  avenge  the  injuries  which  Rus- 
sia had  committed  against  his  Continental  system.  Yet,  be- 
fore he  departed  for  Germany,  the  resolute  refusal  of  the 
Pope  to  submit  to  any  arrangement  urgently  claimed  his 
consideration.  Savona  did  not  appear  to  him  a  sufficiently 
secure  residence  for  such  a  prisoner.    He  feared  that  when 


298         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811, ' 

all  his  strength  should  be  removed  towards  the  Niemen 
the  English  might  carry  off  the  Pope,  or  that  the  Italians, 
excited  by  the  clergy,  whose  dissatisfaction  was  general 
in  Italy,  would  stir  up  tliose  religious  dissensions  which 
are  always  fatal  and  difficult  to  quell.  With  the  view, 
therefore,  of  keeping  the  Pope  under  his  control  he  re- 
moved him  to  Fontainebleau,  and  even  at  one  time  thought 
of  bringing  him  to  Paris. 

The  Emperor  appointed  M.  Denon  to  reside  with  the 
Pope  at  Fontainebleau  ;  and  to  afford  his  illustrious  pris- 
oner the  society  of  such  a  man  was  certainly  a  delicate 
mark  of  attention  on  the  part  of  Napoleon.  When  speak- 
ing of  his  residence  with  Pius  VII.  M.  Denon  related  to 
me  the  following  anecdote.  "The  Pope,"  said  he,  "  was 
much  attached  to  me.  He  always  addressed  me  by  the 
appellation  'my  i^on,'  and  he  loved  to  converse  with  me, 
especially  on  the  subject  of  the  Egyptian  expedition.  One 
day  he  asked  me  for  my  work  on  Egypt,  which  he  said  he 
wished  to  read  ;  and  as  you  know  it  is  not  quite  orthodox, 
and  does  not  perfectly  agree  with  the  creation  of  the 
world  according  to  Genesis,  I  at  first  hesitated  ;  but  the 
Pope  insisted,  and  at  length  I  complied  with  his  wish. 
The  Holy  Father  assured  me  that  he  had  been  much  in- 
terested by  the  perusal  of  the  book.  I  made  some  al- 
lusion to  the  delicate  points  ;  ujDon  Vv^hich  he  said,  '  No 
matter,  no  matter,  my  son  ;  all  that  is  exceedingly  curi- 
ous, and  I  must  confess  entirely  new  to  me.'  I  then," 
continued  M.  Denon,  "  told  His  Holiness  why  I  hesitated 
to  lend  him  the  work,  which,  I  observed,  he  had  excom- 
municated, together  with  its  author.  '  Excommunicated 
you,  my  son  ? '  resumed  the  Pope  in  a  tone  of  affectionate 
concern.  '  I  am  very  sorry  for  it,  and  I  assure  you  I  was 
far  from  being  aware  of  any  sucli  thing.'" 

When  M.  Denon  related  to  me  this  anecdote  he  told  me 
how  greatly  he  had  admired  the  virtues  and  resignation  of 
the  Holy  Father  ;  but  he  added  that  it  would  nevertheless 


1811.  THE  POPE  AT  FONTAINEBLEAU.  299 

have  been  easier  to  make  him  a  martyr  than  to  induce  him 
to  yield  on  any  point  until  he  should  be  restored  to  the 
temporal  sovereignty  of  Rome,  of  which  he  considered 
himself  the  depositary,  and  which  he  would  not  endure 
the  reproach  of  having  willingly  sacrificed.  After  settling 
the  place  of  the  Pope's  residence  Napoleon  set  off  for 
Dresden,  accompanied  by  Maria  Louisa,  who  had  express- 
ed a  wish  to  see  her  father. ' 

The  Russian  enterprise,  the  most  gigantic,  perhaps,  that 
the  genius  of  man  ever  conceived  since  the  conquest  of 
India  by  Alexander,  now  absorbed  universal  attention, 
and  defied  the  calculations  of  reason.    ,The  Manzanares 

1  Come,  you  who  would  form  a  correct  idea  of  the  domination  exercised  by  Napo- 
leon over  Europe,  who  desire  to  fathom  the  depth  of  terror  into  which  the  sovereigns 
of  the  Continent  were  plunged  ;  come,  transport  yourselves  with  me  to  Dresden, 
and  there  contemplate  that  mighty  Chief  at  the  proudest  period  of  his  glory — so 
near  to  that  of  his  humiliation  ! 

The  Emperor  occupied  the  principal  apartments  of  the  Palace.  He  brought  with 
him  almost  the  whole  of  his  household,  and  formed  a  regular  establishment.  The 
King  of  Saxony  was  nothing  :  it  was  constantly  at  Napoleon's  apartments  that  the 
sovereigns  and  their  families  were  assembled,  by  cards  of  invitation  from  the  Grand 
Marshal  of  his  Palace.  Private  individuals  were  sometimes  admitted  ;  I  had  my- 
self that  honour,  on  the  day  of  my  appointment  to  Poland.  The  Emperor  held  his 
levees  as  usual  at  nine.  Then  you  should  have  seen  in  what  numbers,  with  what 
submissive  timidity,  a  crowd  of  potentates — mixed  and  confounded  among  the  cour- 
tiers and  often  entirely  overlooked  by  them — awaited  in  fearful  expectation  the 
moment  of  appearing  before  the  new  arbiter  of  their  destinies  1  You  phould  have 
heard  the  frivolous  questions  which  the  Emperor  put  to  them,  and  the  humble  an- 
swers which  they  ventured  to  hazard  !  What  Phjedra  said  of  Hippolytus  may  be 
justly  applied  to  Napoleon's  residence  at  Dresden  : 

"  Even  at  the  altars  where  I  seem'd  to  pray, 
This  was  the  real  god  of  all  my  vows." 

Napoleon  was,  in  fact,  the  god  of  Dresden,  the  only  King  among  all  the  kings  as- 
sembled there — the  King  of  kings  ! — on  him  all  eyes  were  turned  ;  in  his  apartments, 
and  around  Im  person,  were  collected  the  august  guests  who  filled  the  Palace  of  the 
King  of  Saxony.  The  throng  of  foreigners,  of  officers,  of  courtiers — the  arrival 
and  departure  of  couriers,  crossing  one  another  in  every  direction  ;  the  mass  of  peo- 
ple hurrying  to  the  gates  of  the  Palace  at  the  least  movement  of  the  Emperor, 
crowding  upon  his  steps,  gazing  at  him  with  an  air  of  mingled  admiration  and  as- 
tonishment—the expectation  of  the  future  strongly  painted  in  every  face,  the  confi- 
dence on  one  side,  the  anxiety  on  the  other — all  these  together  presented  the  vastest 
and  most  interesting  picture,  the  most  brilliant  and  dazzling  monument  ever  yet 
raised  to  the  jjower  of  Napoleon  !  He  had  now  certainly  attained  the  zenith  of  his 
glory.  He  might  hold  his  elevated  station ;  but  to  surpass  it  seemed  impos,sible" 
(HiHtoire  de  rAmbassade  datis  le  Graiul  Duclie  de  Vamovie,  e?i  1812,  par  M.  de 
Pradt,  Archeveque  de  Malines,  alors  Ambassadeur  a  Varsovie). 


SOO         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       181L 

was  forgotten,  and  nothing  was  thought  of  but  the  Niemen, 
ah-eady  so  celebrated  by  the  raft  of  Tilsit,  Thither,  as 
towards  a  common  centre,  were  moving  men,  horses,  pro- 
visions, and  baggage  of  eveiy  kind,  from  all  parts  of  Eu- 
rope. The  hopes  of  our  generals  and  the  fears  of  all  pru- 
dent men  were  directed  to  Russia.  The  war  in  Spain, 
which  was  becoming  more  and  more  unfortunate,  excited 
but  a  feeble  interest ;  and  our  most  distinguished  officers 
looked  upon  it  as  a  disgrace  to  be  sent  to  the  Peninsula. 
In  short,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that  the  period  was  not  far 
distant  when  the  French  would  be  obliged  to  recross  the 
Pyrenees.  Though  the  truth  was  concealed  from  the  Em- 
peror on  many  subjects,  yet  he  was  not  deceived  as  to  the 
situation  of  Spain  in  the  spring  of  1812.  In  February  the 
Duke  of  Ragusa  had  frankly  informed  him  that  the  armies 
of  Spain  and  Portugal  could  not,  without  considerable  re- 
inforcements of  men  and  money,  hope  for  any  important 
advantages  since  Ciudad-Rodrigo  and  Badajoz  had  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  the  English. 

Before  he  commenced  his  great  operations  on  the  Nie- 
men and  the  Volga  Napoleon  made  a  journe}'  to  Dantzic, 
and  Rapp,  who  was  then  Governor  of  that  city,  informed 
me  of  some  curious  particulars  connected  with  the  Imperial 
visit.  The  fact  is,  that  if  Rapp's  advice  had  been  listened 
to,  and  had  been  supported  by  men  higher  in  rank  than 
himself,  Bonaparte  would  not  have  braved  the  chances 
of  the  Russian  war  until  those  chances  turned  against  him. 
Speaking  to  me  of  the  Russians  Rapp  said,  "  They  will 
soon  be  as  wise  as  we  are  !  Every  time  we  go  to  war 
with  them  we  teach  them  how  to  beat  us."  I  was  struck 
with  the  originality  and  truth  of  this  observation,  which 
at  the  time  I  heard  it  was  new,  thought  it  has  been  often 
repeated  since. 

"Ou  leaving  Dresden,"  said  Rapp  to  me,  "Napoleon 
came  to  Dantzic.  I  expected  a  dressing  ;  for,  to  tell  you  the 
truth,  I  had  treated  very  cavalierly  both  his  custom-house 


1811.  FRENCH  REVERSES  IN  SPAIN.  301 


and  its  officers,  who  were  raising  up  as  many  enemies  to 
France  as  there  were  inhabitants  in  my  Government.  I 
had  also  warned  him  of  all  that  has  since  happened  in  Rus- 
sia, but  I  assure  you  I  did  not  think  myself  quite  so  good  a 
prophet.  In  the  beginning  of  1812  I  thus  wrote  to  him  : 
'  If  your  Majesty  should  experience  reverses  you  may  de- 
pend on  it  that  both  Russians  and  Germans  will  rise  up  in  a 
mass  to  shake  off  the  yoke.  There  will  be  a  crusade,  and  all 
your  allies  will  abandon  you.  Even  the  King  of  Bavaria,  on 
whom  you  rely  so  confidently,  will  join  the  coalition.  I  ex- 
cept only  the  King  of  Saxony.  He,  perhaps,  might  remain 
faithful  to  you  ;  but  his  subjects  will  force  him  to  make 
common  cause  with  your  enemies.'  The  King  of  Naples," 
continued  Rapp,  "who  had  the  command  of  the  cavalry,  had 
been  to  Dantzic  before  the  Emperoi'.  He  did  not  seem  to 
take  a  more  favourable  view  of  the  approaching  campaign 
than  I  did.  Murat  was  dissatisfied  that  the  Emperor  would 
not  consent  to  his  rejoining  him  in  Dresden  ;  and  he  said 
that  he  would  rather  be  a  captain  of  grenadiers  than  a 
King  such  as  he  was." 

Here  I  interrupted  Rapp  to  tell  him  what  had  fallen 
from  Murat  when  I  met  him  in  the  Champs  Elysees 
"Bah  !  "  resumed  Rapp,  "Murat,  brave  as  he  was,  was  a 
craven  in  Napoleon's  presence  !  On  the  Emperor's  arrival 
in  Dantzic  the  first  thing  of  which  he  spoke  to  me  was  the 
alliance  he  had  just  then  concluded  with  Prussia  and  Aus- 
tria. I  could  not  refrain  from  telling  him  that  we  did  a 
great  deal  of  mischief  as  allies  ;  a  fact  of  which  I  was  as- 
sured from  the  repoi'ts  daily  transmitted  to  me  respecting 
the  conduct  of  our  troops.  Bonaparte  tossed  his  head,  as 
you  know  he  was  in  the  habit  of  doing  when  he  was  dis- 
j)leased.  After  a  moment's  silence,  dropping  the  familiar 
thee  and  thou,  he  said,  'Monsieur  le  General,  this  is  a 
torrent  which  must  be  allowed  to  run  itself  out.  It  will 
not  last  long.  I  must  first  ascertain  whether  Alexander 
decidedly  wishes  for  war.'     Tlieu,  suddenly  changing  the 


303         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1811. 

subject  of  conversation,  he  said,  *  Have  you  not  lately  ob- 
served something  extraordinary  iu  Murat  ?  I  think  he  is 
quite  altered.  Is  he  ill?' — 'Sire,'  replied  I,  'Murat  is 
not  ill,  but  he  is  out  of  spirits.' — '  Out  of  spirits  !  but  why? 
Is  he  not  satisfied  with  being  a  King?' — 'Sire,  Murat 
says  he  is  no  King.' — '  That  is  his  own  fault.  Why  does 
he  make  himself  a  Neaijolitan  ?  Why  is  he  not  a  French- 
man ?  When  he  is  in  his  Kingdom  he  commits  all 
sorts  of  follies.  He  favours  the  trade  of  England  ;  that 
I  will  not  suifer. ' 

"  When,"  continued  Eapp,  "  he  spoke  of  the  favour  ex- 
tended by  Murat  to  the  trade  between  Naples  and  Eng- 
land I  thought  my  turn  would  come  next ;  but  I  was  de- 
ceived. No  more  was  said  on  the  subject,  and  when  I 
was  about  to  take  my  leave  the  Emperor  said  to  me,  as 
when  in  his  best  of  humours,  '  Rapp,  you  will  sup  with 
me  this  evening.'  I  accordingly  supped  that  evening  with 
the  Empei'or,  who  had  also  invited  the  King  of  Naples  and 
Berthier.  Next  day  the  Emperor  visited  the  fortress,  and 
afterwards  returned  to  the  Government  Palace,  where  he 
received  the  civil  and  military  authorities.  He  again  in- 
vited Murat,  Berthier,  and  me  to  supper.  When  we  first 
sat  down  to  table  we  were  all  very  dull,  for  the  Emperor 
was  silent ;  and,  as  you  well  know,  under  such  circum- 
stances not  even  Murat  himself  dared  to  be  the  first  to 
speak  to  him.  At  length  Napoleon,  addressing  me,  in- 
quired how  far  it  was  from  Cadiz  to  Dantzic.  '  Too  far. 
Sire,'  replied  I.  'I  understand  you.  Monsieur  le  General, 
but  in  a  few  months  the  distance  will  be  still  greater.' — 
'  So  much  the  worse,  Sire  ! '  Here  there  was  another 
pause.  Neither  Murat  nor  Berthier,  on  whom  the  Em- 
peror fixed  a  scrvitinising  glance,  uttered  a  word,  and 
Napoleon  again  broke  silence,  but  without  addressing 
any  one  of  us  in  particular:  'Gentlemen,'  said  he  in  a 
solemn  and  rather  low  tone  of  voice,  '  I  see  plainly  that 
you  are  none  of  you  inclined  to  fight  again.     The  King  of 


1811.  MURAT,  BERTEIER,  AND  RAPP.  303 

Naples  does  not  wish  to  leave  tlie  fine  climate  of  his  domin- 
ions, Berthier  wishes  to  enjoy  the  diversion  of  the  chase  at 
his  estate  of  Gros  Bois,  and  Rapp  is  impatieni  to  be  back 
to  his  hotel  in  Paris.'  Would  you  believe  it,"  pursued 
Rapp,  "that  neither  Murat  nor  Berthier  said  a  word  in 
reply  ?  and  the  ball  again  came  to  me.  I  told  him  frankly 
that  what  he  said  was  perfectly  true,  and  the  King  of 
Naples  and  the  Prince  of  Neufchatel  complimented  me  on 
my  spirit,  and  observed  that  I  was  quite  right  in  saying 
what  I  did.  'Well,'  said  I,  "since  it  was  so  very  right, 
why  did  you  not  follow  my  example,  and  why  leave  me  to 
say  all?'  You  cannot  conceive,"  added  Rapp,  "how  con- 
founded they  both  were  ;  and  especially  Murat,  though 
he  was  very  differently  situated  from  Berthier." 

The  negotiations  which  Bonaparte  opened  with  Alexan- 
der, when  he  yet  wished  to  seem  averse  to  war,  resembled 
those  oratorical  paraphrases  which  do  not  prevent  us 
from  coming  to  the  conclusion  we  wish.  The  two  Em- 
perors equally  desired  war  ;  the  one  with  the  view  of  con- 
solidating his  power,  and  the  other  in  the  hope  of  freeing 
himself  from  a  3'oke  which  threatened  to  reduce  him  to  a 
state  of  vassalage,  for  it  was  little  short  of  this  to  require 
a  power  like  Russia  to  close  her  ports  against  England  for 
the  mere  purpose  of  favouring  the  interests  of  France. 
At  that  time  only  two  Euroi^ean  powers  were  not  tied  to 
Naj)oleon's  fate — Sweden  and  Turkey.  Napoleon  was 
anxious  to  gain  the  alliance  of  these  two  powei's.  With 
respect  to  Sweden  his  efforts  were  vain ;  and  though,  in 
fact,  Turkey  was  then  at  war  with  Russia,  yet  the  Grand 
Seignior  was  not  now,  as  at  the  time  of  Sebastiani's  em- 
bassy, subject  to  the  influence  of  France. 

The  peace,  which  was  soon  concluded  at  Bucharest,  be- 
tween Russia  and  Turkey  increased  Napoleon's  embarrass- 
ment. The  left  of  the  Russian  army,  secured  by  the  neu- 
trality of  Turkey,  was  reinforced  by  Bagration's  cor^DS 
from  Moldavia :    it  subsequently    occupied  the   right  of 


304         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1811. 


the  Beresina,  and  destroyed  the  last  liope  of  saving  the 
wreck  of  the  French  army.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive 
how  Turkey  could  have  allowed  the  consideration  of 
injuries  she  had  received  from  France  to  induce  her  to 
terminate  the  war  with  Russia  when  France  was  at- 
tacking that  power  with  immense  forces.  The  Turks 
never  had  a  fairer  opportunity  for  taking  revenge  on 
Russia,  and,  unfortunately  for  Napoleon,  the}^  suffered  it 
to  escape.' 

Napoleon  was  not  more  successful  when  he  sought  the 
alliance  of  a  Prince  whose  fortune  he  had  made,  and  who 
was  allied  to  his  family,  but  with  whom  he  had  never  been 
on  terms  of  good  understanding.  The  Empei-or  Alexander 
had  a  considerable  corps  of  troops  in  Finland  destined  to 
protect  that  country  against  the  Swedes,  Napoleon  having 
consented  to  that  occupation  in  order  to  gain  the  provi- 
sional consent  of  Alexander  to  the  invasion  of  Spain.  What 
was  the  course  pursued  by  Najjoleon  when,  being  at  war 
with  Russia,  he  wished  to  detach  Sweden  from  her  alliance 
with  Alexander  ?  He  intimated  to  Bernadotte  that  he  had 
a  sure  opportunity  of  retaking  Finland,  a  conquest  which 
would  gratify  his  subjects  and  Avin  their  attachment  to 
him.  By  this  alliance  Napoleon  wished  to  force  Alexander 
not  to  withdraw  the  troops  who  were  in  the  north  of  his 
Empire,  but  rather  to  augment  their  numbers  in  order  to 
cover  Finland  and  St.  Petersburg.  It  was  thus  that  Napo- 
leon endeavoured  to  draw  the  Prince  Royal  into  his  coali- 

'  This  important  treaty  of  peace  between  Russia  and  Turkey,  through  the  media- 
tion of  Great  Britain,  was  admirably  conducted,  and  brought  to  a  most  successful 
issue  by  Lord  Stratford,  then  Mr.  S.  Canning,  a  young  man  and  a  very  young  diplo- 
matist. Lord  Stratford  de  Redclyffe,  like  his  cousin  George  Canning,  gained  high 
literary  honours  as  well  as  political  ones.  He  was  the  author  of  a  magnificent  ode  on 
the  fall  of  Bonaparte, — a  production  with  which  Lord  Byron  was  enchanted.  It  is 
curious  that  a  few  years  ago  the  Court  of  Russia  should  have  positively  refused  to 
receive  as  British  Ambassador  the  distinguished  individual  who  once  did  their  coun- 
try such  signal  service.  Such,  however,  was  the  fact,  and  after  long  delays  and  many 
heart-burnings,  during  which  the  Emperor  Nicholas  would  state  no  motives  for  his 
nlmost  unprecedented  refusal.  Lord  Durham  was  appointed  by  the  Cabinet  to  supply 
Sir  Stratford  Canning's  place. — Edilui-  c/ ItSiC  ediUon. 


1811.  RUSSIA  AND  FINLAND.  ^305 

tion.  It  was  of  little  consequence  to  Napoleon  whether 
Beruadotte  succeeded  or  not.  The  Emperor  Alexander 
would  nevertheless  have  been  obliged  to  increase  his  force 
in  Finland  ;  that  was  all  that  Napoleon  wished.  In  the 
gigantic  struggle  upon  which  France  and  Russia  were 
about  to  enter  the  most  trivial  alliance  was  not  to  be  neg- 
lected. In  January  1812  Davoust  invaded  Swedish  Pom- 
erania  without  any  declaration  of  war,  and  without  any 
apparent  motive.  Was  this  inconceivable  violation  of 
territory  likely  to  dispose  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  to 
the  proposed  alliance,  even  had  that  alliance  not  been 
adverse  to  the  interests  of  his  country?  That  was  impos- 
sible ;  and  Bernadotte  took  the  part  which  was  expected 
of  him.  He  rejected  the  offers  of  Napoleon,  and  prepared 
for  coming  events. 

The  Emperor  Alexander  wished  to  withdraw  his  force 
from  Finland  for  the  purpose  of  more  effectively  opposing 
the  immense  army  which  threatened  his  States.  Unwill- 
ing to  expose  Finland  to  an  attack  on  the  part  of  Sweden, 
he  had  an  interview  on  the  28t.h  of  Avtgvist  1812,  at  Abo, 
with  the  Prince  Roj'al,  to  come  to  an  arrangement  with 
him  for  uniting  their  interests.  I  know  that  the  Emperor 
of  Russia  pledged  himself,  whatever  might  haj)pen,  to 
protect  Bernadotte  against  the  fate  of  the  new  dynasties, 
to  guarantee  the  possession  of  his  throne,  and  promised 
that  he  should  have  Norway  as  a  compensation  for  Finland. 
He  even  went  so  far  as  to  hint  that  Bernadotte  might 
supersede  Napoleon.  Bernadotte  adopted  all  the  propo- 
sitions of  Alexander,  and  from  that  moment  Sweden  made 
common  cause  against  Napoleon.  The  Prince  Royal's  con- 
duct has  been  much  blamed,  but  the  question  resolved 
itself  into  one  of  mere  political  interest.  Could  Berna- 
dotte, a  Swede  hy  adoption,  prefer  the  alliance  of  an 
ambitious  sovereign  whose  vengeance  he  had  to  fear,  and 
who  had  sanctioned  the  seizure  of  Finland  to  that  of  a 
powerful  monarch,  his  formidable  neighbour,  his  protector 
Vol.  III.— 20 


306         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1811. 

in  Sweden,  and  whose  hostility  might  effectually  support 
the  hereditary  claims  of  young  Gustavus?  Sweden,  in 
joining  France,  would  thereby  have  declared  herself  the 
enemy  of  England.  Where,  then,  would  have  been  her 
navy,  her  trade,  and  even  her  existence  ? 


1813.  307 


CHAPTEE    XXVn. 

1812. 

Changeableness  of  Bonaparte's  plans  and  opinions — Articles  for  the 
Moniteur  dictated  by  the  First  Consul — The  Protocol  of  the  Con- 
gress of  Chiltillon — Conversations  with  Davoust  at  Hamburg — Prom- 
ise of  the  Viceroyalty  of  Poland — Hope  and  disappointment  of  the 
Poles — Influence  of  illusion  on  Bonaparte — The  French  in  Moscow — 
Disasters  of  the  retreat — Mallet's  conspiracy — Intelligence  of  the 
affair  communicated  to  Napoleon  at  Smolensko — Circumstances  ac- 
tailed  by  Rapp — Real  motives  of  Napoleon's  return  to  Paris — Murar, 
Ney,  and  Eugene — Power  of  the  Italians  to  endure  cold — Napoleon's 
exertions  to  repair  his  losses — Defection  of  General  York — Convoca- 
tion of  a  Privy  Council — War  resolved  on — Wavering  of  the  Pope — 
Useless  negotiations  with  Vienna — Maria  Louisa  appointed  Regent. 

It  may  now  be  asked  whether  Bonaparte,  previous  to 
entering  upon  the  last  campaign,  had  resolved  on  restor- 
ing Poland  to  independence.  The  fact  is  that  Bonaparte, 
as  Emperor,  never  entertained  any  positive  wish  to  re- 
establish the  old  Kingdom  of  Poland,  though  at  a  previous 
period  he  was  strongly  inclined  to  that  re-establishment, 
of  which  he  felt  the  necessity.  He  may  have  said  that  he 
would  re-establish  the  Kingdom  of  Poland,  but  I  beg  leave 
to  say  that  that  is  no  reason  for  believing  that  he  enter- 
tained any  such  design.  He  had  said,  and  even  sworn, 
that  he  would  never  aggrandise  the  territory  of  the  Em- 
pire !  The  changeableness  of  Bonaparte's  ideas,  plans, 
and  projects  renders  it  difficult  to  master  them ;  but  they 
may  be  best  understood  when  it  is  considered  that  all 
NajDoleon's  plans  and  conceptions  varied  with  his  fortunes. 
Thus,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  might  at  one  time  have 
considered  the  re-establishment  of  Poland  as  essential  to 


308         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1812. 

European  policy,  and  afterwards  have  regarded  it  as  ad- 
verse to  the  development  of  his  ambition.  Who  can 
venture  to  guess  what  passed  in  his  mind  when  dazzled 
by  his  glory  at  Dresden,  and  whether  in  one  of  his  dreams 
he  might  not  have  regarded  the  Empire  of  the  Jagellous 
as  another  gem  in  the  Imperial  diadem?  The  truth  is 
that  Bonaparte,  when  General-in-Chief  of  the  army  of 
Egypt  and  First  Consul,  had  deeply  at  heart  the  avenging 
the  dismemberment  of  Poland,  and  I  have  often  conversed 
with  him  on  this  most  interesting  subject,  upon  which  we 
entirely  concurred  in  opinion.  But  times  and  circum- 
stances were  changed  since  we  walked  together  on  the 
.terrace  of  Cairo  and  mutually  deplored  the  death  of  young 
Sulkowski.  Had  Sulkowski  lived  Napoleon's  favourable 
intentions  with  respect  to  Poland  might  perhaps  have  been 
confirmed.  A  fact  which  explains  to  me  the  coolness,  I 
may  almost  say  the  iudiflference,  of  Bonaparte  to  the 
resurrection  of  Poland  is  that  the  commencement  of  the 
Consulate  was  the  period  at  which  that  measure  particu- 
larly occupied  his  attention.  How  often  did  he  converse 
on  the  subject  with  me  and  other  persons  who  may  yet 
recollect  his  sentiments !  It  was  the  topic  on  which  he 
most  loved  to  converse,  and  on  which  he  spoke  with  feeling 
and  enthusiasm.  In  the  Muniteur  of  the  period  here  al- 
luded to  I  could  point  out  more  than  one  article  without 
signature  or  official  character  which  Napoleon  dictated  to 
me,  and  the  insertion  of  which  in  that  journal,  considering 
the  energy  of  certain  expressions,  sufficiently  proves  that 
they  could  have  emanated  from  none  but  Bonaparte.  It 
was  usually  in  the  evening  that  he  dictated  to  me  these 
articles.  Then,  when  the  affairs  of  the  day  were  over,  he 
would  launch  into  the  future,  and  give  free  scope  to  his 
vast  projects.  Some  of  these  articles  were  characterised 
by  so  little  moderation  that  the  First  Consul  would  very 
often  destroy  them  in  the  morning,  smiling  at  the  violent 
ebullitions  of  the  preceding  night.     At  other  times  I  took 


1812.  TEE  PROSPECTS  OF  POLAND.  30g 


the  liberty  of  not  sending  them  to  the  Mcmifeur  on  the 
night  on  which  they  were  dictated,  and  though  he  might 
earnestly  wish  their  insertion  I  adduced  reasons  good  or 
bad,  to  account  for  the  delav.  He  would  then  read  over 
the  article  in  question,  and  approve  of  my  conduct ;  but 
he  would  sometimes  add,  "  It  is  nevertheless  true  that 
with  an  independent  Kingdom  of  Poland,  and  150,000 
disposable  troops  in  the  east  of  France,  I  should  always 
be  master  of  Russia,  Prussia,  and  Austria." — "  General," 
I  would  reply,  "I  am  entirely  of  your  opinion  ;  but  where- 
fore awaken  the  suspicions  of  the  interested  parties  ? 
Leave  all  to  time  and  circumstances." 

The  reader  may  have  to  learn,  and  not,  perhaps,  with- 
out some  surprise,  that  in  the  protocol  of  the  sittings  of 
the  Congress  of  Chatillon  Napoleon  put  forward  the 
spoliation  of  Poland  by  the  three  principal  powers  allied 
against  him  as  a  claim  to  a  more  advantageous  peace,  and 
to  territorial  indemnities  for  France.  In  policy  he  was 
right,  but  the  report  of  foreign  cannon  was  already  loud 
enough  to  drown  the  best  of  arguments. 

After  the  ill-timed  and  useless  union  of  the  Hanse 
Towns  to  France  I  returned  to  Hamburg  in  the  spring  of 
1811  to  convey  my  family  to  France.  I  then  had  some 
conversation  with  Davoust.  On  one  occasion  I  said  to 
him  that  if  his  hopes  were  realised,  and  my  sad  predic- 
tions respecting  the  war  with  Russia  overthrown,  I  hoped 
to  see  the  restoration  of  the  Kingdom  of  Poland.  Davoust 
replied  that  that  event  was  probable,  since  he  had  Na- 
poleon's promise  of  the  Viceroyalty  of  that  Kingdom, 
and  as  several  of  his  comrades  had  been  pi'omised  staros- 
ties.  Davoust  made  no  secret  of  this,  and  it  was  generally 
known  throughout  Hamburg  and  the  north  of  Germany 
But  notwithstanding  what  Davoust  said  respecting  Na- 
poleon's intentions  I  considered  that  these  promises  had 
been  conditional  rather  than  positive. 

On  Napoleon's  arrival  in  Poland  the  Diet  of  Warsaw. 


310         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


assured,  as  there  seeiued  reason  to  be,  of  the  Emperor's 
sentiinents,  declared  the  Kingdom  free  and  independent. 
The  different  treaties  of  dismemberment  were  pronounced 
to  be  null ;  and  certainly  the  Diet  had  a  right  so  to  act, 
for  it  calculated  upon  his  support.  But  the  address  of 
the  Diet  to  Napoleon,  in  which  these  principles  were  de- 
clared, was  ill  received.  His  answer  was  full  of  doubt 
and  indecision,  the  motive  of  which  could  not  be  blamed. 
To  secure  the  alliance  of  Austria  against  Russia  he  had 
just  guaranteed  to  his  father-in-law  the  integrity  of  his 
dominions.  Napoleon  therefore  declared  that  he  could 
take  no  part  in  any  movement  or  resolution  which  might 
disturb  Austria  in  the  possession  of  the  Polish  provinces 
forming  a  part  of  her  Empire.  To  act  otherwise,  he  said, 
would  be  to  separate  himself  from  his  alliance  with 
Austria,  and  to  throw  her  into  the  arms  of  Russia.  But 
with  regard  to  the  Polish-Russian  provinces.  Napoleon  de- 
clared he  would  see  what  he  could  do,  should  Providence 
favour  the  good  cause.  These  vague  and  obscure  ex- 
pressions did  not  define  what  he  intended  to  do  for  the 
Poles  in  the  event  of  success  crowning  his  vast  enterprises. 
They  excited  the  distrust  of  the  Poles,  and  had  no  other 
result.  On  this  subject,  however,  an  observation  occurs 
which  is  of  some  force  as  an  apology  for  Naj)oleou. 
Poland  was  successively  divided  between,  three  powers, 
Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  with  each  of  which  NajDoleon 
had  been  at  war,  but  never  with  all  three  at  once.  He 
had  therefore  never  been  able  to  take  advantage  of  his 
victories  to  re-establish  Poland  without  injuring  the  in- 
terests of  neutral  powers  or  of  his  allies.  Hence  it  may  be 
concluded  not  only  that  he  never  had  the  positive  will 
which  would  have  triumphed  over  all  obstacles,  but  also 
that  there  never  was  a  possibility  of  realising  those  dreams 
and  projects  of  revenge  in  which  he  had  indulged  on  the 
banks  of  the  Nile,  as  it  were  to  console  the  departed  spirit 
of  Sulkowski. 


1812.    INFLUENCE  OF  ILLUSION  ON  BONAPARTE.    311 


Bonaparte's  character  presents  many  unaccountable  in- 
congruities. Although  the  most  positive  man  that  per- 
haps ever  existed,  yet  there  never  was  one  who  more 
readily  yielded  to  the  charm  of  illusion.  In  many  circum- 
stances the  wish  and  the  reality  were  to  him  one  and  the 
same  thing.  He  never  indulged  in  greater  illusions  than 
at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign  of  Moscow.  Even 
before  the  aj^proach  of  the  disasters  which  accompanied 
the  most  fatal  retreat  recorded  in  history,  all  sensible 
persons  concurred  in  the  opinion  that  the  Emperor  ought 
to  have  passed  the  winter  of  1812-13  in  Poland,  and  have 
resumed  his  vast  enter2:)rises  in  the  sjDring.  But  his 
natural  impatience  impelled  him  forward  as  it  were  un- 
consciously, and  he  seemed  to  be  under  the  influence  of 
an  invisible  demon  stronger  than  even  his  own  strong 
will.  This  demon  was  ambition.  He  who  knew  so  well 
the  value  of  time,  never  sufficiently  understood  its  power, 
and  how  much  is  sometimes  gained  by  delay.  Yet  Ceesar's 
Commentaries,  which  were  his  favourite  study,  ought  to 
have  shown  him  that  Caesar  did  not  conquer  Gaul  in  one 
campaign.  Another  illusion  by  which  Napoleon  was  mis- 
led during  the  campaign  of  Moscow,  and  perhaps  past  ex- 
perience rendered  it  very  excusable,  was  the  belief  that 
the  Emperor  Alexander  would  propose  peace  when  he  saw 
him  at  the  head  of  his  army  on  the  Russian  territory. 
The  prolonged  stay  of  Bonaparte  at  Moscow  can  indeed 
be  accounted  for  in  no  other  way  than  by  supposing  that 
he  expected  the  Russian  Cabinet  would  change  its  opinion 
and  consent  to  treat  for  peace.  However,  Avhatever  might 
have  been  the  reason,  after  his  long  and  useless  stay  in 
Moscow  Napoleon  left  that  city  Avith  the  design  of  taking 
up  his  winter  quarters  in  Poland  ;  but  Fate  now  frowned 
upon  Napoleon,  and  in  that  dreadful  retreat  the  elements 
seemed  leagued  with  the  Russians  to  destroy  the  most 
formidable  army  ever  commanded  by  one  chief.  To  find 
a  catastrophe  in  histoi-y  comparable  to  that  of  the  Beresina 


313         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


we  must  go  back  to  the  destruction  of  the  legions  of 
Varus. 

Nothwithstanding  the  general  dismay  which  prevailed 
in  Paris  that  capital  continued  tranquil,  when  by  a  sin- 
gular chance,  on  the  very  day  on  which  Napoleon  evacu- 
ated the  burning  city  of  Moscow,  Mallet  attempted  his 
extraordinary  enterprise.  This  General,  who  had  always 
professed  Republican  principles,  and  was  a  man  of  bold 
decided  character,  after  having  been  imprisoned  for  some 
time,  obtained  the  permission  of  Government  to  live  in 
Paris  in  a  hospital  house  situated  near  the  Barriere  du 
Trune.  Of  Mallet's  conspiracy  it  is  not  necessary  to  say 
much  after  the  excellent  account  given  of  it  in  the  Me- 
moirs of  the  Due  de  Rovigo.  Mallet's  plan  was  to  make  it 
be  believed  that  Bonaparte  had  been  killed  at  Moscow,  and 
that  a  new  Government  was  established  under  the  author- 
ity of  the  Senate.  But  what  could  Mallet  do  ?  Absolutely 
nothing  :  and  had  his  Government  continued  three  days 
he  would  have  experienced  a  more  favourable  chance  than 
that  which  he  ought  reasonably  to  have  expected.  He 
asserted  that  the  Emperor  was  dead,  but  an  eslafette  from 
Russia  would  reveal  the  truth,  resuscitate  Napoleon,  and 
overwhelm  with  confusion  Mallet  and  his  proclamations. 
His  enterprise  was  that  of  a  madman.  The  French  were 
too  weary  of  troubles  to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms 
of  Mallet  or  his  associate  Lahorie,  who  had  figured  so  dis- 
gracefully on  the  trial  of  Moreavi.  Yet,  in  spite  of  the 
evident  impossibility  of  success,  it  must  be  confessed  that 
considerable  ingenuity  and  address  marked  the  commence- 
ment of  the  conspiracy.  On  the  22d  of  October  Mallet 
escaped  from  the  hospital  house  and  went  to  Colonel 
Soulier,  who  commanded  the  tenth  cohort  of  the  Nation- 
al Guard,  whose  barracks  were  situated  exactly  behind 
the  hospital  house.  Mallet  was  loaded  with  a  parcel 
of  forged  orders  which  he  had  himself  prepared.  He 
introduced  himself  to  Soulier  under  the  name  of  Gen- 


1812.  MALLET'S  CONSPIRAGT.  313 

eral  La  Motte,  and  said  that  he  came  from  General 
Mallet/ 

Colonel  Soulier  ou  hearing  of  the  Emperor's  death  was 
affected  to  tears.  He  immediately  ordered  the  adjutant 
to  assemble  the  cohort  and  obey  the  orders  of  General  La 
Motte,  to  whom  he  expressed  his  regret  for  being  himself 
too  ill  to  leave  his  bed.  It  was  then  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  and  the  forged  documents  resjDectiug  the  Em- 
pei'or's  death  and  the  new  form  of  Government  were  read 
to  the  troops  by  lamplight.  Mallet  then  hastily  set  off  with 
1200  men  to  La  Force,  and  liberated  the  Sieurs  Guidal 
and  Lahorie,  who  were  confined  there.  Mallet  informed 
them  of  the  Emperor's  death  and  of  the  change  of  Govern- 
ment ;  gave  them  some  orders,  in  obedience  to  which  the 
Minister  and  Prefect  of  Police  were  arrested  in  their  hotel. 

I  was  then  at  Courbevoie,  and  I  went  to  Paris  on  that 
very  morning  to  breakfast,  as  I  frequently  did,  with  the 
Minister  of  Police.     My  surprise  may  be  imagined  when 

'  General  Mallet  gave  oiit  that  the  Emperor  was  killed  under  the  walls  of  Moscow 
on  the  Sth  of  October  ;  he  could  not  take  any  other  day  without  incurring  the  risk  of 
being  contradicted  by  the  arrival  of  the  regular  courier.  The  Emperor  being  dead, 
he  concluded  that  the  Senate  ought  to  be  invested  with  the  supreme  authority,  and 
he  therefore  resolved  to  address  himself  in  the  name  of  that  body  to  the  nation  and  the 
army.  In  a  proclamation  to  the  soldiers  he  deplored  the  death  of  the  Emperor  ;  in  an- 
other, after  announcing  the  abolition  of  the  Imperial  system  and  the  Kestoration  of  the 
Republic,  he  indicated  the  manner  in  which  the  Government  was  to  be  reconstructed, 
described  the  branches  into  which  public  authority  was  to  be  divided,  and  named 
the  Directors.  Attached  to  the  different  documents  there  appeared  the  signatures 
of  several  Senators  whose  names  he  recollected  but  with  whom  he  had  ceased  to  have 
any  intercourse  for  a  great  number  of  years.  These  signatures  were  all  written  by 
Mallet,  and  he  drew  up  a  decree  in  the  name  of  the  Senate,  and  signed  by  the  same 
Senators,  appointing  himself  Governor  of  Paris,  and  commander  of  the  troops  of  the 
first  military  division.  He  also  drew  up  other  decrees  in  the  same  form,  which  pur- 
ported to  promote  to  higher  ranks  all  the  military  officers  he  intended  to  make 
instruments  in  the  execution  of  his  enterprise. 

He  ordered  one  regiment  to  close  all  the  barriers  of  Paris,  and  allow  no  person  to 
pass  through  them.  This  was  done ;  so  that  in  all  the  neighbouring  towns  from 
which  assistance,  in  case  of  need,  might  have  been  obtained,  nothing  was  known 
of  the  ti;ansactions  in  Paris.  He  sent  the  other  regiments  to  occupy  the  Bank,  the 
Treasury,  and  different  Ministerial  OfRccs.  At  the  Treasury  some  resistance  was 
made.  The  Minister  of  that  Department  was  ou  the  spot,  and  he  employed  the 
guard  of  his  household  in  maintaining  his  authority.  But  in  the  whole  of  the  two 
regiments  of  the  Paris  Guard  not  a  single  objection  was  started  to  the  execution  of 
Mallet's  orders  {Memoirs  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  tome  vi.  p.  20). 


314         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1812. 


I  learned  from  the  porter  that  the  Due  de  Rovigo  had 

been  arrested  and  carried  to  the  prison  of  La  Force.  I 
went  into  the  house  and  was  informed,  to  my  great  aston- 
ishment, that  the  ephemeral  Minister  was  being  measured 
for  his  o£&cial  suit,  an  act  which  so  completely  denoted 
the  character  of  the  conspirator  that  it  gave  me  an  insight 
into  the  business. 

Mallet  repaired  to  General  Hulin,  who  had  the  command 
of  Paris.  He  informed  him  that  he  had  been  directed  by 
the  Minister  of  Police  to  arrest  him  and  seal  his  papers. 
Huliu  asked  to  see  the  order,  and  then  entered  his  cabi- 
net, where  Mallet  followed  him,  and  just  as  Hulin  was 
turning  round  to  speak  to  him  he  fired  a  pistol  in  his  face. 
Hulin  fell :  the  ball  entered  his  cheek,  but  the  wound  was 
not  mortal.  The  most  singular  circumstance  connected 
with  the  whole  affair  is,  that  the  captain  whom  Mallet  had 
directed  to  follow  him,  and  who  accompanied  him  to 
Huliu's,  saw  nothing  extraordinary  in  aU  this,  and  did 
nothing  to  stop  it.  Mallet  next  proceeded,  very  compos- 
edly, to  Adjiitaut-General  Doucet's.  It  happened  that  one 
of  the  inspectors  of  the  police  was  there.  He  recognised 
General  Mallet  as  being  a  man  under  his  supervision.  He 
told  him  that  he  had  no  right  to  quit  the  hospital  house 
without  leave,  and  ordered  him  to  be  arrested.  Mallet, 
seeing  that  all  was  over,  was  in  the  act  of  drawing  a  pis- 
tol from  his  pocket,  but  being  observed  was  seized  and 
disarmed.  Thus  terminated  this  extraordinary  consjDiracy, 
for  which  fourteen  lives  paid  the  forfeit ;  but,  with  the 
exception  of  Mallet,  Guidal,  and  Lahorie,  all  the  others 
concerned  in  it  were  either  machines  or  dupes. 

This  affair  produced  but  little  effect  in  Paris,  for  the 
enterprise  and  its  result  were  make  known  simultaneously. 
But  it  was  thought  droll  enough  that  the  Minister  and 
Prefect  of  Police  should  be  imprisoned  by  the  men  who 
only  the  day  before  were  their  prisoners.  Next  day  I 
went  to  see  Savary,  who  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the 


1812.  NAPOLEON'S  RETURN  TO  PARIS.  315 

stupefaction  caused  by  his  extraordinary  adventure.  He 
was  aware  that  his  imprisonment,  though  it  lasted  only 
half  an  hour,  was  a  subject  of  merriment  to  the  Parisians.' 
The  Emperor,  as  I  have  already  mentioned,  left  Moscow 
on  the  day  when  Mallet  made  his  bold  attempt,  that  is 
to  say,  the  19th  of  October.^  He  was  at  Smolensko 
when  he  heard  the  news.  Rapp,  who  had  been  wounded 
before  the  entrance  into  Moscow,  but  who  was  sufficiently 
recovered  to  return  home,  was  with  Napoleon  when  the 
latter  received  the  despatches  containing  an  account  of 
what  had  happened  in  Paris.  He  informed  me  that  Na- 
poleon was  much  agitated  on  perusing  them,  and  that 
he  launched  into  abuse  of  the  ineffeciency  of  the  police. 
Rapp  added  that  he  did  not  confine  himself  to  com- 
plaints against  the  agents  of  his  authorit3^  "  Is,  then, 
my  power  so  insecure,"  said  he,  "  that  it  may  be  put  in 
peril  by  a  single  individual,  and  a  prisoner  ?  It  would  ap- 
pear that  my  crown  is  not  fixed  very  firmly  on  my  head  if 
in  my  own  capital  the  bold  stroke  of  three  adventurers  can 
shake  it.  Rapp,  misfortune  never  comes  alone  ;  this  is  the 
complement  of  Avhat  is  passing  here,  I  cannot  be  every- 
where ;  but  I  must  go  back  to  Paris  ;  my  presence  there  is 
iudisj^ensable  to  reanimate  public  opinion.  I  must  have 
men  and  money.  Great  successes  and  great  victories  will 
repair  all.  I  must  set  off."  Such  were  the  motives  which 
induced  the  Emperor  to  leave  his  army.  It  is  not  without 
indignation  that  I  have  heard  his  precipitate   departure 

'  Savary's  arrest  was  a  rich  subject  for  the  wits  of  Paris.  "  I  will  quote  on  this 
iiccasion,"  says  Mademoiselle  Avrillion,  "  a  bon-raot  that  was  repeated  from  one  end 
of  the  city  to  the  other:  as  every  one  knows,  it  was  in  the  middle  of  the  night  tlKit 
the  Due  de  Rovigo  was  beizod  :  the  Duchess,  terrified  by  the  noise  she  heard,  rushed 
(lut  of  her  bedroom  en  deshabille,  which  made  the  wagg  say  that  "  La  personne  qui 
s'etait  le  mieux  montree,  dans  I'affaire  de  Mallet,  c'etait  la  Duchesse.  de  Rovigo.'' 
See  also  the  Meniuirs  of  Rapp,  p.  251. 

*  It  was  not  on  the  19th  of  October  but  on  the  night  of  the  22d  of  October  that 
Mallet  commenced  his  enterprise,  which  finished  early  on  the  SJ3d  of  October  1812  : 
see  Thiers,  tome  xiv.  p.  526.  Napoleon  had  left  Moscow  on  the  10th.  and  on  the 
22d  was  approaching  Malo-Jaroslawetz,  of  ill  name  for  him,  where  on  the  24th  of 
October  he  was  thrown  off  his  intended  line  of  retreat  on  to  the  same  line  aa  he  had 
advanced  by. 


316         3fEM0IRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

attributed  to  personal  cowardice.  He  was  a  stranger  to 
such  feelings,  and  was  never  more  liappy  than  on  the 
field  of  battle.  I  can  readily  conceive  that  he  was  much 
alarmed  on  hearing  of  Mallet's  enterprise.  The  remarks 
which  he  made  to  Rapp  were  those  which  he  knew  would 
be  made  by  the  public,  and  he  well  knew  that  the  affair 
was  calculated  to  banish  those  illusions  of  power  and  sta- 
bility with  which  he  endeavoured  to  surround  his  govern- 
ment. 

On  leaving  Moscow  Napoleon  consigned  the  wrecks  of 
his  army  to  the  care  of  his  most  distinguished  generals  : 
to  Murat,  who  had  so  ably  commanded  the  cavalry,  but 
who  abandoned  the  army  to  return  to  Naples  ;  and  toNey, 
the  hero,  rather  than  the  Prince  of  the  Moskowa,  whose 
name  will  be  immortal  in  the  annals  of  glory,  as  his  death 
will  be  eternal  in  the  annals  of  party  revenge.  Amidst  the 
general  disorder  Eugene,  more  than  any  other  chief, 
maintained  a  sort  of  discipline  among  the  Italians  ;  and  it 
was  remarked  that  the  troops  of  the  south  engaged  in  the 
fatal  campaign  of  Moscow  had  .endured  the  rigour  of  the 
cold  better  than  those  troops  who  were  natives  of  less 
genial  climates.' 

Napoleon's  return  from  Moscow  was  not  like  his  returns 
from  the  campaigns  of  Vienna  and  Tilsit,  when  he  came 
back  crowned  with  laurels,  and  bringing  peace  as  the 
reward  of  his  triumphs.  It  was  remarked  that  Napoleon's 
first  great  disaster  followed  the  first  enterprise  he  undertook 
after  his  marriage  with  Maria  Louisa.  This  tended  to  con- 
firm the  popular  belief  that  the  presence  of  Josephine  was 
favourable  to  his  fortune  ;  and  superstitious  as  he  some- 
times was,  I  will  not  venture  to  affirm  that  he  himself  did 

'  On  one  occasion  during  his  flight  Napoleon  owed  his  preservation  from  the 
Cossacks  to  a  small  body  of  Neapolitan  cavalry  that  had  contrived  to  keep  itself 
mounted  and  in  perfect  order.  The  horses  as  well  as  the  men  from  the  southern 
extremity  of  Italy,  from  the  banks  of  the  Garigliano,  the  Volturno,  and  the  Amato, 
resisted  the  inclemencies  of  the  Russian  winter  much  better  than  the  French.— 
Editor  of  1836  edition. 


1812.  DEFECTION  OF   GENERAL    YORK.  317 

not  adopt  this  idea.  He  now  threw  off  even  the  semblance 
of  legaHty  in  the  measures  of  his  government  :  he  assumed 
arbitrary  power,  under  the  impression  that  the  critical 
circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed  would  excuse  ev- 
eiything.  But,  however  inexplicable  were  the  means  to 
which  the  Emperor  resorted  to  procure  resources,  it  is  but 
just  to  acknowledge  that  they  were  the  consequence  of  his 
system  of  government,  and  that  he  evinced  inconceivable 
activity  in  repairing  his  losses  so  as  to  place  himself  in  a 
situation  to  resist  his  enemies,  and  restore  the  triumph  of 
the  French  standard. 

But  in  spite  of  all  Napoleon's  endeavours  the  disasters 
of  the  campaign  of  Russia  were  daily  more  and  more 
sensibly  felt.  The  King  of  Prussia  had  jDlayed  a  part 
which  was  an  acknowledgment  of  his  weakness  in  joining 
France,  instead  of  openly  declaring  himself  for  the  cause 
of  liussia,  which  was  also  his.  Then  took  place  the  defec- 
tion of  General  York,  who  commanded  the  Prussian  con- 
tingent to  Napoleon's  army.  The  King  of  Prussia,  though 
no  doubt  secretly  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  General 
York,  had  him  tried  and  condemned  ;  but  shortly  after 
that  sovereign  commanded  in  person  the  troops  which  had 
turned  against  ours.  The  defection  of  the  Prussians  -pro- 
duced  a  very  ill  effect,  and  it  was  easy  to  perceive  that 
other  defections  would  follow.  Napoleon,  foreseeing  the 
fatal  chances  which  this  event  was  likely  to  draw  upon  him, 
assembled  a  pri\y  council,  composed  of  the  Ministers  and 
some  of  the  great  officers  of  his  household.  MM.  de 
Talleyrand  and  Cambaceres,  and  the  President  of  the 
Senate  were  present.  Napoleon  asked  whether,  in  the 
complicated  difficulties  of  our  situation,  it  would  be  more 
advisable  to  negotiate  for  peace  or  to  prepare  for  a  new 
war.  Cambaceres  and  Talleyrand  gave  their  oj^inion  in 
favour  of  peace,  which,  however,  Napoleon  would  not  hear 
of  after  a  defeat  ;  but  the  Due  de  Feltre,'  knowing  how 

1  The  Minister  for  the  War  Department,  Clarke. 


318         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       18ia 

to  touch  the  susceptible  chord  in  the  mind  of  Bonaparte, 
said  that  he  would  consider  the  Emperor  dishonoured  if 
he  consented  to  the  abandonment  of  the  smallest  village 
which  had  been  united  to  the  Empire  by  a  Senatus-con- 
snlle.     This  opinion  was  adopted,  and  the  war  continued. 

On  Napoleon's  return  to  Paris  the  Pope,  who  was  still  at 
Fontainebleau,  determined  to  accede  to  an  arrangement, 
and  to  sign  an  act  which  the  Emperor  conceived  would 
terminate  the  differences  between  them.  But  being  influ- 
enced by  some  of  the  cardinals  who  had  previously  in- 
curred the  Emperor's  displeasure  Pius  VII.  disavowed  the 
new  Concordat  which  he  had  been  weak  enough  to  grant, 
and  the  Emperor,  who  then  had  more  important  affairs  on 
his  hands,  dismissed  the  Holy  Father,  and  published  the 
act  to  which  he  had  assented.  Bonaparte  had  no  leisure 
to  pay  attention  to  the  new  difficulties  started  by  Pius 
VII. ;  his  thoughts  were  wholly  directed  to  the  other  side 
of  the  Rhine.  He  was  unfortunate,  and  the  powers  with 
whom  he  was  most  intimately  allied  separated  from  him,  as 
he  might  have  expected,  and  Austria  was  not  the  last  to 
imitate  the  example  set  by  Prussia.  In  these  difficult  cir- 
cumstances the  Emperor,  who  for  some  time  past  had 
observed  the  talent  and  address  of  the  Comte  Louis  de 
Narbonne,  sent  him  to  Vienna,  to  supersede  M.  Otto  ;  but 
the  pacific  propositions  of  M.  de  Narbonne  were  not 
listened  to.  Austria  would  not  let  slip  the  fair  oj^por- 
tunity  of  taking  revenge  without  endangering  herself. 

Napoleon  now  saw  clearly  that  since  Austria  had  aban- 
doned him  and  refused  her  contingent  he  should  soon 
have  all  Europe  arrayed  against  him.  But  this  did  not 
intimidate  him. 

Some  of  the  Princes  of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine 
still  remained  faithful  to  him  ;  and  his  preparations  being 
completed,  he  proposed  to  resume  in  person  the  command 
of  the  army  which  had  been  so  miraculously  reproduced. 
But  before  his  departure  Napoleon,  alarmed  at  the  recol- 


1812,  MABIA  LOUISA  ELECTED  REGENT.  319 

lection  of  Mallet's  attempt,  and  anxious  to  guard  against 
any  similar  occurrence  during  his  absence,  did  not,  as  on 
former  occasions,  consign  the  reins  of  the  National  Gov- 
ernment to  a  Council  of  Ministers,  presided  over  by  the 
Arch-Chancellor.  Napoleon  placed  my  successor  with 
him,  M.  Meneval,  near  the  Empress  Regent  as  Secretaire 
des  Commandemens  (Principal  Secretary),  and  certainly 
he  could  not  have  made  a  better  choice.'  He  made  the 
Empress  Maria  Louisa  Regent,  and  appointed  a  Council 
of  Regency  to  assist  her. 

'  Meneval,  who  had  held  the  post  of  Secretary  to  Napoleon  from  the  time  of 
Bourrienne's  disgrace  in  1802,  had  been  nearly  killed  by  the  hardships  of  the  Russian 
campaig'n,  and  now  received  an  honourable  and  responsible  but  less  onerous  post. 
He  remained  with  the  Empress  till  7th  May  1815.  when,  finding  that  she  would  not 
return  to  her  husband,  he  left  her  to  rejoin  his  master. 


830  1818 


CHAPTER    XXVm. 
1813. 

Kiots  in  Hamburg  and  Lubeck — Attempted  suicide  of  M.  Konniag — Erac- 
uation  of  Hamburg — Dissatisfaction  at  the  conduct  of  General  St. 
Cyr — The  Cabinets  of  Vienna  and  the  Tuileries — First  appearance  of 
the  Cossacks — Colonel  Tettenborn  invited  to  occupy  Hamburg — 
Cordial  reception  of  the  Russians — Depredations — Levies  of  troops 
— Testimonals  of  gi-atitude  to  Tettenborn — Napoleon's  new  army — 
Death  cf  General  Morand — Remarks  of  Napoleon  on  Vandamme — 
Bonaparte  and  Gnstavus  Adolphus — Junction  of  the  corps  of  Da- 
voust  and  Vandamme — Reoccupation  of  Hamburg  by  the  French — 
General  Hogendorff  appointed  Governor  of  Hamburg — Exactions 
and  vexatious  contributions  levied  upon  Hamburg  and  Lubeck — 
Hostages. 

A  CONSIDERABLE  time  before  Napoleon  left  Paris  to  join 
the  army,  the  bulk  of  which  was  in  Saxony,  partial  insur- 
rections occurred  in  many  places.  The  interior  of  France 
proper  was  indeed  still  in  a  state  of  tranquillity',  but  it  was 
not  so  in  the  provinces  annexed  by  force  to  the  extremi- 
ties of  the  Empire,  especially'  in  the  north,  and  in  the  un- 
fortunate Hanse  Towns,  for  which,  since  my  residence  at 
Hamburg,  I  have  always  felt  the  greatest  interest.'  The 
intelligence  I  I'eceived  was  derived  from  such  unquestion- 

J  The  total  destruction  of  the  French  ascendency  was  not  looked  on  with  entire 
satisfaction  in  Germany.  Even  Muffling,  who  says  (p.  302)  that  the  German  armies 
advanced  from  Leipsic  with  the  device.  "  Let  all  sinners  be  forgiven,  and  let  there 
be  no  more  hell "  (sin  being  help  to  the  French  and  hell  their  dominion  ?).  allows 
that  some  Germans  still  adhered  to  Napoleon  ;  and  he  points  out  (p.  393)  that 
though  the  Princes  hated  Napoleon,  there  were  great  difficulties  from  their  wish  to 
retain  the  position  they  owed  to  him.  Even  as  late  as  about  1835  a  Prussian  officer 
of  high  rank  said  to  Niebuhr  :  "  A  war  with  France  would  be  rather  critical.  The 
temper  of  the  people  on  the  Rhine  has  greatly  improved  no  doubt,  but  it  were  well 
that  many  an  inveterate  old  talker  should  die  out  before  these  provinces  are  hiade 
the  seat  of  war"  (Perthes,  tome  ii.  p.  319). 


1813.  RIOTS  IN  HAMBURG.  321 

able  sources  that  I  can  pledge  myself  for  the  truth  of 
what  I  have  to  state  respecting  the  events  which  occurred 
in  those  provinces  at  the  commencement  of  1813  ;  and 
subsequently  I  obtained  a  confirmation  of  all  the  facts 
communicated  by  my  correspondence  when  I  was  sent  to 
Hamburg  by  Louis  XVIII.  in  1815. 

M.  Steuve,  agent  from  the  Court  of  Kussia,  who  lived 
at  Altona  apparently  as  a  private  individual,  profited  by 
the  irritation  produced  by  the  measures  adopted  at  Ham- 
burg. His  plans  were  so  well  arranged  that  he  was 
promptly  informed  of  the  route  of  the  Grand  Army  from 
Moscow,  and  the  approach  of  the  Allied  troops.  Aided 
by  the  knowledge  and  activity  of  Sieur  Hanft  of  Hamburg, 
M.  Steuve  profited  by  the  discontent  of  a  people  so  tyran- 
nically governed,  and  seized  the  opportunity  for  produc- 
ing an  explosion.  Between  eight  and  nine  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  24th  of  Februaiy  1813  an  occurrence  in 
which  the  people  were  concerned  was  the  signal  for  a  re- 
volt. An  individual  returning  to  Hamburg  by  the  Altona 
gate  would  not  submit  to  be  seai'ched  by  a  fiscal  agent,  who 
in  consequence  maltreated  him  and  wounded  him  severely. 
The  populace  instantly  rose,  drove  away  the  revenue 
guard,  and  set  fire  to  the  guard-house.  The  people  also, 
excited  by  secret  agents,  attacked  other  French  posts, 
where  they  committed  the  same  excesses.  Surprised  at 
this  unexpected  movement,  the  French  authorities  retired 
to  the  houses  in  which  they  resided.  All  the  respectable 
inhabitants  who  were  unconnected  with  the  tumult  like- 
wise returned  to  their  homes,  and  no  person  appeared 
out  of  doors. 

General  Carra  St.  Cyr  '  had  the  command  of  Hamburg 
after  the  Prince  of  Eckmuhl's  departure  for  the  Russian 
campaign.     At  the  first  news  of  the  revolt  he  set  about 

'  General  Carra  St.  Cyr  is  not  to  be  confused  with  the  Marshal  Gouvion  de  St 
Cyr  ;  he  fell  into  disgrace  for  hia  conduct  at  Hamburg  at  this  time,  and  was  not 
again  employed  by  Napoleon.  Under  the  Resioration  he  became  Governor  of 
French  Guiana. 

VOL.  in.— 21 


322         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813. 


packing  up  his  papers,  and  Comte  de  Chaban,  M.  Kon- 
uing,  the  Prefect  of  Hambm-g,  and  M.  Daubignosc,  the 
Director  of  Police,  followed  his  example.  It  was  not  till 
about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  that  a  detatchment  of 
Danish  hussars  ari-ived  at  Hamburg,  and  the  populace 
was  then  speedily  dispersed.  All  the  respectable  citizens 
and  men  of  property  assembled  the  next  morning  and 
adopted  means  for  securing  internal  tranquillity,  so  that 
the  Danish  troops  were  enabled  to  return  to  Altona. 
Search  was  then  made  for  the  ringleaders  of  the  disturb- 
ance. Many  persons  were  arrested,  and  a  military  com- 
mission, ad  hoc,  was  appointed  to  try  them.  The  com- 
mission, however,  condemned  only  one  individual,  who, 
being  convicted  of  being  one  of  the  most  active  rioters, 
was  sentenced  to  be  shot,  and  the  sentence  was  carried 
into  execution. 

On  the  26th  February  a  similar  commotion  took  place 
at  Llibeck.  Attempts  were  made  to  attack  the  French 
authorities.  The  respectable  citizens  instantly  assembled, 
protected  them  against  outrage,  and  escorted  them  in 
safety  to  Hamburg,  where  they  arrived  on  the  27th.  The 
precipitate  flight  of  these  persons  from  Liibeck  spread 
some  alarm  in  Hamburg.  The  danger  was  supposed  to 
be  greater  than  it  was  because  the  fugitives  were  accom- 
panied by  a  formidable  body  of  troops. 

But  these  were  not  the  only  attempts  to  throw  off  the 
yoke  of  French  domination,  which  had  become  insupport- 
able. All  the  left  bank  of  the  Elbe  was  immediately  in  a 
state  of  insurrection,  and  all  the  official  persons  took  ref- 
uge in  Hamburg.  During  these  partial  insurrections 
everything  was  neglected.  Indecision,  weakness,  and  cu- 
pidity were  manifested  everywhere.  Instead  of  endeav- 
ours to  soothe  the  minds  of  the  people,  which  had  been 
long  exasperated  by  intolerable  tyranny,  recourse  was  had 
to  rigorous  measures.  The  prisons  were  crowded  with  a 
host  of  persons  declared  to  be  suspected  upon  the  mere 


1815.     ATTEMPTED  SUICIDE  OF  M.  EONNING.        323 

representations  of  the  agents  of  the  poHce.  On  the  3d  of 
March  a  special  military  commission  condemned  six  house- 
holders of  Hamburg  and  its  neighbourhood  to  be  shot  on 
the  glacis  for  no  other  offence  than  having  been  led,  either 
by  chance  or  curiosity,  to  a  part  of  the  town  which  was 
the  scene  of  one  of  tlje  riots.  These  executions  excited 
equal  horror  and  indignation,  and  General  Carra  St.  Cyr 
was  obliged  to  issue  a  proclamation  for  the  dissolution  of 
the  military  commission  by  whom  the  men  had  been  sen- 
tenced. 

The  intelligence  of  the  march  of  the  Russian  and  Prus- 
sian troops,  who  were  descending  the  Elbe,  inci'eased  the 
prevailing  agitation  in  Westphalia,  Hanover,  Mecklenburg, 
and  Pomerania,  and  all  the  French  troops  cantoned  be- 
tween Berlin  and  Hamburg,  including  those  who  occupied 
the  coast  of  the  Baltic,  fell  back  upon  Hamburg.  General 
Carra  St.  Cyr  and  Baron  Konning,  the  Prefect  of  Ham- 
burg, used  to  go  every  evening  to  Altona.'  The  latter, 
worn  out  by  anxiety  and  his  unsettled  state  of  life,  lost 
his  reason,  and  on  his  way  to  Hamburg,  on  the  5th  of 
May,  he  attempted  to  cut  his  throat  with  a  razor.  His 
valet  de  chambre  saved  his  hfe  by  rushing  upon  him  before 
he  had  time  to  execute  his  design.  It  was  given  out  that 
he  had  broken  a  blood-vessel,  and  he  was  conveyed  to 
Altona,  where  his  wound  was  cured,  and  he  subsequently 
recovered  from  his  derangemenj;.  M.  Konning,  who  was 
a  native  of  Holland,  was  a  worthy  man,  but  possessed  no 
decision  of  character,  and  but  little  ability. 

At  this  juncture  exaggerated  reports  were  circulated 

>  The  Prefect,  Baron  von  Konning,  had  just  before  assured  the  Government  that 
his  department  professed  the  greatest  devotion  for  the  Emperor.  This  practical  com- 
mentary on  his  statement  was  too  much  fur  him.  Puymaigre  (p.  I-IS),  who  was  on 
the  spot,  says  that  lie  attempted  to  hang  himself,  not  to  cut  his  throat,  as  Bourrienne 
says.  "  I  was,"'  continued  Puymaigre,  "  surprised  to  see  that  later  on  he  was  oue 
of  the  Ministers  of  Belgium.  What  is  more  surprising  is  that  he  retained  his  high 
functions  for  several  years."  Puymaigre  (p.  1-19)  defends  Carra  St.  Cyr,  saying  that 
having  only  1200  or  1500  men  the  Generpl  could  not  have  maintained  himself  in  a 
large  town  in  a  state  of  insurrection. 


324         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

respecting  the  approach  of  a  Russian  corps.  A  retreat 
was  immediately  ordered,  and  it  was  executed  on  the  12th 
of  March.  General  Carra  St.  Cyr  having  no  money  for 
the  troops,  helped  himself  to  100,000  francs  out  of  the 
municipal  treasury.  He  left  Hamburg  at  the  head  of  the 
troops  and  the  enrolled  men  of  the  custom-house  service. 
He  was  escorted  by  the  Burgher  Guard,  which  protected 
him  from  the  insults  of  the  populace  ;  and  the  good  peo- 
ple of  Hamburg  never  had  any  visitors  of  whom  they  were 
more  happy  to  be  rid. 

This  sudden  retreat  excited  Napoleon's  indignation.  He 
accused  General  St.  Cyr  of  pusillanimity,  in  an  article  in- 
serted in  the  Moaiteur,  and  afterwards  copied  by  his  order 
into  all  the  journals.  In  fact,  had  General  St.  Cyr  been 
better  informed,  or  less  easily  alarmed,  he  might  have  kept 
Hamburg,  and  pi-evented  its  temporary  occupation  by  the 
enemy,  to  dislodge  whom  it  was  necessary  to  besiege  the 
city  two  months  afterwards.  St.  Cyr  had  3000  regular 
troops,  and  a  considerable  body  of  men  in  the  custom- 
house service.  General  Morand  could  have  furnished  him 
with  5000  men  from  Mecklenburg.  He  might,  therefore, 
not  only  have  kept  possession  of  Hamburg  two  months 
longer,  but  even  to  the  end  of  the  war,  as  General  Lemar- 
rois  retained  possession  of  Magdeburg.  Had  not  General 
St.  Cyr  so  hastily  evacuated  the  Elbe  he  would  have  been 
promptly  aided  by  the  corps  Avhich  General  Vandamme 
soon  brought  from  the  Wesel,  and  afterwards  by  the  very 
corps  with  which  Marshal  Davoust  recaptured  Hamburg. 

The  events  just  described  occurred  before  Napoleon 
quitted  Paris.  In  the  month  of  August  all  negotiation 
was  broken  off  with  Austria,  though  that  power,  still 
adhering  to  her  time-serving  policy,  continued  to  protest 
fidelity  to  the  cause  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  until  the 
moment  when  her  preparations  were  completed  and  her 
resolution  formed.  But  if  there  was  duplicity  at  Vienna 
was  there  not  folly,  na}',  blindness,  in  the  Cabinet  of  the 


1813.  THE   COSSACKS  IN  HAMBURG.  325 


Tuileries  ?  Could  we  reasonably  rely  upon  Austria  ?  She 
had  seen  the  Russian  army  pass  the  Vistula  and  advance 
as  far  as  the  Saale  without  offering  any  remonstrance.  At 
that  moment  a  single  movement  of  her  troops,  a  word  of 
declaration,  would  have  prevented  everything.  As,  there- 
fore, she  would  not  avert  the  evil  when  she  might  have 
done  so  with  certainty  and  safety,  there  must  have  been 
singular  folly  and  blindness  in  the  Cabinet  who  saw  this 
conduct  and  did  not  understand  it. 

I  now  proceed  to  mention  the  further  misfortunes  which 
occurred  in  the  north  of  Germany,  and  particularly  at 
Hamburg.  At  fifteen  leagues  east  of  Hamburg,  but  within 
its  territory,  is  a  village  named  Bergdorff.  It  was  in  that 
village  that  the  Cossacks  were  first  seen.  Twelve  or  fifteen 
hundred  of  them  arrived  there  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Tettenborn.  But  for  the  retreat  of  the  French 
troops,  amounting  to  3000,  exclusive  of  men  in  the  custom- 
house service,  no  attempt  would  have  been  made  upon 
Hamburg ;  but  the  very  name  of  the  Cossacks  inspired  a 
degree  of  terror  which  must  be  fresh  in  the  recollection  of 
every  one.  Alarm  spread  in  Hamburg,  which,  being  des- 
titute of  troops  and  artillery,  and  surrounded  with  dilapi- 
dated fortifications,  could  offer  no  defence.  The  Senator 
Bartch  and  Doctor  Know  took  upon  themselves  to  proceed 
to  Bergdorff  to  solicit  Colonel  Tettenborn  to  take  i^os- 
session  of  Hamburg,  observing  that  they  felt  sure  of  his 
sentiments  of  moderation,  and  that  they  trusted  they 
would  grant  protection  to  a  city  which  had  immense  com- 
mercial relations  with  Russia.  Tettenborn  did  not  place 
reliance  on  these  propositions  because  he  could  not  sup- 
pose that  there  had  been  such  a  precipitate  evacuation  ; 
he  thought  they  were  merely  a  snare  to  entrap  him,  and 
refused  to  accede  to  them.  But  a  Doctor  Von  Hess,  a 
Swede,  settled  in  Hamburg  some  years,  and  known  to 
Tettenborn  as  a  decided  partisan  of  England  and  Russia, 
persuaded  the  Russian  Commander  to  comply  with  the 


326         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


wishes  of  the  citizens  of  Hamburg.  However,  Tettenborn 
consented  only  on  the  following  conditions : — That  the  old 
Government  should  be  instantly  re-established  ;  that  a 
deputation  of  Senators  in  their  old  costume  should  invite 
him  to  take  possession  of  Hamburg,  which  he  would  enter 
only  as  a  free  and  Imperial  Hanse  Town ;  that  if  those 
conditions  were  not  complied  Avith  he  would  regard  Ham- 
burg as  a  French  town,  and  consequently  hostile.  Not- 
withstanding the  real  satisfaction  with  which  the  Senators 
of  Hamburg  received  those  propositions  they  were  re- 
strained by  the  fear  of  a  reverse  of  fortune.  They,  how- 
ever, determined  to  accept  them,  thinking  that  whatever 
might  happen  they  could  screen  themselves  by  alleging 
that  necessity  had  driven  them  to  the  step  they  took. 
They  therefore  declared  their  compliance  with  the  condi- 
tions, and  that  night  and  the  following  day  were  occupied 
in  assembling  the  Senate,  which  had  been  so  long  dissolved, 
and  in  making  the  preiDarations  which  Tettenborn  required. 

At  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  17th  of  March 
a  picket  of  Cossacks,  consisting  of  only  forty  men,  took 
possession  of  a  town  recently  flourishing,  and  containing  a 
population  of  120,000,  but  ruined  and  reduced  to  80,000 
inhabitants  by  the  blessing  of  being  united  to  the  French 
Empire.  On  the  following  day,  the  18th,  Colonel  Tetten- 
born entered  Hamburg  at  the  head  of  1000  regular  and 
200  irregular  Cossacks.  I  have  described  the  military 
situation  of  Hamburg  when  it  was  evacuated  on  the  12th 
of  March,  and  Napoleon's  displeasure  may  be  easily  con- 
ceived. Tettenborn  was  received  with  all  the  honours 
usually  bestowed  upon  a  conqueror.  Enthusiasm  was 
almost  universal.  For  several  nights  the  people  devoted 
themselves  to  rejoicing.  The  Cossacks  were  gorged  with 
provisions  and  drink,  and  were  not  a  little  astonished  at 
the  handsome  reception  they  exi^erienced. 

It  was  not  until  the  expiration  of  three  or  four  days  that 
.the  people  began  to  perceive  the  small  number  of  the  allied 


1813.  DEPREDATIONS  OF  THE   COSSACKS.  327 

troops.  Their  amount  gradually  diminished.  On  the  day 
after  the  arrival  of  the  Cossacks  a  detachment  was  sent  to 
Liibeck,  where  they  were  received  with  the  same  honours 
as  at  Hamburg.  Other  detachments  were  sent  upon  dif- 
ferent places,  and  after  four  days'  occupation  there  re- 
mained in  Hamburg  only  70  out  of  the  1200  Cossacks  who 
had  entered  on  the  18th  March. 

The  first  thing  their  commander  did  was  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  post-office  and  the  treasuries  of  the  different 
public  offices.  All  the  movable  effects  of  the  French 
Government  and  its  agents  were  seized  and  sold.  The  of- 
ficers evinced  a  true  Cossack  disregard  of  the  rights  of  pri- 
vate property.  Counts  Huhu,  Bussenitz,  and  Venechtern, 
who  had  joined  Tettenborn's  staf?!,  rendered  themselves 
conspicuous  by  plundering  the  property  of  M.  Pyonnier, 
the  Director  of  the  Customs,  and  M.  Gonse,  the  Postmas- 
ter, and  not  a  bottle  of  wine  was  left  in  their  cellars.  Tet- 
tenborn  laid  hands  upon  a  sum  of  money,  consisting  of  up- 
wards of  4000  louis  in  gold,  belonging  to  M.  Gonse,  which 
had  been  lodged  with  M.  Schwartz,  a  respectable  banker 
in  Hamburg,  who  filled  the  office  of  Prussian  Consul.  M. 
Schwartz,  with  whom  this  money  had  been  dej)osited  for 
the  sake  of  security,  had  also  the  care  of  some  valuable 
jewels  belonging  to  Mesdames  Carra  St.  Cyr  and  Daubig- 
nosc  ;  Tettenborn  carried  oft'  these  as  well  as  the  money. 
M.  Schwartz  remonstrated  in  his  character  of  Prussian  Con- 
sul, Prussia  being  the  ally  of  Kussia,  but  he  was  considered 
merely  as  a  banker,  and  could  obtain  no  redress.  Tetten- 
born, like  most  of  the  Cossack  chiefs,  was  nothing  but  a 
man  for  bloAvs  and  pillage,  but  the  agent  of  Russia  was  M. 
Steuve,  whose  name  I  have  already  mentioned. 

Orders  were  speedily  given  for  a  levy  of  troops,  both  in- 
fantry and  cavalry,  to  be  called  Hanseatic  volunteers.  A 
man  named  Hanft,  who  had  formerly  been  a  butcher, 
raised  at  his  own  expense  a  company  of  foot  and  one  of  lan- 
cers, of  which  he  took  the  command.     This  undertaking. 


828         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


which  cost  him  130,000  francs,  may  afford  some  idea  of  the 
attachment  of  the  people  of  Hamburg  to  the  French  Gov- 
ernment !  But  money,  as  well  as  men,  was  wanting,  and  a 
heavy  contribution  was  imposed  to  defray  the  expense  of 
enrolling  a  number  of  workmen  out  of  employment  and 
idlers  of  various  kinds.  Voluntary  donations  were  solicit- 
ed, and  enthusiasm  was  so  general  that  even  servant-maids 
gave  their  rings.  The  sums  thus  collected  were  paid  into 
the  chest  of  Tettenborn's  staff,  and  became  a  prey  to  dis- 
honest appropriation.  With  respect  to  this  money  a  Si- 
eur  Oswald  was  accused  of  not  having  acted  with  the 
scrupulous  delicacy  which  Madame  de  Stael  attributes  to 
his  namesake  in  her  romance  of  Corinne. 

Between  8000  and  10,000  men  were  levied  in  the  Hanse 
Towns  and  their  envii-ons,  the  population  of  which  had 
been  so  greatly  reduced  within  two  years.  These  undis- 
ciplined troops,  who  had  been  for  the  most  part  levied  from 
the  lowest  classes  of  societ}',  committed  so  many  outrages 
that  they  soon  obtained  the  surname  of  the  Cossacks  of  the 
Elbe  ;  and  certainly  they  well  deserved  it. 

Such  was  the  hatred  which  the  French  Government  had 
inspired  in  Hamburg  that  the  occupation  of  Tettenborn 
was  looked  upon  as  a  deliverance.  On  the  colonel's  de- 
parture the  Senate,  anxious  to  give  him  a  testimonial  of 
gratitude,  presented  him  with  the  freedom  of  the  city,  ac- 
companied by  5000  gold  fredericks  (105,000  francs),  with 
which  he  was  doubtless  much  more  gratified  than  with  the 
honour  of  the  citizenship. 

The  restored  Senate  of  Hamburg  did  not  long  survive. 
The  people  of  the  Hanse  Towns  learned,  with  no  small 
alarm,  that  the  Emperor  was  making  immense  prepara- 
tions to  fall  upon  Germany,  where  his  lieutenants  could 
not  fail  to  take  cruel  revenge  on  those  who  had  disavowed 
his  authority.  Before  he  quitted  Paris  on  the  15th  of 
April  NajDoleon  had  recalled  under  the  banners  of  the 
army  180,000  men,  exclusive  of  the  guards  of  honour,  and 


1813.  GENERAL    VANDAMME.  S29 


it  was  evident  that  with  such  a  force  he  might  venture  on 
a  great  game,  and  pi-obably  win  it.  Yet  the  month  of 
April  passed  away  without  the  occurrence  of  any  event 
important  to  the  Hanse  Towns,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
vacillated  between  hope  and  fear.  Attacks  daily  took 
place  between  parties  of  Russian  and  French  troops  on 
the  territory  between  Lunenburg  and  Bremen.  In  one  of 
these  encounters  General  Morand  was  mortally  wounded, 
and  was  conveyed  to  Lunenburg.  His  brother  having 
been  taken  prisoner  in  the  same  engagement,  Tetten- 
born,  into  whose  hands  he  had  fallen,  gave  him  leave  on 
parole  to  visit  the  General ;  but  he  arrived  in  Lunenburg 
only  in  time  to  see  him  die. 

The  French  having  advanced  as  far  as  Haarburg  took 
up  their  position  on  the  plateau  of  Schwartzenberg,  which 
commands  that  little  town  and  the  considerable  islands 
situated  in  that  part  of  the  river  between  Haarburg  and 
Hamburg.  Being  masters  of  this  elevated  point  they 
began  to  threaten  Hamburg  and  to  attack  Haarburg. 
These  attacks  were  directed  by  Vandamme,  of  all  our  gen- 
erals the  most  redoubtable  in  conquered  countries.  He 
was  a  native  of  Cassel,  in  Flanders,  and  had  acquired  a 
high  reputation  for  severity.  At  the  very  time  when  he 
was  attacking  Hamburg  Napoleon  said  of  him  at  Dres- 
den, "  If  I  were  to  lose  Vandamme  I  know  not  what  I 
would  give  to  have  him  back  again  ;  but  if  I  had  two 
such  generals  I  should  be  obliged  to  shoot  one  of  them." 
It  must  be  confessed  that  one  was  quite  enough. ' 

'  Dominique  Vandamme,  Comte  d'TTneburg,  distinguished  himself  in  the  wars  of 
the  Uepublic  and  of  the  Kinpire,  and  would  have  been  made  a  Marshal  in  1813,  when 
his  disaster  at  Kulm  (perhaps  partly  produced  by  his  knowledge  that  a  great  success 
would  bring  him  his  bAton)  ruined  his  own  career  and  Napoleon's  best  chance  of  suc- 
cess. He  had,  as  Bourrienne  says,  the  worst  of  characters,  and  when  taken  prisoner 
at  Kulm  was  roughly  treated  by  Alexander  on  account  of  his  pillage.  Intentionally 
or  not,  Vandamme,  forgetting  the  story  of  the  death  of  Paul  II.,  took  a  bitter  re- 
venge by  complaining  that  Alexander  could  not  have  treated  him  worse  if  he  had 
assassinated  his  father.  In  1S14  Louis  XVIII.  was  foolishly  persuaded  to  have  Van- 
damme rudely  repulsed  when  he  presented  himself  at  the  Tuileries  with  the  other 
Generals  of  his  rank.     This  was  done  at  the  time  that  the  King  cunobled  the  family 


330         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


As  soon  as  he  arrived  Vandamme  sent  to  inform  Tetten- 
born  that  if  he  did  not  immediately  liberate  the  brother 
and  brother-in-law  of  Morand,  both  of  whom  were  his 
j^risoners,  he  would  burn  Hamburg.  Tettenborn  replied 
that  if  he  resorted  to  that  extremity  he  would  hang  them 
both  on  the  top  of  St.  Michael's  Tower,  where  he  might 
have  a  view  of  them.  This  energetic  answer  obliged  Van- 
damrae  to  restrain  his  fury,  or  at  least  to  direct  it  to  other 
objects. 

Meanwhile  the  French  forces  daily  augmented  at  Haar- 
burg.  Vandamme,  profiting  by  the  negligence  of  the 
new  Hanseatic  troops,  who  had  the  defence  of  the  great 
islands  of  the  Elbe,  attached  them  one  night  in  the  month 
of  May.  This  happened  to  be  the  very  night  after  the 
battle  of  Lutzen,  where  both  sides  claimed  the  victory, 
and  Te  Deum  was  sung  in  the  two  hostile  camps.'  The 
advance  of  the  French  turned  the  balance  of  opinion  in 
favour  of  Napoleon,  who  was  in  fact  really  the  conqueror 
on  a  field  of  battle  celebrated  nearly  two  centuries  before 
by  the  victory  and  death  of  Gustavus  AdoliDhus,  The 
Cossacks  of  the  Elbe  covild  not  sustain  the  shock  of  the 
French  ;  Vandamme  repulsed  the  troops  who  defended 
Wilhelmsburg,  the  largest  of  the  two  islands,  and  easily 
took  possession  of  the  smaller  one,  Fidden,  of  which  the 
point  nearest  the  right  bank  of  the  Elbe  is  not  half  a 
gunshot  distant  from  Hamburg.  The  9tli  of  May  was  a 
fatal  day  to  the  people  of  Hamburg  ;  for  it  was  then  that 
Davoust,  having  formed  his  junction  with  Vandamme,  ap- 
peared at  tlie  head  of  a  corj^s  of  40,000  men  destined  to 
reinforce  Napoleon's  Grand  Arm}-.  Hamburg  could  not 
hold  out  against  the  considerable  French  force  now  as- 

cf  Georges  Cadoudal,  the  would-be  assassin  of  Napoleon  (Thierfi,  tome  xviii.  p.  356). 
Vandivmmo  naturally  joined  Napoleon  during  the  Cent  Jours. 

•'  The  effect,  however,  of  this  battle,  and  of  the  forward  movements  of  General 
Sebastiani  and  Marshal  Davoust,  was,  that  the  allie.'i  were  obliged  to  abandon  the 
line  of  the  Elbe  ;  nor  were  their  affairs  fully  retrieved  until  the  decisive  battle  of 
Leipsic.— £'(;j«o?'  of  1836  ecUUuii. 


1813.  RE-OCCUPATION   OF  HAMBURG.  331 

sembled  in  its  neighbourhood.  Tettenborn  had,  it  is 
true,  received  a  reinforcement  of  800  Prussians  and  2000 
Swedes,  but  still  what  resistance  could  he  oflfer  to  Da- 
voust's  40,000  men?  Tettenborn  did  not  deceive  himself 
as  to  the  weakness  of  the  allies  on  this  point,  or  the  inu- 
tility of  attempting  to  defend  the  city.  He  yielded  to  the 
entreaties  of  the  inhabitants,  who  represented  to  him  that 
further  resistance  must  be  attended  by  certain  ruin.  He 
accordingly  evacuated  Hamburg  on  the  29th  of  May,  tak- 
ing with  him  his  Hanseatic  legions,  which  had  not  held 
out  an  hour  in  the  islands  of  the  Elbe,  and  accomj^anied 
by  the  Swedish  Doctor  Von  Hess,  whose  imprudent  advice 
was  the  chief  cause  of  all  the  disasters  to  which  the  un- 
fortunate city  had  been  exposed. 

Davoust  was  at  Haarburg,  Avhere  he  received  the  deputies 
from  Hamburg  with  an  appearance  of  moderation  ;  and  by 
the  conditions  stipulated  at  this  conference  on  the  30th  of 
May  a  strong  detachment  of  Danish  troops  occupied  Ham- 
burg in  the  name  of  the  Emperor.  The  French  made  their 
entrance  the  same  evening,  and  occupied  the  posts  as 
quietl}'  as  if  they  had  been  merely  changing  guard.  The 
inhabitants  made  not  a  shadow  of  resistance.  Not  a  drop 
of  blood  was  shed  ;  not  a  threat  nor  an  insult  was  inter- 
changed. This  is  the  truth  ;  but  the  truth  did  not  suit 
Napoleon.  It  was  necessary  to  get  up  a  pretext  for  revenge, 
and  accordingly  recourse  was  had  to  a  bulletin,  Avhich  pro- 
claimed to  France  and  Europe  that  Hamburg  had  been 
tahm  bij  main  force,  ivilh  a  Ions  of  some  hundred  men.  But 
for  this  imaginary  resistance,  officially  announced,  how 
would  it  have  been  possible  to  justify  the  spoliations  and 
exactions  which  ensued  ? ' 

'  There  appears  to  have  been  some  real  resistance  ;  see  Fuymaigre,  p.  152,  who 
Rays  that  if  the  town  had  held  out  four  days  longer  it  would  have  been  protected  by 
the  armistice  of  Pleiswitz,  and  wou'd  never  have  been  reoccupied  by  the  French. 
This,  however,  might  have  been  a  preat  gain  to  Napoleon,  who  suffered  much  in  1813 
and  1814  from  the  loss  of  the  garrisons  in  such  places.  Many  of  the  inhabitants 
now  left  the  town  for  fear  of  the  revenge  and  exactions  of  the  Hrench. 


333         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813, 

The  Dutch  General,  Hogendorff,  became  Governoi*  of 
Hamburg  in  lieu  of  Carra  St  Cyr,  who  had  been  confined 
at  Osnabruck  since  his  precipitate  retreat.  General  Ho- 
gendorff had  been  created  one  of  the  Emperor's  aides  de 
camp,  but  he  was  neither  a  Rapp,  a  Lauriston,  nor  a  Duroc. 
The  inhabitants  were  required  to  pay  all  the  arrears  of 
taxes  due  to  the  different  public  offices  during  the  seventy 
days  that  the  French  had  been  absent ;  and  likewise  all 
the  allowances  that  would  have  been  paid  to  the  troops  of 
the  garrison  had  they  remained  in  Hamburg.  Payment 
was  also  demanded  of  the  arrears  for  the  quartering  of 
troops  who  were  fifty  leagues  off.  However,  some  of  the 
heads  of  the  government  departments,  who  saw  and  under- 
stood the  new  situation  of  the  French  at  Hamburg,  did  not 
enforce  these  unjust  and  vexatious  measures.  The  duties 
on  registrations  were  reduced.  M.  Pyonnier,  Director  of 
the  Customs,  aware  of  the  peculiar  difficulty  of  his  situa- 
tion in  a  country  where  the  customs  were  held  in  abhor- 
rence, observed  great  caution  and  moderation  in  collecting 
the  duties.  Personal  examination,  which  is  so  revolting 
and  indecorous,  especially  with  respect  to  females,  was 
suppressed.  But  these  modifications  did  not  proceed 
from  the  highest  quainter  ;  they  were  due  to  the  good  sense 
of  the  subordinate  agents,  who  plainly  saw  that  if  the  Em- 
pire was  to  fall  it  would  not  be  owing  to  little  infractions 
in  the  laws  of  proscription  against  coffee  and  rhubarb. 

If  the  custom-house  regulations  became  less  vexatious 
to  the  inhabitants  of  Hamburg  it  was  not  the  same  with 
the  business  of  the  post-office.  The  old  manceuvres  of 
that  department  were  resumed  more  actively  than  ever. 
Letters  were  opened  without  the  least  reserve,  and  all  the 
old  post  office  clerks  who  were  initiated  in  these  scandalous 
proceedings  were  recalled.  With  the  exception  of  the 
registrations  and  the  customs  the  inquisitorial  system, 
which  had  so  long  oppressed  the  Hanse  Towns,  was 
renewed  ;  and   yet  the  delegates  of  the  French  Govern- 


1813.  TREATMENT  OF  THE  HOSTAGES.  333 

ment  were  the  first  to  cry  out,  "  The  peoj)le  of  Hamburg 
are  traitors  to  Napoleon  :  for,  in  spite  of  all  the  blessings 
he  has  conferred  upon  them  they  do  not  say  with  the 
Latin  poet,  Deus  nobis  hcec  otia  fecit." 

But  all  that  passed  was  trifling  in  comparison  with  what 
was  to  come.  On  the  18th  of  June  was  published  an  Im- 
perial decree,  dated  the  8th  of  the  same  month,  by  virtue 
of  which  were  to  be  reaped  the  fruits  of  the  official  false- 
hood contained  in  the  bulletin  above  mentioned.  To 
expiate  the  crime  of  rebellion  Hamburg  was  required  to 
pay  an  extraordinary  contribution  of  48,000,000  francs, 
and  Liibeck  a  contribution  of  6,000,000.  The  enormous 
sum  levied  on  Hamburg  was  to  be  paid  in  the  short  space 
of  a  month,  by  six  equal  instalments,  either  in  money,  or 
bills  on  respectable  houses  in  Paris.'  In  addition  to  this 
the  new  Prefect  of  Hamburg  made  a  requisition  of  grain 
and  provisions  of  every  kind,  wines,  sailcloth,  masts,  pitch, 
hemp,  iron,  copper,  steel,  in  short,  everything  that  could 
be  useful  for  the  supply  of  the  army  and  navy. 

But  while  these  exactions  were  made  on  property  in 
Hamburg,  at  Dresden  the  liberties  of  individuals  and  even 
lives  were  attacked.  On  the  15th  of  June  Napoleon, 
doubtless  blinded  by  the  false  rejDorts  that  were  laid  befoi*e 
him,  gave  orders  for  making  out  a  list  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Hamburg  who  were  absent  from  the  city.  He  allowed 
them  only  a  fortnight  to  return  home,  an  interval  too  short 
to  enable  some  of  them  to  come  from  the  places  where 
they  had  taken  refuge.  They  consequently  remained  ab- 
sent beyond  the  given  time.  Victims  were  indispensable  : 
but  assui-edly  it  was  not  Bonaparte  who  conceived  the  idea 
of  hostages  to  answer  for  the  men  whom  prudence  kept 

•  Puymaigre  (p.  153),  who  ought  to  be  a  good  authority,  puts  the  contribution  at 
100,000,000.  Alison  (chap.  Ixxix.  para.  24,  note)  Bays  40,000,000  francs  (or  £1,600,- 
000).  In  chap.  xcv.  para.  21  Alison  puts  the  whole  exactions  by  Davonst  from  1st 
June  1813  to  23d  April  1814  as  2,800,000  odd  francs,  besides  goods,  etc.,  the  whole 
amounting  to  some  £140,000  ;  but  his  figures  are  doubtful.  In  any  case  the  exaction 
is  ackowledged  by  Puymaigre  to  have  been  beyoHd  the  powers  of  the  town. 


334         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

absent.  Of  this  charge  I  can  clear  his  memory.  The 
hostages,  were,  however,  taken,  and  were  declared  to  be 
also  responsible  for  the  payment  of  the  contribution  of 
48,000,000.  In  Hamburg  they  were  selected  from  among 
the  most  respectable  and  wealthy  men  in  the  city,  some  of 
them  far  advanced  in  age.  They  were  conveyed  to  the 
old  castle  of  Haarburg  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Elbe,  and 
these  men,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  all  the  comforts 
of  life,  were  deprived  even  of  necessaries,  and  had  only 
straw  to  lie  on.  The  hostages  from  Liibeckwere  taken  to 
Hamburg  :  they  were  placed  between  decks  on  board  an 
old  ship  in  the  port  :  this  was  a  worthy  imitation  of  the 
prison  hulks  of  England.  On  the  24th  of  July  there  was 
issued  a  decree  which  was  published  in  the  Hamburg  Gor- 
respondant  of  the  27th.  This  decree  consisted  merely  of 
a  proscription  list,  on  which  were  inscribed  the  names  of 
some  of  the  wealthiest  men  in  the  Hanse  Towns,  Hanover, 
and  Westphalia. 


1813.  335 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 
1813. 

Napoleon's  eecond  visit  to  Dresden — Battle  of  Bantzen — The  Congress  at 
Prague — Napoleon  ill  advised — Battle  of  Vittoria — General  Moreau — 
Rupture  of  the  conferences  at  Prague — Defection  of  Jomini — Battles 
of  Dresden  and  Leipsic — Account  of  the  death  of  Duroc — An  inter- 
rupted conversation  resumed  a  j'ear  after — Particulars  respecting 
Poniatowski — His  extraordinary  courage  and  death — His  monument 
at  Leipsic  and  tomb  in  the  cathedral  of  Warsaw. 

Ox  tlie  2d  of  May  Napoleon  won  the  battle  of  Lutzen.  A 
week  after  he  was  at  Dresden,  not  as  on  his  departure  for 
the  Russian  campaign,  like  the  Sovereign  of  the  West 
surrounded  by  his  mighty  vassals  :  he  was  now  in  the 
capital  of  the  only  one  of  the  monarchs  of  his  creation 
who  remained  faithful  to  the  French  cause,  and  whose 
good  faith  eveutvially  cost  him  half  his  dominions.  The 
Emperor  stayed  only  ten  days  in  Dresden,  and  then  went 
in  pursuit  of  the  Russian  army,  which  he  came  up  with  on 
the  19th,  at  Bautzen.  This  battle,  which  was  followed  on 
the  two  succeding  days  by  the  battles  of  Wurtchen  and 
Ochkirchen,  may  be  said  to  have  lasted  three  days — a 
sufficient  proof  that  it  was  obstinately  disputed.  It  ended 
in  favour  of  Napoleon,  but  he  and  France  paid  dearly  for 
it :  while  General  Kirschner  and  Duroc  were  talking 
together  the  former  was  killed  by  a  cannon-ball,  which 
mortally  wounded  the  latter  in  the  abdomen. 

The  moment  had  now  arrived  for  Austria  to  prove 
whether  or  not  she  intended  entirely  to  desert  the  cause 
of  Napoleon.'    All  her  amicable  demonstrations  were  lim- 

'  There  is  a  running  attack  in  Erreitrs  (tome  ii.  pp.  289-395)  on  all  this  part  of 
the  Memoirs,  but  the  best  account  of  the  negotiations  between  France,  Austria, 


336         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1818 

ited  to  an  oflfer  of  her  intervention  in  opening  negotia- 
tions with  Eussia.  Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  June,  an 
armistice  was  concluded  at  Pleiswitz,  which  was  to  last 
till  the  8th  of  July,  and  was  finally  prolonged  to  the  10th 
of  August. 

The  first  overtures  after  the  conclusion  of  the  armistice 
of  Pleiswitz  determined  the  assembling  of  a  Congress  at 
Prague.  It  was  reported  at  the  time  that  the  Allies  de- 
manded the  restoration  of  all  the}'  had  lost  since  1805  ; 
that  is  to  say,  since  the  campaign  of  Ulm.  In  this  demand 
Holland  and  the  Hanse  Towns,  which  had  become  French 
provinces,  were  comprehended.  But  we  should  still  have 
retained  the  Rhine,  Belgium,  Piedmont,  Nice,  and  Savoy. 
The  battle  of  Vittoria,'  which  placed  the  whole  of  Spain  at 
the  disposal  of  the  English,  the  retreat  of  Suchet  upon  the 

and  the  Allies  will  be  found  in  Mettei'nich,  vol.  i.  pp.  171-945.  Metternich,  with 
good  reason,  prides  himself  on  the  skill  with  which  he  gained  from  Napoleon  the 
exact  time,  twenty  daj's,  necessary  for  the  concentration  of  the  Austrian  armies  ; 
see  especially  pp.  194,  1H5.  Whether  the  negotiations  were  consistent  with  good 
faith  on  the  part  of  Austria  is  another  matter  ;  but  one  thing  seems  clear — the 
Austrian  marriage  ruined  Napoleon.  He  found  it  impossible  to  believe  that  the 
monarch  who  had  given  him  his  daughter  would  strike  the  decisive  blow  against 
him.  Without  this  belief  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  would  have  struck  Austria 
before  she  could  have  collected  her  forces,  and  Metternich  seems  to  have  dreaded 
the  result.  "  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  prevent  Napoleon  from  carrying  out 
his  usual  system  of  leaving  an  army  of  observation  before  the  Allied  armies,  and 
himself  turning  to  Bohemia  to  deal  a  great  blow  at  us,  the  effect  of  which  it  would 
be  impossible  to  foresee  in  the  present  depressed  state  of  the  great  majority  of  our 
men  "  {Metternich,  vol.  i.  p.  177).  With  our  knowledge  of  how  Napoleon  held  his 
own  against  the  three  armies  at  Dresden  we  may  safely  assume  that  he  would  have 
crushed  Austria  if  she  had  not  joined  him  or  disarmed.  The  conduct  of  Au.stria  was 
natural  and  politic,  but  it  was  only  successful  because  Napoleon  believed  in  the 
good  faith  of  the  Emperor  Francis,  his  father-in-law.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Austria 
only  succeeded  in  getting  Alexander  to  negotiate  on  the  implied  condition  that  the 
negotiations  were  not  to  end  in  a  peace  with  Prance.  See  Mettei-nich,  vol.  i.  p.  181, 
where,  in  answer  to  the  Czar's  question  as  to  what  would  become  of  their  cause  if 
Napoleon  accepted  the  Austrian  mediation,  he  says  that  if  Napoleon  declines 
Austria  will  join  the  Allies.  If  Napoleon  accepts,  "  the  negotiations  will  most  cer- 
tainly show  Napoleon  to  be  neither  wise  nor  just,  and  then  the  result  will  be  the 
same.  In  any  case  we  shall  have  gained  the  necessary  time  to  bring  our  armies  into 
such  positions  that  we  need  not  again  fear  a  separate  attack  on  any  one  of  them,  and 
fr(i>7i  tohich  ice  may  ourselves  take  the  offensive.^'' 

'  The  news  of  this  decisive  battle  increased  the  difBcuUy  of  the  French  plenipo- 
tentiaries at  Prague,  and  raised  the  demamlsof  the  Allies.  It  also  shook  the  coc- 
fidence  of  those  who  remained  faithful  to  us. — Sourrienne. 


1813.  MOREAU  AND  BERNADOTTB.  837 

Ebro,  the  fear  of  seeing  the  army  of  Spain  annihilated, 
were  enough  to  alter  the  opinions  of  those  counsellors  who 
still  recommended  war.  Notwithstanding  Napoleon's  op- 
position and  his  innate  disposition  to  acquire  glory  by  his 
victories,  probably  he  would  not  have  been  inaccessible  to 
the  reiterated  representations  of  sensible  men  who  loved 
their  country,  France,  therefore,  has  to  reproach  his  ad- 
visers. At  this  juncture  General  Moreau  arrived  ;  it  has 
been  said  that  he  came  at  the  solicitation  of  Bernadotte. 
This  is  neither  true  nor  probable.  In  the  first  place, 
thei-e  never  was  any  intimacy  between  Bernadotte  and 
Moreau  ;  and,  in  the  next,  how  can  it  be  imagined  that 
Bernadotte  wished  to  see  Moreau  Emperor  !  But  this 
question  is  at  once  put  at  rest  by  the  fact,  that  in  the  in- 
terview at  Abo  the  Emperor  of  Russia  hinted  to  Berna- 
dotte the  possibility  of  his  succeeding  Napoleon.  It  was 
generally  reported  at  the  time,  and  I  have  since  learnt 
that  it  was  true,  that  the  French  Princes  of  the  House  of 
Bourbon  had  made  overtures  to  Moreau  through  the 
medium  of  General  Willot,  who  had  been  proscribed  on 
the  18th  Fructidor  ;  and  I  have  since  learned  from  an 
authentic  source  that  General  Moreau,  who  was  then  at 
Baltimore,  refused  to  support  the  Bourbon  cause.  Moreau 
yielded  only  to  his  desire  of  being  revenged  on  Napoleon  ; 
and  he  found  death  where  he  could  not  find  glory.' 

'  Having  mentioned  the  name  of  Moreau  I  may  take  this  opportnnity  of  correcting 
an  error  into  which  I  fell  while  speaking  of  General  LajoUaia  in  coimection  with  the 
conspiracy  of  Georges,  etc.  Some  papers  have  fallen  into  my  hands,  proving  beyond 
a  doubt  that  General  Lajollais  was  not  an  accomplice  in  the  conspiracy. — Bouriienne. 

Napoleon  seems  to  have  believed  that  it  was  a  shot  from  one  of  the  redoubts  near 
Dresden,  where  he  was  present,  which  struck  Moreau.  Cathcart  ( War  in  Russia 
and  Gei'inany,  pp.  229-231),  who  was  an  eye-witness,  says  that  the  shot  came  from  a 
field-battery  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  distant.  Napoleon,  according  to  Cathcart, 
was  then  about  a  mile  off ;  thus  Thiers  (tome  xvi.  p.  315)  is  wrong  in  saying  that 
Moreau  was  "struck  by  a  French  bullet,  fired,  so  to  say,  by  Napoleon."  Moreau's 
death  put  an  end  to  an  important  disagreement  between  Metternich  and  the  Em- 
l»ror  Alexander,  who  wished  to  take  the  title  of  Generalissmo  of  the  AlUed  armies 
with  Moreau,  as  his  lieutenant,  really  in  command.  •'  When,"  says  Metternich  (vol. 
i.  p.  207),  "  Alexander  met  me  the  next  day  he  said  to  me,  '  God  has  uttered  His 
judgment :  He  was  of  your  opinion.'  "  Readers  of  Metturnich  will  remark  how  ha- 
bitually Providence  was  of  his  opinion. 

Vol.  III.— 23 


338         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

At  the  end  of  July  the  proceedings  of  the  Congress  at 
Prague  were  no  further  advanced  than  at  the  time  of  its 
assembling.  Far  from  cheering  the  French  with  the  pros- 
pect of  a  peace,  the  Emperor  made  a  journey  to  Mayence  ; 
the  Empress  went  there  to  see  him,  and  returned  to  Paris 
immediately  after  the  Emperor's  departure.  Napoleon 
went  back  to  Dresden,  and  the  armistice  not  being  re- 
newed, it  died  a  natui'al  death  on  the  17th  of  August,  the 
day  appointed  for  its  expiration.  A  fatal  event  immedi- 
ately followed  the  rupture  of  the  conferences.'  On  the 
17th  of  August  Austria,  wishing  to  gain  by  war  as  she  had 
before  gained  by  alliances,  declared  that  she  would  unite 
her  forces  with  those  of  the  Allies.  On  the  very  opening 
of  this  disastrous  campaign  General  Jomini  went  over  to 
the  enemy.  Jomini  belonged  to  the  staff  of  the  unfort- 
unate Marshal  Ney,  who  was  beginning  to  execute  with 
his  wonted  ability,  the  orders  he  had  received.  There  was 
much  surprise  at  his  eagerness  to  profit  by  a  struggle, 
begun  under  such  melancholy  auspices,  to  seek  a  fresh 
fortune,  which  promised  better  than  what  he  had  tried 
under  our  flag.  Public  opinion  has  pronounced  judg- 
ment on  Jomini." 

'■  It  was  on  the  11th  of  August,  not  the  17th,  that  Metternich  announced  to  Cau- 
laincourt.  Napoleon's  plenipotentiary  at  Prague,  that  Austria  had  joined  the  Allies 
and  declared  war  with  France  ;  see  Thiers^  tome  xvi.  p.  225.  At  midnight  on  10th 
August  Metternich  had  despatched  the  passports  for  the  Comte  Louis  de  Narbonne, 
Napoleon's  Ambassador,  and  the  war  manifesto  of  the  Emperor  Francis ;  then  he 
"  had  the  beacons  lighted  which  had  been  prepared  from  Prague  to  the  Silesian 
frontier,  as  a  sign  of  the  breach  of  the  negotiations,  and  the  right  (,i.e.  power)  of  the 
Allied  armies  to  cross  the  Silesian  frontier  "  (Metlernich,  vol.  i.  p.  199). 

*  Jomini  had  been  cruelly  treated  by  Borthier,  the  chief  of  the  staff,  who  had  been 
always  indisposed  towards  him.  At  the  very  time  that  Jomini,  then  chief  of  the 
staff  to  Ney,  was  expecting  some  well-won  reward  for  his  part  in  the  battle  of  Baut- 
zen, he  received  an  order  placing  him  in  arrest  for  not  having  sent  in  a  return  de- 
layed by  the  difficulty  of  getting  the  information  from  the  divisions.  Jomini,  long 
discontented,  now  passed  over  to  the  Russians,  and  thenceforward  acted  as  mOi- 
tary  adviser  to  Alexander.  It  is  fair  to  remember  that  he  was  Swiss,  not  French, 
and  that,  when  going  over,  he  first  placed  all  Ney's  outposts  in  safety  from  a  sur- 
prise. He  defends  himself  in  his  own  work  ( Vie  de  Napoleon,  tome  iv.  p.  368,  note), 
and  says  that  even  if  he  had  been  capable  of  revealing  any  plan  of  Napoleon  he  did 
not  know  it.  See  also  Sainte  Beuve  {le  General  Jomini),  where  the  matter  is  treated 
at  length.     It  would  not  be  right  to  treat  Jomini  as  a  traitor,  but  to  act  against  any 


1813.  DEATH  OF  MOREAU.  339 

The  first  actions  were  the  battle  of  Dresden,  which  took 
place  seven  dajs  after  the  rupture  of  the  armistice,  and 
the  battle  in  which  Vandamme  was  defeated,  and  which 
rendered  the  victory  of  Dresden  unavailing.  I  have  al- 
ready mentioned  that  Moreau  was  killed  at  Dresden." 
Baxaria  was  no  sooner  rid  of  the  French  troops  than  she 
raised  the  mask  and  ranged  herself  among  our  enemies. 

army  with  which  he  had  served  so  long,  and  with  whose  triumphs  he  had  been  so 
connected,  was  a  deplorable  actiji  the  life  of  that  great  writer.  He  was  naturally 
looked  on  with  great  jealousy  by  his  new  comrades.  He  says  Muffling  (p.  82)  proved 
himself  that  same  day  a  sublime  teacher  indeed  ;  but  at  the  same  time  so  unpracti- 
cal on  the  fiel<l  of  battle  that  his  advice  was  not  asked  again. 

'  The  following  is  a  contemporary  account  of  the  death  of  Moreau,  whose  military 
fame  once  rivalled  that  of  Bonaparte.  It  is  taken  from  a  letter  written  by  a  British 
officer,  and  dated  Toplitz,  4th  September  ISl.'l 

"General  Moreau  died  yesterday.  He  was  in  the  act  of  giving  some  opinion  on 
military  mutters,  while  passing  with  the  Emperor  of  Russia  behind  a  Prussian  bat- 
tery to  which  two  French  batteries  were  answering,  one  in  front  and  the  other  in 
flank,  and  Lord  Cathcart  and  Sir  R.  Wilson  were  listening  to  him,  when  a  ball  struck 
his  thigh  and  almost  carried  his  leg  off,  passed  through  his  horse,  and  shattered  his 
other  teg  to  pieces.  He  gave  a  deep  gi'oan  at  first,  but  immediately  after  the  first 
agony  of  pain  was  over  he  spoke  with  the  utmost  tranquillity,  and  called  for  a  cigar. 
They  bore  him  off  the  field  on  a  litter  made  of  Cossacks'  pikes,  and  carried  him  to  a 
cottage  at  a  short  distance,  which,  however,  was  so  much  exposed  to  the  fire  that 
they  were  obliged,  after  just  binding  up  his  wounds,  to  remove  him  farther  off  to  the 
Emperor's  quarters,  where  one  leg  was  amputated,  he  smoking  the  whole  time.  When 
the  surgeon  informed  him  that  hemust  deprive  him  of  the  other  leg  he  observed  with- 
out showing  any  pain  or  peevishness,  but  in  the  calmest  manner,  that  had  he  known 
that  before  his  other  was  cutoff  he  .should  have  pi-eferred  dying.  The  litter  on  which 
they  had  hitherto  conveyed  him  was  covered  with  nothiiig  but  wet  straw,  and  a  cloak 
drenched  through  with  rain,  which  continued  in  torrents  the  whole  day.  They  now 
placed  more  cloaks  over  him,  and  laid  him  more  comfortably  in  a  good  litter,  in  which 
he  wascarried  to  Dippoldeswalde.;  but  long  before  his  arrival  there  he  was  soaked 
through  and  through.  He  was  brought,  however,  safely  to  Laun,  where  he  seemed 
to  be  going  on  well,  till  a  long  conference  which  cook  place  between  him  and  three 
or  four  of  the  Allied  generals,  by  which  he  was  completely  exhausted.  Soon  afterthis 
'le  became  extremely  ill,  and  hourly  grew  worse.  Through  the  whole  of  his  suffer- 
ings he  bore  his  fate  with  heroism  and  grandeur  of  mind  not  to  be  surpassed,  and 
appeared  to  those  with  whom  he  conversed  to  endure  but  little  pain,  so  calm  and  so 
extremely  composed  was  he.  He  died  at  six  o'clock  yesterday  morning."— £'di«or  of 
183G  eilition. 

The  following  letter  from  General  Moreau  to  his  wife,  after  receiving  his  mortal 
wound,  was  communicated  to  the  Editor  of  the  1830  edition  by  Sir  J.  Philippart:  — 

'•  JMa  chcre  amie — Ala  batailiede  Dresde,  ily  a  trots  joicrs,fai  fu  le.s deux  jainbes 
emportfea  d'un  boulet  de  canon.  Ce  coquin  de  Bonaparte  est  toujours  heureux.  On 
nVafait  Vampntatiori  nnssi  bien  que  possible.  Qiioique  Varniee  ait/ait  uti  mouve- 
ment  retrograde,  ce  7i'esl  nullement  par  revers.  metis  pour  se  rapprocher  du  General 
Blucher.  Excuse  mon  grifonage  ;  je  Cainie  et  Cembrasse  de  tout  mon  ctvxir.  Je 
charge  Rupalel  dejliUr. —  V.  M." 


■340         MEMOIRS  OP  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       18ia 


In  October  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Leij^sic  decided  the  fate 
of  France.  The  Saxon  army,  which  had  long  remained 
faithful  to  us,  went  over  to  the  enemy  during  the  battle.^ 
Prince  Poniatowski  perished  at  the  battle  of  Leipsic  in  an 
attempt  to  pass  the  Elster. 

I  will  take  this  oj^portunity  of  relating  what  I  know 
respecting  the  death  of  two  men  wlio  were  both  deeply 
and  deservedly  regretted — Duroc  and  Poniatowski."     Na- 

•  The  battle  of  General  Blncher,  on  the  16th,  was  followed  by  a  complete  and  sig- 
nal victory  on  the  18th,  by  the  combined  forces,  over  Bonaparte,  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Leipsic.  The  collective  loss  of  above  100  pieces  of  can- 
non, 60,000  men,  and  an  immense  number  ot  prisoners ;  the  desertion  of  the  Saxon 
army,  and  also  of  the  Bavarian  and  Wiirteraberg  troops  still  remaining  in  the  ti'rench 
ranks,  consisting  of  artillery,  cavalry,  and  infantry  ;  many  generals  killed,  wounded, 
and  taken  prisoners,  among  whom  were  Reynier,  Valberg  (?),  Bnme,  Bertrand,  and 
Lauriston,  were  some  of  the  flrst-f  mits  of  the  glorious  day  of  the  18th  of  October.  These 
were  followed  by  the  capture  by  assault  of  the  town  of  Leipsic  ;  the  magazines,  the 
artillery,  stores  of  the  place,  with  the  King  of  Saxony,  all  his  Court,  the  garrison, 
and  the  rear-guard  of  the  French  army;  the  whole  of  the  enemy's  wounded,  the  num- 
ber of  whom  exceeded  30,000,  with  the  complete  rout  of  the  French  army,  it  being 
entirely  surrounded,  and  endeavouring  to  escape  in  all  directions  :  such  were  the 
prominent  subjects  of  exultation.  Bonaparte  was  fortunate  enough  to  escape  by 
rapid  flight  two  hours  before  the  entry  into  Leipsic  of  the  Allied  forces.     .     .     . 

During  the  action  twenty-two  guns  of  Saxon  artillery,  with  two  Westphalian  regi- 
ments of  hussars,  and  two  battalions  of  Saxons,  joined  us  from  the  enemy  :  the  for- 
mer were  instantly  led  again  into  the  field,  oiu-  artillery  and  ammunition  not  being 
all  brought  forward.     .     .     . 

The  losses  sustained  in  the  last  four  days'  combats  could  not  with  precision  be 
stated  ;  but  they  were  averaged,  on  the  part  of  the  enemy,  at  15,000  prisoners,  with- 
out reckoning  2.3,000  sick  and  wounded  found  in  the  hospitals  at  Leipsic,  2.50  pieces 
of  cannon,  and  900  tumbrels.  Prince  Poniatowski,  Generals  Vial,  Rochambeau, 
Dumonstier,  Compans,  and  Latour-Maubourg  were  killed,  and  Ney,  Marmout,  and 
Souham  wounded.  Fifteen  generals  were  made  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  Allies 
was  equally  serious.  The  Prussian  corps  of  d'York  lost  5000  men  ;  the  Austrians 
enumerated  no  less  than  sixty  officers  of  distinction  killed  in  this  sanguinary  contest 
(Marquis  of  Londonderry's  {Narrative  of  the  War  in  Germany  and  France). 

2  Duroc,  as  has  already  been  noted,  was  one  of  the  earliest  aides  de  camp  and 
companions  of  Napoleon,  and  had  accompanied  him  to  Egypt,  and  indeed  every- 
where. He  had  been  created  Due  de  Frioul  and  Grand  MarC-chal  du  Palais.  Mar- 
mont  (tome  v.  p.  109)  says  that  a  few  moments  before  being  hit  Duroc  showed  a  sort 
of  despondency  and  disheartenment,  anrl  said  to  him,  "  My  friend,  the  Emperor  is 
insatiable  for  battles.  We  shall  all  fall,  it  is  our  destiny."  The  scene  between 
Napoleon  and  him  on  his  death-bed  has  been  told  differently.  See  Marmont,  tome 
V.  p.  110 ;  Segur.  tome  vi.  p.  115 ;  and  Thiers,  tome  xv.  p.  584  ;  and  even  Coignet,  p. 
352.  Whatever  may  have  been  said  to  the  contrary,  there  must  have  been  some 
strong  affection  between  them.  See  Napoleon's  letter  to  Madame  de  Montesquiou, 
when,  perhaps  with  a  remembrance  of  a  famous  Roman  epitaph,  he  said,  ''  The 
death  of  the  Due  de  Frioul  has  pained  me.  Tt  is  the  only  time  in  twenty  years  that 
he  has  not  divined  what  would  please  me ''  (Remusat,  tome  ii.  p.  345,  note).  See  also 


1813.  DEATH  OF   GENERAL  DUROG.  341 

poleon  lamented  Dui-oc  chiefly  because  he  was  very  useful 
to  him.  He,  however,  wished  to  make  a  parade  of  sensi- 
bility, and  after  having  made  up  a  tragical  scene  of  Duroc's 
death  he  ordered  a  picture  to  be  painted,  to  transmit  the 
recollection  of  the  event  to  posterity ;  with  this  view  a 
suitable  story  was  drawn  up  for  a  bulletin.  This  bulletin 
contained  a  high-flown  account  of  the  loss  the  Emperor 
had  sustained  ;  and  the  following  set  phrases  were  put 
into  the  mouth  of  the  dying  General :  "  My  life  has  been 
devoted  to  your  service,  and  I  regret  its  loss  because  it 
might  yet  be  useful  to  you.  Yes,  Sire,  we  shall  one  day 
meet  again,  but  it  will  be  thirty  years  hence,  when  you 
will  have  triumphed  over  your  enemies,  and  realised  all 
the  hopes  of  your  counti-y.  I  have  lived  like  an  honour- 
able man,  and  have  nothing  to  reproach  myself  with.  I 
leave  behind  me  a  daughter  ;  your  Majesty  will  be  a  father 
to  her. " '  But  there  is  not  one  word  of  truth  in  the  bul- 
letin account  of  Duroc's  death.  The  words  which  he  is 
said  to  have  uttered  in  his  last  moments  were  invented, 
like  those  attributed  to  Desaix  after  the  battle  of  Marengo. 
I  suppose  Napoleon  borrowed  from  Homer  the  idea  of 
making  his  heroes  deliver  speeches  when  at  the  point  of 
death.  The  fact  is,  Duroc  suffered  the  most  excruciating 
agony,  and  under  such  circumstances  a  man  is  not  likely 
to  be  very  eloquent,  or,  indeed,  inclined  to  speak  much. 
I  remember  reading  at  the  time  a  letter  which  came  by  an 
estafette ;  it  was  written  by  an  indi^ddual  who  accompanied 
the  Emperor,  and  was  addressed  to  a  Minister.  The  writer 
desires  his  friend  not  to  place  any  reliance  on  the  official 
account  of  Napoleon's  visit  to  Duroc.  He  added  that  the 
latter,  being  at  the  moment  in  great  suffering,  and  finding 

Dumas,  a  fair  repiesentativp  of  the  general  opinion  of  the  army,  not  of  th«  tittle- 
tattle  of  the  Court,  "  The  glorious  death  of  the  Grand  Marechal  Duroc  took  from 
Napoleon  his  most  trusty  friend,  whom  he  much  liked  :  the  man  whose  loyalty,  noble 
independence,  and  enlightened  counsels  were  so  useful  to  him  "  (Dumas,  tome  iii.  p. 
506).     His  Duchy  was  given  to  his  daughter. 

1  The  Emperor  faithfully  carried  out  this  wish,  making  a  handsome  provision  for 
Mademoiselle  Duroc.    (See  also  the  Will  of  Napoleon.) 


342         MEMOIFiS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

that  the  Emperor  prolonged  his  visit,  turned  impatiently 
on  his  left  side,  and  said  to  the  Emperor,  motioning  him 
\iiih.  his  right  hand  to  withdraw,  "  Ah,  Sire,  at  least  leave 
me  to  die  quietly." 

I  will  here  mention  a  fact  which  occurred  before  Duroc's 
departure  for  the  campaign  of  1812.  I  used  often  to  visit 
him  at  the  Pavilion  Marsan,  in  the  Tuileries,  where  he 
lodged.  One  forenoon,  when  I  had  Ijeen  waiting  for  hiin 
a  few  minutes,  he  came  from  the  Emperor's  apartments, 
Avhere  he  had  been  engaged  in  the  usual  business.  He 
Avas  in  his  court-dress.  As  soon  as  he  entered  he  pulled 
off  his  coat  and  hat  and  laid  them  aside.  "  I  have  just 
had  a  conversation  with  the  Emperor  about  you,"  said  he. 
"  Say  nothing  to  anybody.     Have  patience,  and  you  will 

be "     He  had  no  sooner  uttered  these  words  than  a 

footman  entered  to  inform  him  that  the  Emperor  wished 
to  see  him  immediately.  "Well,"  said  Duroc,  "I  must 
go."  No  sooner  was  the  servant  gone  than  Duroc  stamped 
violently  on  the  floor,  and  exclaimed,  "That  .... 
never  leaves  me  a  moment's  rest.  If  he  finds  I  have  five 
minutes  to  myself  in  the  course  of  the  morning  he  is  sure 
to  send  for  me."  He  then  put  on  his  coat  and  returned  to 
the  Emperor,  saying,  "Another  time  you  shall  hear  what 
I  have  to  tell  you." 

From  that  time  I  did  not  see  Duroc  until  the  month  of 
January  1813.  He  was  constantly  absent  from  Paris,  and 
did  not  retui-n  until  the  end  of  1812.  He  was  much  af- 
fected at  the  result  of  the  campaign,  but  his  confidence  in 
Napoleon's  genius  kept  up  his  spirits.  I  turned  the  con- 
versation from  this  subject  and  reminded  him  of  his 
promise  to  tell  me  what  had  passed  between  the  Emperor 
and  himself  relative  to  me.  "You  shall  hear,"  said  he. 
"The  Emperor  and  I  had  been  playing  at  billiards,  and, 
between  ourselves,  he  plays  very  badly.  He  is  nothing  at 
a  game  which  depends  on  skill.  While  negligently  rolling 
his  balls  about  he  muttered  these  words  :    '  Do  you  ever 


1813.     DUROC'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  BONAPARTE.     343 

see  Boiirrienne  now?' — 'Yes,  Sire,  he  sometimes  dines 
with  me  on  diplomatic  reception-days,  and  he  looks  so 
droll  in  his  old-fashioned  court-dress,  of  Lyons  manufact- 
ure, that  you  would  laugh  if  you  saw  him.' — 'What  does 
he  say  respecting  the  new  regidation  for  the  court-dresses  ? ' 
— '  I  confess  he  says  it  is  very  ridiculous  ;  that  it  will  have 
no  other  result  than  to  enable  the  Lyons  manufacturers  to 
get  rid  of  their  old-fashioned  goods  ;  that  forced  innova- 
tions on  the  customs  of  a  nation  are  never  successful.' — 
'  Oh,  that  is  always  the  way  with  Bourrienne ;  he  is  never 
pleased  with  anything.' — 'Certainly,  Sire,  he  is  apt  to 
grumble;  but  he  says  what  he  thinks.'— 'Do  you  know, 
Duroc,  he  served  me  very  well  at  Hamburg.  He  raised  a 
good  deal  of  money  for  me.  He  is  a  man  who  understands 
business.  I  will  not  leave  him  unemployed.  Time  must 
hang  heavily  on  his  hands,  I  will  see  what  I  can  do  for 
him.  He  has  many  enemies.' — 'And  who  has  not.  Sire?' 
— 'Many  complaints  against  him  were  transmitted  to  me 
from  Hamburg,  but  the  letter  which  he  wrote  to  me  in  his 
justification  opened  my  eyes,  and  I  begin  to  think  that 
Savary  had  good  motives  for  defending  him.  Endeavours 
are  made  to  dissuade  me  from  employing  him,  but  I  shall 
nevertheless  do  so  at  last.  I  remember  that  it  was  he 
who  first  informed  me  of  the  near  approach  of  the  war 
which  we  are  now  engaged  in.  I  forget  aU  that  has  been 
said  against  him  for  the  last  two  years,  and  as  soon  as  peace 
is  concluded,  and  I  am  at  leisure,  I  will  think  of  him.'  ' 

After  relating  to  me  this  conversation  Duroc  said,  "  You 
must,  of  course,  feel  assured  that  I  said  all  I  think  of  you, 
and  I  will  take  an  opportunity  of  reminding  him  of  you. 
But  we  must  Ave  patient.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend  ;  we  must 
set  ofi'  speedily,  and  Heaven  knows  when  we  shall  be  back 
again ! "  I  wished  him  a  successful  campaign  and  a 
speedy  retiu-n.  Alas !  I  was  doomed  to  see  my  excellent 
friend  only  once  again. 

Next  to  the  death  of  Duroc  the  loss  most  sincerely  re- 


344         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


gretted  during  the  campaign  of  1813  was  that  of  Prince 
Poniatowski.  Josei)h  Poniatowski,  a  nepew  of  Stanislas 
Augustus,  King  of  Poland,  was  born  at  Warsaw  on  the  7th 
of  May  1763.  At  an  early  age  he  was  remarkable  for  his 
patriotic  spirit ;  but  his  uncle's  influence  gave  him  an  ap- 
parent irresolution,  which  rendered  him  suspected  by 
some  of  the  parties  in  Poland.  After  his  uncle  had  acced- 
ed to  the  Confederation  of  Targowitz  Poniatowski  left  the 
service  accomj)anied  by  most  of  his  principal  officers.  But 
when,  in  1794,  the  Poles  endeavovired  to  repulse  the  Eus- 
sians,  he  again  repaired  to  the  Polish  camp  and  entered 
the  army  as  a  volunteer.  His  noble  conduct  obtained  for 
him  the  esteem  of  his  countrymen.  Kosciusko  gave  him 
the  command  of  a  division,  with  which  he  rendered  use- 
ful services  during  the  two  sieges  of  Warsaw.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  surrender  of  that  capital  Poniatowski  went 
to  Vienna.  He  refused  the  offers  of  Catherine  and  Paul  to 
bear  arms  in  the  service  of  Russia. 

Poniatowski  retired  to  his  estate  near  Warsaw,  where 
he  lived  like  a  private  gentleman  until  the  creation  of  the 
Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw  revived  the  hopes  of  the  Polish 
patriots.  He  then  became  War  Minister.  The  Archduke 
Ferdinand  having  come,  in  1809,  with  Austrian  troops  to 
take  possession  of  the  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  Poniatowski, 
who  commanded  the  Polish  troops,  which  were  very  in- 
ferior in  numbers  to  the  Austrian  foi'ce,  obliged  the  latter, 
rather  hy  dint  of  skilful  manoeuvring  than  by  fighting,  to 
evacuate  the  Grand  Duchy.  He  pursued  them  into  Gali- 
cia  as  far  as  Cracow. 

After  this  honourable  campaign  he  continued  to  exercise 
his  fu.nctions  as  Minister  until  1812.  The  war  against 
Russia  again  summoned  him  to  the  head  of  the  Polish 
army.  After  taking  part  in  all  the  events  of  that  war,  which 
was  attended  by  such  various  chances,  Poniatowski  was 
I^resent  at  the  battle  of  Leipsic.  That  battle,  which  com- 
pieuced  on  the  11th  of  October,  the  anniversary  of  the  fa> 


1813.  RETREAT  FROM  LEIP8IG.  345 

mous  battles  of  Ulm  and  of  Jena,  lasted  four  days,  and 
decided  the  fate  of  Europe.  Five  hundred  thousand  men 
fought  on  a  surface  of  three  square  leagues. 

Retreat  having  becorne  indispensable,  Napoleon  took 
leave  at  Leipsic  of  the  King  of  Saxony  and  his  family, 
whom  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Dresden.  The  Em- 
peror  then  exclaimed  in  a  loud  voice,  "  Adieu,  Saxons," 
to  the  people  who  filled  the  market-place,  where  the  King 
of  Saxony  resided.  With  some  difficulty,  and  after 
passing  through  many  turnings  and  windings,  he  gained 
the  suburb  of  Eunstadt  and  left  Leipsic  by  the  outer  gate 
of  that  suburb  which  leads  to  the  bridge  of  the  Elster,  and 
to  Lindenau.  The  bridge  was  blown  up  shortly  after  he  had 
passed  it,  and  that  event  utterly  prevented  the  retreat  of 
the  part  of  the  army  which  was  on  the  left  bank  of  the 
Elster,  and  which  fell  into  the  power  of  the  enemy.  Na- 
poleon was  at  the  time  accused  of  having  ordered  the  de- 
struction of  the  bridge  immediately  after  he  had  himself 
passed  it  in  order  to  secure  his  own  personal  retreat,  as  he 
was  threatened  by  the  active  pursuit  of  the  enemy.  The 
English  journals  were  unanimous  on  this  point,  and  to 
counteract  this  opinion,  which  was  very  general,  an  article 
was  inserted  in  the  Ifoniteur. 

Before  passing  the  bridge  of  the  Elster  Napoleon  had 
directed  Poniatowski,  in  concert  with  Marshal  Macdonald, 
to  cover  and  protect  the  retreat,  and  to  defend  that  part 
of  the  suburb  of  Leipsic  which  is  nearest  to  the  Borna 
road.  For  the  execution  of  these  orders  he  had  only  2000 
Polish  infantry.  He  was  in  this  desperate  situation  when 
he  saw  the  French  columns  in  full  retreat,  and  the  bridge 
so  choked  up  with  their  artillery  and  waggons  that  there 
was  no  possibility  of  passing  it.  Then  drawing  his  sword, 
and  turning  to  the  officers  who  were  near  him,  he  said,  "Here 
we  must  fall  with  honour  !  "  At  the  head  of  a  small  party 
of  cuirassiers  and  Polish  officers  he  rushed  on  the  columns 
gi  the  Allies.     In  this  action  he  received  a  ball  in  his  left 


346  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


arm :  he  had  ah'eady  been  wounded  on  the  14th  and  16th. 
He  uevei'theless  advanced,  but  he  found  the  suburb  filled 
with  Allied  troops. '  He  fought  his  way  through  them  and 
received  another  wound.     He  then  threw  himself  into  the 

■  The  Allies  were  bo  numerous  that  they  scarcely  perceived  the  losses  they  sus- 
tained. Their  masses  pres.sed  down  upon  us  in  every  direction,  and  it  was  impossi- 
ble that  victory  could  fail  to  be  with  them.  Their  success,  however,  would  have 
been  less  decisive  had  it  not  been  for  the  defection  of  the  Saxons.  In  the  midst  of  the 
battle,  these  troops  having  moved  towards  the  enemy,  as  if  intending  to  make  an 
attack,  turned  suddenly  round,  and  opened  a  heavy  fire  of  artillery  and  mu,«ketry 
on  the  columns  by  the  side  of  which  they  had  a  few  moments  before  been  fighting. 
I  do  not  know  in  what  page  of  history  such  a  transaction  is  recorded.  This  event 
immediately  produced  a  great  difference  in  our  affairs,  which  were  before  in  a  bad 
enough  train.  I  ought  here  to  mention  that  before  the  battle  the  Emperor  diomLssed 
a  Bavarian  division  which  still  remained  with  him.  He  spoke  to  the  officers  in 
terms  which  will  not  soon  be  effaced  from  their  memory.  He  told  them,  that,  '-ac- 
cording to  the  laws  of  war,  they  were  his  prisoners,  since  their  Government  had 
taken  part  against  him  ;  but  that  he  could  not  forget  the  services  they  had  rendered 
him,  and  that  they  were  therefore  at  liberty  to  return  home."  These  troops  left  the 
army,  where  they  were  much  esteemed,  and  marched  for  Bavaria. 

The  desertion  of  the  Saxons  to  the  enemy  obliged  the  Emperor  to  order  move- 
ments to  which  he  would  not  otherwise  have  resorted,  especially  in  so  warm  an 
action.  These  unexiiected  movements  caused  disorder,  when  that  calmness  and 
that  cool  determination  b3'  which  so  much  may  be  done  at  the  decisive  moment 
of  a  battle  were  most  wanting.  It  was  now  necessary  to  think  of  a  retreat,  which 
had,  indeed,  already  begun,  in  consequence  of  the  physical  and  moral  exhaustion 
of  the  troops,  which  had  maintained  the  contest  since  the  morning  under  marked 
disadvantages. 

After  nearly  the  whole  of  the  left  and  part  of  the  centre  had  passed  the  Elster 
the  Emperor  himself  crossed.  He  desired  the  artillery  officer  who  had  charge 
of  the  bridge,  for  the  destruction  of  which  preparations  had  been  made,  not  to 
leave  the  spot,  and  not  to  put  the  match  to  the  train  until  all  the  troops  had  passed 
over. 

At  first  the  corps  proceeded  along  the  bridge  without  any  disagreeable  accident, 
but  such  was  the  disorder  that  no  one  could  tell  whether  or  not  his  column  was  the 
last  which  had  to  pass.  The  enemy's  sharpshooters  were  in  advance  ;  the  pressure 
towards  the  bridge  was  great,  and  the  confusion  became  extreme. 

The  officer  left  in  charge  of  the  bridge,  not  knowing  what  was  the  state  of  things 
on  the  enemy's  side,  ran  towards  a  general  officer  to  learn,  if  po.ssible,  from  him 
how  far  the  passage  had  been  effected  ;  but  he  was  carried  away  by  the  crowd,  and 
could  not  return.  The  artillerymen  who  were  under  his  command,  seeing  Ger- 
man troops  and  Cossacks  pushing  forward,  blew  up  the  bridge  without  waiting  for 
orders ;  and  thus  the  right  of  the  army,  which  kept  the  enemy's  masses  in  check, 
was  cut  off. 

The  report  of  this  unfortunate  event  soon  spread  through  the  ranks.  The  right 
was  in  its  turn  thrown  into  disorder,  and  an  escape  was  sought  through  tields  and 
marshes.  This  completed  the  disaster:  the  troops  were  made  prisoners  of  war, 
and  Generals  Lauriston  and  Reynier  were  taken  with  them.  Prince  Joseph  Pouia- 
towski,  recently  made  Marshal  of  France,  liad  just  at  this  moment  gained  the  banks 
of  the  Elster.  Though  wounded,  consulting  only  his  courage,  he  plunged  on  horse- 
back into  the  river,  where  he  unfortunately  perished.     It  was  impossible  to  be  more 


1813.  DEATH   OF  PRINCE  FONIATOWSKI.  347 

Pleisse,  which  was  the  first  river  he  came  to.  Aided  by 
his  oflficei'S,  he  gained  the  opposite  bank,  leaving  his  horse 
in  the  river.  Though  greatly  exhausted  he  mounted  an^ 
other,  and  gained  the  Elster,  by  passing  through  M. 
Reichenbach's  garden,  whieli  was  situated  on  the  side  of 
that  river.  In  spite  of  the  steepness  of  the  banks  of  the 
Elster  at  that  part,  the  Prince  plunged  with  his  horse  into 
the  river  :  both  man  and  horse  were  drowned,  and  the 
same  fate  was  shared  by  several  officers  who  followed 
Poniatowski's  example.  Marshal  Macdouald  was,  luckily, 
one  of  those  who  escajoed.  Five  days  after  a  fisherman 
drew  the  body  of  the  Prince  out  of  the  water.  On  the 
26tli  of  October  it  was  temporarily  interred  at  Lei^Jsic, 
with  all  the  honours  due  to  the  illustrious  deceased.  A 
modest  stone  marks  the  spot  where  the  body  of  the  Prince 
was  dragged  from  the  river.  The  Poles  expressed  a  wish 
to  erect  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  their  countryman 
in  the  garden  of  M.  Reichenbach,  but  that  gentleman  de- 
clared he  would  do  it  at  his  own  expense,  which  he  did. 
The  monument  consists  of  a  beautiful  sarcophagus,  sur- 
rounded by  weei^ing  willows.  The  body  of  the  Prince, 
after  being  embalmed,  was  sent  in  the  following  year  to 
Warsaw,  and  in  1816  it  was  deposited  in  the  cathedral, 
among  the  remains  of  the  Kings  and  great  men  of  Poland. 
The  celebrated  Thorwaldsen  was  commissioned  to  execute 
a  monument  for  his  tomb.  Prince  Pouiatowski  left  no 
issue  but  a  natural  son,  born  in  1790.  The  royal  race, 
therefore,  existed  only  in  a  collateral  branch  of  King 
Stanislas,  namely.  Prince  Stanislas,  born  in  1754. ' 

brave  than  was  thi.s  Prince :  impetuous,  magnanimous,  and  always  amiable,  he 
was  as  much  esteemed  by  those  against  whom  he  combated  as  regretted  by  the  party 
whom  he  served. 

Thus  terminated  the  fatal  day  of  Leipsic  :  the  result  of  which  to  France  was  the 
loss  of  a  fine  and  numerous  army  and  all  her  Allies  {itemoirs  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo, 
tome  vi.  p.  179). 

•  Prince  Joseph  Poniatowski  had  only  been  made  Marshal  by  Napoleon  on  the  16th 
October  1813,  three  days  before  he  was  drowned.  He  was  the  grandson  of  the  Stan- 
islas Poniatowski  who  followed  Charles  XII.  into  Turkey,  and  the  nephew  of  Stan- 
islas II.  of  Poland,  the  last  King  of  I'oland, 


348  1813. 


CHAPTER    XXX. 
1813. 

Amount  of  the  Allied  forces  against  Napoleon — Their  advance  towards 
the  Rhine — Levy  of  280,000  men — -Dreadful  situation  of  the  French 
at  Mayence — Declaration  of  the  Allies  at  Frankfort — Diplomatic  cor- 
respondence— The  Due  de  Bassano  succeede<l  by  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
• — The  conditions  of  the  Allies  vaguely  accepted — Caulain court  sent 
to  the  headquarters  of  the  Allies — Manifesto  of  the  Allied  powers  to 
the  French  people — Gift  of  30,000,000  from  the  Emperor's  privy  purse 
— Wish  to  recall  M.  de  Talleyrand — Singular  advice  relative  to  Wel- 
lington— The  French  army  recalled  from  Spain — The  throne  resigned 
by  Joseph — Absurd  accusation  against  M.  Laine — Adjournment  of 
the  Leglislative  Body — Napoleon's  Speech  to  the  Leglislative  Body — 
Remarks  of  Napoleon  reported  by  Cambaceres. 

When  the  war  resumed  its  course  after  the  disaster  of 
Leipsic  I  am  certain  that  the  Allied  sovereigns  determined 
to  treat  with  Najioleon  only  in  his  own  capital,  as  he, 
four  years  before,  had  refused  to  treat  with  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  except  at  Vienna.  The  latter  sovereign  now 
completely  raised  the  mask,  and  declared  to  the  Emperor 
that  he  would  make  common  cause  with  Russia  and 
Prussia  against  him.  In  his  declaration  he  made  use  of 
the  singular  pretext,  that  the  more  enemies  there  were 
against  Napoleon  there  would  be  the  greater  chance  of 
speedily  obliging  him  to  accede  to  conditions  which  Avould 
at  length  restore  the  tranquillity  of  which  Europe  stood 
so  much  in  need.  This  declaration  on  the  part  of  Austria 
was  an  aflfiiir  of  no  little  importance,  for  she  had  now 
raised  an  army  of  250,000  men.  An  equal  force  was  en- 
rolled beneath  the  Russian  bamiers,  which  were  advanc- 
ing towards  the  Rhine.     Prussia  had  200,000  men  ;  the 


1813.  DEFECTION   OF   THE  BAVARIAN8.  349 

Coufederation  of  tlie  Rhine  150,000  :  in  short,  including 
the  Swedes  and  the  Dutch,  the  Eughsh  troops  in  Spain 
and  in  the  Netherlands,  the  Danes,  who  had  abandoned 
us,  the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  whose  courage  and 
hopes  were  revived  by  our  reverses,  Napoleon  had  ar- 
i*ayed  against  him  upwards  of  a  million  of  armed  men. 
Among  them,  too,  were  the  Neapolitans,  with  Murat  at 
their  head ! 

The  month  of  November  1813  was  fatal  to  the  fortune 
of  Napoleon.  In  all  parts  the  French  armies  were  re- 
pulsed and  driven  back  upon  the  Rhine,  while  in  every 
direction  the  Allied  forces  advanced  towards  that  river. 
For  a  considerable  time  I  had  confidently  anticipated  the 
fall  of  the  Empire  ;  not  because  the  foreign  sovereigns  had 
vowed  its  destruction,  but  because  I  saw  the  impossibility 
of  Napoleon  defending  himself  against  all  Europe,  and 
because  I  knew  that,  however  desperate  might  be  his 
fortune,  nothing  would  induce  him  to  consent  to  condi- 
tions which  he  considered  disgraceful.  At  this  time 
every  day  was  marked  by  a  new  defection.  Even  the  Ba- 
varians, the  natural  Allies  of  France,  they  whom  the  Em- 
peror had  led  to  victory  at  the  commencement  of  the 
second  campaign  of  Vienna,  they  whom  he  bad,  as  it  were, 
adopted  on  the  field  of  battle,  were  now  against  us,  and 
were  the  bitterest  of  our  enemies. 

Even  before  the  battle  of  Leipsic,  the  consequences  of 
which  were  so  ruinous  to  Napoleon,  he  had  felt  the  ne- 
cessity of  applying  to  France  for  a  supply  of  troops  ;  as  if 
France  had  been  inexhaustible.  He  directed  the  Empress 
Regent  to  make  this  demand  ;  and  accordingly  Maria 
Louisa  proceeded  to  the  Senate,  for  the  first  time,  in 
great  state  :  but  the  glories  of  the  Empire  were  now  on 
the  decline.  The  Empress  obtained  a  levy  of  280,000 
troops,  but  they  were  no  sooner  enrolled  than  they  were 
sacrificed.  The  defection  of  the  Bavarians  considerably 
augmented  the  difficulties  which  assailed  the  wreck  of  the 


350         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

army  that  had  escaped  from  Leipsic.  The  Bavarians  had 
got  before  us  to  Hanau,  a  town  four  leagues  distant  from 
Frankfort  ;  there  they  established  themselves,  with  the 
view  of  cutting  off  our  retreat  ;  but  French  valour 
was  roused,  the  little  town  was  speedily  carried,  and  the 
Bavarians  were  repulsed  with  considerable  loss.  The 
French  army  arrived  at  Mayence  ;  if,  indeed,  one  may 
give  the  name  of  army  to  a  few  masses  of  men  destitute, 
dispirited,  and  exhausted  by  fatigue  and  privation.  On 
the  arrival  of  the  troops  at  Mayence  no  preparation  had 
been  made  for  receiving  them  :  there  were  no  provisions, 
or  supplies  of  any  kind  ;  and,  as  the  climax  of  misfortune, 
infectious  epidemics  broke  out  amongst  the  men.  All  the 
the  accounts  I  received  concurred  in  assuring  me  that 
their  situation  was  dreadful. 

However,  without  counting  the  wreck  which  escaped 
from  the  disasters  of  Leipsic,  and  the  ravages  of  disease  ; 
without  including  the  280,000  men  which  had  been  raised 
by  a  Senatus-consiUte,  on  the  application  of  Maria  Louisa, 
the  Emperor  still  possessed  120,000  good  troops  ;  but 
they  were  in  the  rear,  scattered  along  the  Elbe,  shut  up 
in  fortresses  such  as  Dantzic,  Hamburg,  Torgau,  and 
Spaudau.  Such  was  the  horror  of  our  situation  that  if, 
on  the  one  hand,  we  could  not  resolve  to  abandon  them, 
it  was  at  the  same  time  impossible  to  aid  them.  In  Fi'ance 
a  universal  cry  was  raised  for  peace,  at  whatever  price  it 
could  be  purchased.  In  this  state  of  things  it  may  be 
said  that  the  year  1813  was  more  fatal  to  Napoleon  than 
the  year  1812.  Tlie  disasters  of  Moscow  were  repaired 
by  his  activity  and  the  sacrifices  of  France  ;  but  the  dis- 
asters of  Leipsic  were  irreparable  ! 

I  shall  shortly  speak  of  some  negotiations  in  which,  if  I 
had  chosen,  I  might  have  taken  a  part.  After  the  battle 
of  Leipsic,  in  which  France  lost,  for  the  second  time,  a 
formidable  army,  all  the  powers  allied  against  Napoleon 
declared  at  Frankfort,  on  the  9th  of  November,  that  they 


1813.  PROPOSALS   OF  THE  ALLIES.  351 

would  never  break  the  bonds  which  united  them  ;  that 
henceforth  it  was  not  merely  a  Continental  peace,  but  a 
general  peace,  that  would  be  demanded  ;  and  that  any 
negotiation  not  having  a  general  peace  for  its  object  would 
be  rejected.  The  xHlied  powers  declared  that  France  Avas 
to  be  confined  within  her  natural  Hmits, — the  Ehine,  the 
Alps,  and  the  Pyrenees.  This  was  aU  that  was  to  remain 
of  the  vast  Empire  founded  by  Napoleon  ;  but  still  it 
must  be  allowed  it  was  a  great  deal,  after  the  many  dis- 
asters France  had  experienced,  and  when  she  was  menaced 
with  invasion  by  numerous  and  victorious  armies.  But 
Napoleon  could  not  accede  to  such  proposals,  for  he  was 
always  ready  to  yield  to  illusion  when  the  truth  was  not 
satisfactory  to  him. 

According  to  the  proposals  of  the  Allies  at  Frankfort,' 
Germany,  Italy,  and  Spain  were  to  be  entirely  withdrawn 
fi'om  the  dominion  of  France.  England  recognised  the 
freedom  of  trade  and  navigation,  and  there  appeared  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  her  professed  willingness 
to  make  great  sacrifices  to  promote  the  object  j)roposed 
by  the  Allies.  But  to  these  offers  a  fatal  condition  was 
added,  namely,  that  the  Congress  should  meet  in  a  town,  to 
be  declared  neutral,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhine,  where 
the  plenipotentiaries  of  all  the  belligerent  powers  were  to 

'  The  proceedings  at  Frankfort  should  be  read  in  Metternich,  vol.  i.  pp.  212-220, 
where  Metternich  speaks  of  the  difficulty  in  getting  the  Allies  to  act  together.  "The 
Russian  anny  remained  quiet  and  thought  its  object  gained.  If  Marshal  Kutusow 
had  been  still  living  ic  would  not  have  left  the  Oder."'  So  much  is  often  said  as  to 
the  bad  faith  of  Napoleon  in  these  negotiations  that  cue  of  Metteruich's  statements 
should  be  noted.  "  I  proposed  further  to  join  with  the  idea  of  natural  boundaries 
the  offer  of  an  immediate  negotiation.  As  the  Emperor  Francis  .sanctioned  nij' in- 
tention I  laid  it  before  their  Majesties  of  Russia  and  Prussia.  Both  of  them  feared 
that  Napoleon,  trusting  to  the  chances  of  the  future,  might  by  accepting  the  propo- 
sal with  quick  and  energetic  decision  put  an  end  to  the  affair ''  {Metternich,  vol.  i.  p. 
214).  The  "  affair  "'  means  here  the  war.  The  whole  of  Metteruich's  account  is  incon- 
sistent with  good  faith  in  the  Allies'  proposals,  and  shows  that  Napoleon's  remark  on 
the  proclamation  was  correct.  \'  No  one  but  Metternich  can  have  concocted  this 
document :  talking  of  the  Rhine,  the  Alps,  and  the  Pyrenees  is  a  thorough  piece  of 
cunning.  It  could  only  enter  into  the  head  of  a  man  who  knows  France  as  well  as  he 
does  ■'  (Metternich,  vol.  i.  p,  215). 


352         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


assemble  ;   hul  the  course  of  the  war  was  not  to  be  impeded 
by  these  negotiations."  ' 

The  Due  de  Bassano  (Maret),  who  was  still  Minister  tor 
Foreign  Affairs,  replied,  by  order  of  Napoleon,  to  the  over- 
tures made  by  the  Allies  for  a  general  Congress  ;  and 
stated  that  the  Emperor  acceded  to  them,  and  wished 
Mannheim  to  be  chosen  as  the  neutral  town.  M.  Metter- 
nich  replied  in  a  note,  dated  Frankfort,  the  '25th  of  No- 
vember, stating  that  the  Allies  felt  no  difficulty  in  acceding 
to  Napoleon's  choice  of  Mannheim  for  the  meeting  of  the 
Congress ;  but  as  M.  de  Bassano's  letter  contained  no 
mention  of  the  general  and  summary  bases  I  have  just 
mentioned,  and  which  had  been  communicated  to  M.  de 
St.  Aignan  at  Frankfort,  M.  Metternich  stated  that  the 
Allies  wished  the  Emperor  Napoleon  to  declare  his  deter- 
mination respecting  those  bases,  in  order  that  insurmount- 
able difficulties  might  not  arrest  the  negotiations  at  their 
very  outset.  The  Duke  of  Vicenza  (Caulaincourt),  who 
had  just  succeeded  the  Due  de  Bassano,  received  this 
letter.  Trusting  to  the  declaration  of  Frankfort  he 
thought  he  would  be  justified  in  treating  on  those  bases ; 
he  confidently  relied  on  the  consent  of  Napoleon.  But  the 
Allies  had  now  determined  not  to  grant  the  limits  accorded 
by  that  declaration.  Caulaincourt  was  therefore  obliged 
to  apply  for  fresh  powers,  which  being  granted,  he  replied, 
on  the  2d  of  December,  that  Napoleon  accepted  the 
fundamental  and  summary  bases  which  had  been  com- 
municated by  M.  de  St.  Aignan.  To  this  letter  M.  Met- 
ternich answered  that  the  Emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria 
were  gratified  to  find  that  the  Emperor  of  France  recog- 
nised the  bases  judged  necessary  by  the  Allies  ;  that  the 

'  This  system  of  negotiating  and  advancing  was  a  realisation  of  Metternich's  idea 
of  copying  Napoleon's  own  former  procedure.  "  Let  us  hold  always  the  sword  in  one 
hand,  and  the  olive  branch  in  the  other  ;  always  ready  to  negotiate,  but  only  nego- 
tiating whilst  advancing.  Here  is  Napoleon's  system :  may  ha  find  enemies  who 
will  carry  on  war  .  .  .  as  he  would  carry  it  on  himself  "  (Metternich  to  StadioB, 
April  1809,  Metlernich,  vol.  ii.  p.  346). 


1813.  CONDITIONS  OF  PEACE.  353 

two  sovereigns  would  coDimuiiicate  without  delay  the  offi- 
cial document  to  their  Allies,  and  that  they  were  convinced 
that  immediately  on  receiving  their  reply  the  negotiations 
might  be  opened  without  any  interruption  of  the  war. 

We  shall  now  see  the  reason  why  these  first  negotiations 
came  to  no  result.  In  the  month  of  October  the  Allies 
overthrew  the  colossal  edifice  denominated  the  French 
Empire.  When  led  by  victory  to  the  banks  of  the  Khine 
they  declared  their  wish  to  abstain  from  conquest,  explained 
their  intentions,  and  manifested  an  unalterable  resolution 
to  abide  by  them.  This  determination  of  the  Allies  induced 
the  French  Government  to  evince  pacific  intentions.  Na- 
poleon wished,  by  an  apparent  desire  for  peace,  to  justify, 
if  I  may  so  express  myself,  in  the  eyes  of  his  subjects,  the 
necessity  of  new  sacrifices  ;  which,  according  to  his  pro- 
clamations, he  demanded  only  to  enable  him  to  obtain 
peace  on  as  honourable  conditions  as  possible.  But  the 
truth  is,  he  was  resolved  not  even  to  listen  to  the  offers 
made  at  Frankfort.  He  always  represented  the  limits  of 
the  Rhine  as  merely  a  compensation  for  the  dismember- 
ment of  Poland  and  the  immense  aggrandisement  of  the 
English  possessions  in  Asia.  But  he  wanted  to  gain  time, 
and,  if  possible,  to  keep  the  Allied  armies  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Rhine. 

The  immense  levies  made  in  France,  one  after  the 
other,  had  converted  the  conscription  into  a  sort  of  press- 
gang.  Men  employed  in  agriculture  and  manufactures 
were  dragged  from  their  labours  ;  and  the  people  began 
to  express  their  dissatisfaction  at  the  measiu'es  of  Govern- 
ment more  loudly  than  they  had  hitherto  ventured  to  do  ; 
yet  all  were  willing  to  make  another  effort,  if  they  could 
have  persuaded  themselves  that  the  Emperor  would  hence- 
forth confine  his  thoughts  to  France  alone.  Napoleon 
sent  Caulaincourt  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Allies,  but 
that  was  only  for  the  sake  of  gaining  time,  and  inducing  a 
beHef  that  he  was  favourably  disposed  to  peace. 
Vol.  III.— 23 


354         MEMOIRS  OB'  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.        1813. 

The  Allies  having  learned  the  immense  levies  of  troops 
vi^hich  Napoleon  was  making,  and  being  well  acquainted 
with  the  state  of  feeling  in  France,  published  the  famous 
manifesto,"  addressed  to  the  French  people,  which  was 
profusely  circulated,  and  may  be  referred  to  as  a  warning 
to  subjects  who  trust  to  the  promises  of  Governments. 

The  good  faith  with  which  the  promises  in  the  mani- 
festo were  kept  may  be  judged  of  from  the  Treaty  of 
Paris.  In  the  meantime  the  manifesto  did  not  a  little 
contribute  to  alienate  from  Napoleon  those  who  were  yet 
faithful  to  his  cause  ;  for,  by  believing  in  the  declarations 
of  the  Allies,  they  saw  in  him  the  sole  obstacle  to  that 
peace  which  France  so  ardentl}^  desired.  On  this  point, 
too,  the  Allies  were  not  wrong,  and  I  confess  that  I  did 
not  see  without  great  surprise  that  the  Due  de  Kovigo,  in 
that  part  of  his  Memoirs  where  he  mentions  this  mani- 
festo, reproaches  those  who  framed  it  for  representing  the 
Emi^eror  as  a  madman,  who  replied  to  overtures  of  peace 
only  by  conscription  levies.  After  all,  I  do  not  intend  to 
maintain  that  the  declaration  was  entirely  sincere  ;  with 
respect  to  the  future  it  certainly  was  not.  Switzerland 
was  already  tampered  with,  and  attempts  were  made  to 
induce  her  to  permit  the  Allied  troops  to  enter  Fi-ance  by 
the  bridge  of  Bale.  Things  were  going  on  no  better  in 
the  south  of  France,  where  the  Anglo-Spanish  army 
threatened  our  frontiers  by  the  Pyrenees,  and  already  oc- 

J  This  pro(!laiiiation  said  that  the  Allied  sovereigns  wished  France  to  be  great, 
strong,  and  happy,  and  that  they  confirmed  to  the  French  Empire  an  extent  of 
territory  which  France  had  never  possessed  under  her  Kings.  It  is  often  the  custom 
to  deride  the  French  claims  made  by  either  of  the  Napoleons  or  by  the  Republic  of 
1870,  thai  France  had  been  relatively  weakened  by  the  increases  of  territory  gnined 
by  all  the  other  powers  of  Europe  by  the  partition  of  Poland,  the  resettloincnt  of 
Germany,  the  increase  of  the  English  colonial  dominions,  etc.  A  glance  at  any  or- 
dinary historical  atlas,  or  the  remembrance  of  the  ease  with  which  France  was  over- 
thrown in  ]8T0,  would  prove  how  true  the  statement  was.  As  for  the  belief  that  if 
France  could  only  be  finally  and  permanently  weakened  a  reign  of  peace  would  at 
last  descend  on  Europe,  it  must  be  allowed  that  in  the  worst  days  under  Napoleon 
Europe  was  not  the  vast  camp  of  armed  nations  counting  each  other's  strength,  and 
readj'  for  war  in  a  week,  which  she  has  been  under  the  Grerman  Continental 
supremacy. 


1813.         GIFT  FR03I  THE  EMPEROR'S  PURSE.  355 

cupied  Pampeluna  ;  and  at  the  same  time  the  internal 
affairs  of  the  country  were  no  less  critical  than  its  ex- 
ternal position.  It  was  in  vain  to  levy  troops  ;  everything 
essential  to  an  army  was  wanting.  To  meet  the  most 
pressing  demands  the  Emperor  drew  out  30,000,000  from 
the  immense  treasure  which  he  had  accumulated  in  the 
cellars  aud  galleries  of  the  Pavilion  Marsan  at  the  Tui- 
leries.  These  30,000,000  were  speedily  swallowed  up. 
Nevertheless  it  was  an  act  of  generosity  on  the  j)a.rt  of 
Napoleon,  and  I  never  could  understand  on  what  ground 
the  Legislative  Body  complained  of  the  outlay,  because,  as 
the  funds  did  not  proceed  from  the  Budget,  there  needed 
no  financial  law  to  authorise  their  api^lication.  Besides, 
why  did  these  rigid  legislators,  who,  while  fortune  smiled 
on  Bonaparte,  dared  not  utter  a  word  on  the  subject, 
demand,  previously  to  the  gratuitous  gift  just  mentioned, 
that  the  350,000,000  in  the  Emperor's  privy  purse  should 
be  transferred  to  the  Imperial  treasury  and  carried  to  the 
public  accounts  ?  Why  did  they  wink  at  the  accumula- 
tion in  the  Tuileries  of  the  contributions  and  exactions 
levied  in  conquered  countries  ?  The  answer  is  plain  :  be- 
cause there  would  have  been  danger  in  opposing  it. 

Amidst  the  difficulties  which  assailed  the  Emperor  he 
cast  his  eyes  on  M.  de  Talleyrand.  But  it  being  required, 
as  a  condition  of  his  receiving  the  portfolio  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  that  he  should  resign  his  office  of  Vice-Grand- 
Elector,  M.  de  Talleyrand  preferred  a  permanent  post  to 
a  portfolio,  which  the  caprice  of  a  moment  might  with- 
draw. I  have  been  informed  that,  in  a  conversation  with 
the  Emperor,  M.  de  Talleyrand  gave  him  the  extraordi- 
nary advice  of  working  upon  the  ambition  of  the  English 
family  of  Wellesley,  and  to  excite  in  the  mind  of  Wel- 
lington, the  lustre  of  whose  reputation  was  now  dawning, 
ambitious  projects  which  would  have  embarrassed  the 
coalition.  Napoleon,  however,  did  not  adopt  this  pro- 
position, the  issue  of  which  he  thought  too  uncertain,  and 


356         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

above  all,  too  remote,  in  the  urgent  circumstances  in 
■which  he  stood,  Caulaiucourt  was  then  made  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  in  lieu  of  M.  Maret,  who  was  appoint- 
ed Secretary  of  State,  an  office  much  better  suited  to 
him. 

Meanwhile  the  Emperor  was  wholly  intent  on  the  means 
of  repelling  the  attack  which  was  preparing  against  him. 
Tlie  critical  circumstances  in  which  he  was  placed  seemed 
to  restore  the  energy  which  time  had  in  some  measure 
robbed  him  of.  He  turned  his  eyes  towards  Spain,  and 
resolved  to  bring  the  army  from  that  country  to  oppose 
the  Allies,  whose  movements  indicated  their  intention  of 
entering  France  by  Switzerland.  An  event  occurred  con- 
nected with  this  subject  calculated  to  have  a  decided 
influence  on  the  affairs  of  the  moment,  namely,  the  renun- 
ciation by  Joseph,  King  of  Spain,  of  ail  right  to  the  crown, 
to  be  followed  by  the  return,  as  had  been  agreed  on,  of 
Ferdinand  to  his  dominions,  Joseph  made  this  sacrifice 
at  the  instigation  of  his  brother.  The  treaty  was  signed, 
but  an  inconceivable  delay  occurred  in  its  execution,  while 
the  torrent,  which  was  advancing  upon  France,  rushed 
forward  so  rapidly  that  the  treaty  could  not  be  carried 
into  execution.  Ferdinand,  it  is  true,  re-ascended  his 
throne,  but  from  other  causes. 

The  Emperor  was  deeply  interested  in  the  march  of  the 
Allies.  It  was  important  to  destroy  the  bridge  of  Bale, 
because  the  Rhine  once  crossed  masses  of  the  enemy  would 
be  thrown  into  France.  At  this  time  I  had  close  relations 
with  a  foreign  diplomat  whom  I  am  forbidden  by  discretion 
to  name.  He  told  me  that  the  enemy  was  advancing 
towards  the  frontier,  and  that  the  bridge -of  Bale  would 
not  be  destroyed,  as  it  had  been  so  agreed  at  Berne,  where 
the  Allies  had  gained  the  day.  This  astonished  me, 
because  I  knew,  on  the  other  hand,  from  a  person  who 
ought  to  have  been  equally  well  informed,  that  it  was 
hoped  the  bridge  would  be  blown  up.     Being  much  inter- 


1813.       THE  LEGISLATIVE  BODY  ADJOURNED.       357 


ested  in  knowing  the  truth,  I  sent  on  my  own  account,  an 
agent  to  Bale  who  on  his  return  told  me  that  the  bridge 
would  remain.' 

On  the  19th  of  December  the  Legislative  Body  was 
convoked.  It  was  on  a  Wednesday.  M.  Laiue  was  Vice- 
President  under  M.  Regnier.  A  committee  was  appointed 
to  examine  and  report  on  the  communications  of  the  Em- 
peror. The  report  and  conclusions  of  the  committee  were 
not  satisfactory ;  it  was  alleged  that  they  betrayed  a 
revolutionary  tendency,  of  which  M.  Laine  was  absurdly 
accused  of  having  been  one  of  the  promoters ;  but  all  who 
knew  him  must  have  been  convinced  of  the  falsehood  of 
the  charge.  The  Emperor  ordered  the  rejDort  to  be  seized, 
and  then  adjourned  the  Legislative  Body.  Those  who 
attentively  observed  the  events  of  the  time  will  recollect 
the  stupor  which  prevailed  in  Paris  on  the  intelligence  of 
this  seizure  and  of  the  adjournment  of  the  Legislative 
Body.  A  thousand  conjectures  were  started  as  to  what 
new  occurrences  had  taken  place  abroad,  but  nothing- 
satisfactory  was  learned. 

I  considered  this  a  great  mistake.  Who  can  doubt  that 
if  the  Legislative  Body  had  taken  the  fi*ank  and  noble  step 
of  declaring  that  France  accepted  the  conditions  of  Frank- 
fort they  would  not  have  been  listened  to  by  the  Allies? 
But  the  words,  "  You  are  dishonoured  if  you  cede  a  single 
village  acquired  by  a  Senatus-consxdte,"  always  resounded 
in  Napoleon's  ears:  they  flattered  his  secret  thoughts,  and 
every  pacific  proposal  was  rejected.^ 

The  members  of  the  adjourned  Legislative  Body  went 

'  We  here  get  a  glimpse  of  some  treacherous  intrigue,  part  of  the  proceedings  for 
which  Bourrienne  was  afterwards  thanked  hy  Louis  XVIII.  How  Botirrienne,  a 
simple  private  individual,  could  be  concerned  in  knowing  that  the  bridge  would  be 
preserved  for  the  use  of  the  Allies,  he  does  not  inform  us.  He  could  have  no  proper 
reason  for  sending  a  private  agent.  If  he  wanted  the  information  for  his  friend 
Savary  he  need  not  have  provided  the  man.  As  for  the  passage  of  the  Rhine  at  BMe, 
Bee  the  note  a  few  pages  farther  on. 

*  This  unhappy  sentiment  must  be  compared  with  that  of  liSTO,  whent  he  demandB 
of  Germany  were  met  by  the  phrase,  "  Not  a  stone  of  our  fortresses,  not  an  inch  of 
our  territory."    The  Republic  of  1S70  yielded,  Napoleon  did  not. 


358         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


as  usual  to  take  leave  of  the  Emperor,  who  received  them 
on  a  Sunday,  and  after  delivering  to  them  the  speech, 
which  is  very  well  known,  dismissed  the  rebels  with  great 
ill-humour,  refusing  to  hear  any  explanation.  "I  have 
suppressed  your  address,"  he  began  abruptly:  "it  was 
incendiary.  I  called  you  round  me  to  do  good — ^you  have 
done  ill.  Eleven-twelfths  of  you  are  well-intentioned,  the 
others,  and  above  all  M.  Laine,  are  factious  intriguers, 
devoted  to  England,  to  all  my  enemies,  and  corresponding 
through  the  channel  of  the  advocate  Deseze  with  the 
Bourbons.  Return  to  your  Departments,  and  feel  that 
my  eye  will  follow  you  ;  you  have  endeavoured  to  hum- 
ble me,  you  may  kill  me,  but  you  shall  not  dishonour 
me.  You  make  remonstrances  ;  is  this  a  time,  when  the 
stranger  invades  our  provinces,  and  200,000  Cossacks  are 
ready  to  overflow  our  country?  There  may  have  been 
petty  abuses ;  I  never  connived  at  them.  You,  M.  Ray- 
nouard,  you  said  that  Prince  Massena  robbed  a  man  at 
Marseilles  of  his  house.  You  lie  ! ,  The  General  took  pos- 
session of  a  vacant  house,  and  my  Minister  shall  indem- 
nify the  proprietor.  Is  it  thus  that  you  dare  affront  a 
Marshal  of  France  who  has  bled  for  his  country,  and  grown 
gray  in  victory  ?  Why  did  you  not  make  your  complaints 
in  private  to  me  ?  I  would  have  done  you  justice.  We 
should  wash  our  dirty  linen  at  home,  and  not  drag  it  out 
before  the  world.  You  call  yourselves  Representatives  of 
the  Nation.  It  is  not  true  ;  you  are  only  Deputies  of  the 
Departments ;  a  small  portion  of  the  State,  inferior  to  the 
Senate,  inferior  even  to  the  Council  of  State.  The  Repre- 
sentatives of  the  People !  I  am  alone  the  Representative 
of  the  People.  Twice  have  24,000,000  of  French  called 
me  to  the  throne  :  which  of  you  durst  undertake  such  a 
burden?  It  had  already  overwhelmed  [ecrase)  your  As- 
semblies, and  your  Conventions,  your  Vergniauds  and  your 
Guadets,  your  Jacobins  and  your  Girondius.  They  are 
all  dead!     What,  who  are  you?   nothing— all  authority  is 


1813.     ONLY  REPRESENTATIVE  OF  THE  PEOPLE.      359 

in  the  Throne  ;  and  what  is  the  Throne  ?  this  wooden 
frame  covered  with  velvet  ? — no,  /  am  the  Throne  !  You 
have  added  wrong  to  reproaches.  You  have  talked  of 
concessions- — concessions  that  even  my  enemies  dared  not 
ask  !  I  suppose  if  they  asked  Champaigne  you  would  have 
had  me  give  them  La  Brie  besides  ;  but  in  four  months  I 
will  conquer  peace,  or  I  shall  be  dead  !  You  advise  !  how 
dare  you  debate  of  such  high  matters  [de  si  graves  interets) ! 
You  have  put  me  in  the  front  of  the  battle  as  the  cause  of 
war — it  is  infamous  {c'est  une  atrocite).  In  all  your  com- 
mittees you  have  excluded  the  friends  of  Government — 
extraordinary  commission— committee  of  finance — com- 
mittee of  the  address,  all,  all  my  enemies.  M.  Laine,  I 
repeat  it,  is  a  traitor  ;  he  is  a  wicked  man,  the  others  are 
mere  intriguers.  I  do  justice  to  the  eleven-twelfths  ;  but 
the  factions  I  know,  and  will  pursue.  Is  it,  I  ask  again,  is 
it  while  the  enemy  is  in  France  that  you  should  have  done 
this  ?  But  nature  has  gifted  me  with  a  determined  cour- 
age— nothing  can  overcome  me.  It  cost  my  pride  much 
too — I  made  that  sacrifice  ;  I — but  I  am  above  your  miser- 
able declamations — I  was  in  need  of  consolation,  and  you 
would  mortify  me — but,  no,  my  victories  shall  crush  your 
clamours !  In  three  months  we  shall  have  peace,  and  you 
shall  repent  your  folly.  I  am  one  of  those  who  triumph 
or  die. 

"Go  back  to  your  Departments.  If  anyone  of  you 
dare  to  print  your  address  I  shall  publish  it  in  the  3Iom- 
tefcr  with  notes  of  my  own.  Go  ;  France  stands  in  more 
need  of  me  than  I  do  of  France.  I  bear  the  eleven-twelfths 
of  you  in  my  heart — I  shall  nominate  the  Deputies  to  the 
two  series  which  are  vacant,  and  I  shall  reduce  the  Legis- 
lative Body  to  the  discharge  of  its  proper  duties.  The 
inhabitants  of  Alsace  and  Franche  Comte  have  more  spirit 
than  you  ;  they  ask  me  for  arms,  I  send  them,  and  one  of 
my  aides  de  camp  will  lead  them  against  the  enemy." 

In  after  conversations  he  said  of  the  Legislative  Body 


360         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813. 

that  "  its  members  never  came  to  Paris  but  to  obtain  some 
favours.  They  importuned  the  Ministers  from  morning 
till  night,  and  complained  if  they  were  not  immediately 
satisfied.  When  invited  to  dinner  they  burn  with  envy  at 
the  splendour  they  see  before  them."  I  heard  this  from 
Cambaccres,  who  was  present  when  the  Emperor  made 
these  remarks. 


1813.  361 


CHAPTEE    XXXL 
1813. 

The  flag  of  the  army  of  Italy  and  the  eagles  of  1813 — Entrance  of  the 
Allies  into  Switzerland — Summons  to  the  Minister  of  Police — My  re- 
fusal to  accept  a  mission  to  Switzerland — -Interviews  with  M.  de 
Talleyrand  and  the  Due  de  Vicence — Offer  of  a  Dukedom  and  the 
Grand  Cordon  of  the  Legion  of  Honour — Definitive  refusal — The 
Due  de  Vicence's  message  to  me  in  1815 — -Commencement  of  the 
Biege  of  Hamburg — A  bridge  two  leagues  long — Executions  at  Liibeck 
— Scarcity  of  provisions  in  Hamburg — Banishment  of  the  inhabitants 
— Men  bastinadoed  and  women  whipped — Hospitality  of  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Altona. 

I  AM  now  arrived  at  the  most  critical  period  in  Napoleon's 
career.  What  reflections  must  he  have  made,  if  he  had 
had  leisure  to  reflect,  in  comparing  the  recollections  of 
his  rising  glory  with  the  sad  picture  of  his  falling  fortune  ? 
What  a  contrast  presents  itself  when  we  compare  the 
famous  flag  of  the  army  of  Italy,  which  the  youthful  con- 
queror, Bonaparte,  carried  to  the  Directory,  with  those 
drooping  eagles  who  had  now  to  defend  the  aerie  whence 
they  had  so  often  taken  flight  to  spread  their  triumphant 
wings  over  Europe  !  Here  we  see  the  diflerence  be- 
tween liberty  and  absolute  power  !  Najioleon,  the  son  of 
liberty,  to  whom  he  owed  everything,  had  disowned  his 
mother,  and  was  now  about  to  fall.  Those  glorious  tri- 
umphs were  now  over  when  the  people  of  Italy  consoled 
themselves  for  defeat  and  submitted  to  the  magical  power 
of  that  liberty  which  preceded  the  Republican  armies. 
Now,  on  the  contrary,  it  was  to  free  themselves  from  a 
despotic  yoke  that  the  nations  of  Europe  had  in  their 
turn  taken  up  arms  and  were  preparing  to  invade  France. 


363         MEMOIRS   OF  NAFOLEON  BON AF ARTE.       1813. 

With  the  violation  of  the  Swiss  territory  by  the  Alhed 
armies,*  after  the  consent  of  the  Cantons,  is  connected  a 
fact  of  great  importance  in  my  hfe,  and  which,  if  I  had 
chosen,  might  have  made  a  great  difference  in  my  destiny. 
On  Tuesday,  the  28th  of  December,  I  dined  with  my  old 
friend,  M.  Pierlot,  and  on  leaving  home  I  was  in  the  habit 
of  saying  where  I  might  be  found  in  case  I  should  be 
wanted.  At  nine  o'clock  at  night  an  express  arrived  from 
the  Minister  of  Police  desiring  me  to  come  immediately  to 
his  office.  I  confess,  considering  the  circumstances  of 
the  times,  and  knowing  the  Emperor's  prejudices  against 
me,  such  a  request  coming  at  such  an  hour  made  me  feel 
some  uneasiness,  and  I  expected  nothing  less  than  a  jour- 
ney to  Vincennes.  The  Due  de  Rovigo,  by  becoming  re- 
sponsible for  me,  had  a^  yet  warded  off  the  blow,  and  the 
supervision  to  which  the  Emperor  had  subjected  me— 
thanks  to  the  good  offices  of  Davoust — consisted  in  going 
three  times  a  week  to  show  myself  to  Savary. 

I  accordingly,  having  first  borrowed  a  night-cap,  re- 
paired to  the  hotel  of  the  Minister  of  Police.  I  was  ush- 
ered into  a  well-lighted  room,  and  when  I  entered  I  found 
Savary  waiting  for  me.  He  was  in  full  costume,  from 
which  I  concluded  he  had  just  come  from  the  Emperor. 
Advancing  towai'ds  me  with  an  air  which  showed  he  had 
no  bad  news  to  communicate,  he  thus  addressed  me  : 
"  Bourrienne,  I  have  just  come  from  the  Emperor,  who 
asked  me  where  you  were  ?  I  told  him  you  were  in  Paris, 
and  that  I  saw  you  often.     'Well,'  continued  the  Em- 

'  The  violation  ot  Swiss  neutrality  by  the  Allies  was  carried  out  in  defiance  of  the 
Btrongly  expressed  wishes  of  the  Czar.  When  informed  by  Metternich  that  the 
Austrians  had  crossed  the  Khine  and  that  they  had  been  joined  by  the  SwiBs, 
Alexander  replied,  "  Success  crowns  the  undertaliing,  it  remains  for  success  to  jus- 
tify what  you  have  done.  As  one  of  the  Allied  Monarchs  I  have  nothing  more  to  say 
to  you,  but  as  a  man  I  declare  to  you  that  you  have  grieved  me  in  a  way  that  you 
can  never  repair."  The  step  was  of  course  only  justifiable  on  the  then  belief  that 
all  and  everything  was  fair  against  Napoleon,  yet,  with  a  nearer  approach  to  the 
feelings  of  his  Allies,  Alexander  ended  by  asking  as  a  favour  that  his  Guard  should 
be  the  tii'st  to  cross  the  bridge  at  Bikle.  See  the  whole  story  in  MtCiernich^  \ol.  i.  pp. 
216-323. 


1813.      PROPOSED  MISSION  TO  SWITZERLAND.        363 

peror,  '  bid  him  come  to  me,  I  want  to  employ  him.  It 
is  three  years  since  he  has  had  anything  to  do.  I  wish 
to  send  him  as  Minister  to  Switzerland,  but  he  must  set 
off  directly.  He  must  go  to  the  Allies.  He  understands 
German  well.  The  King  of  Prussia  expressed  by  letter 
satisfaction  at  his  conduct  towards  the  Prussians  whom 
the  war  forced  to  retire  to  Hamburg.  He  knows  Prince 
Wittgenstein,  who  is  the  friend  of  the  King  of  Prussia, 
and  probably  is  at  Lorrach. "  He  Avill  see  all  the  Germans 
who  are  there.  I  confidently  rely  on  him,  and  believe  his 
journey  will  have  a  good  result.  Caulaincourt  will  give 
him  his  instructions.' " 

Notwithstanding  my  extreme  surprise  at  this  communi- 
cation I  replied  without  hesitation  that  I  could  not  accept 
the  mission  ;  that  it  was  offered  too  late.  "  It  perhaps 
is  hoped,"  said  I,  "  that  the  bridge  of  Bale  will  be  destroyed, 
and  that  Switzerland  will  preserve  her  neutrality.  But  I 
do  not  believe  any  such  thing  ;  nay,  more,  I  know  posi- 
tively to  the  contrary.  I  can  only  repeat  the  offer  comes 
much  too  late." — "I  am  very  sorry  for  this  resolution," 
observed  Savary,  "  but  Caulaincourt  will  perhaps  persuade 
you.  The  Emperor  wishes  jow  to  go  the  Due  de  Vicence 
to-morrow  at  one  o'clock  ;  he  Avill  acquaint  you  with  all 
the  i^articulars,  and  give  you  your  instructions." — "He  may 
acquaint  me  with  whatever  he  chooses,  but  I  will  not  go  to 
Lorrach." — "You  know  the  Emperor  better  than  I  do,  he 
wishes  you  to  go,  and  he  will  not  pardon  your  refusal." — 
"  He  may  do  as  he  pleases,  but  no  consideration  shall  in- 
duce me  to  go  to  Switzerland." — "You  are  wrong  :  but 
you  will  reflect  on  the  matter  between  this  and  to-morrow 
morning.  Night  will  bring  good  counsel.  At  any  rate, 
do  not  fail  to  go  to-morrow  at  one  o'clock  to  Caulaincourt, 
he  expects  you,  and  directions  will  be  given  to  admit  you 
immediately." 

'  Lorrach  is  a  village  two  miles  from  BSlIe,  the  place  fixed  on  for  the  starting- 
point  of  the  Austro-Russian  army, — Boicrrictnie. 


364  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

Next  morning  the  first  thing  I  did  was  to  call  on  M.  de 
Talleyrand.  I  told  him  what  had  taken  place,  and  as  he 
was  intimately  acquainted  with  Caulaincourt,  I  begged 
him  to  speak  to  that  Minister  in  favour  of  my  resolution. 
M.  de  Talleyrand  approved  of  my  determination  not  to  go 
to  Switzerland,  and  at  one  o'clock  precisely  I  proceeded 
to  M.  de  Caulaincourt's.  He  told  me  all  he  had  been  in- 
structed to  say.  From  the  manner  in  which  he  made  the 
communication  I  concluded  that  he  himself  considered  the 
proposed  mission  a  disagreeable  one,  and  unlikely  to  be 
attended  by  any  useful  result.  I  observed  that  he  must 
have  heard  from  Savary  that  I  had  already  exjDressed  my 
determination  to  decline  the  mission  which  the  Emperor 
had  been  pleased  to  offer  me.  The  Due  de  Vicence  then, 
in  a  very  friendly  way,  detailed  the  reasons  which  ought 
to  induce  me  to  accept  the  offer,  and  did  not  disguise  from 
me  that  by  persisting  in  my  determination  I  ran  the  risk  of 
raising  Napoleon's  doubts  as  to  my  opinions  and  future  in- 
tentions. I  replied  that,  having  lived  for  three  years  as  a 
private  individual,  unconnected  with  public  affairs,  I  should 
have  no  influence  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Allies,  and  that 
whatever  Httle  ability  I  might  be  supposed  to  possess,  that 
would  not  counterbalance  the  difficulties  of  my  situation, 
and  the  opinion  that  I  was  out  of  favour.  I  added  that  I 
should  appear  at  the  headquarters  without  any  decoration, 
without  even  that  of  the  Cordon  of  the  Legion  of  Honour 
to  which  the  Emperor  attached  so  much  importance,  and 
the  want  of  which  would  almost  have  the  appearance  of 
disgrace  ;  and  I  said  that  these  trifles,  however  slightly 
valued  by  reasonable  men,  were  not,  as  he  well  knew, 
without  their  influence  on  the  men  with  whom  I  should 
have  to  treat.  "If  that  be  all,"  replied  Caulaincourt, 
"the  obstacle  will  speedily  be  removed.  I  am  authorised 
by  the  Emperor  to  tell  you  that  he  will  create  you  a  Duke, 
and  give  you  the  Grand  Cordon  of  the  Legion  of  Hon- 
our." 


1813.  A  DUKEDOM  DECLINED.  365 

After  these  "words  I  thought  I  was  dreaming,  and  I  was 
ahnost  incHued  to  believe  that  Caulaiucourt  was  jesting 
with  me.  However,  the  offer  was  serious,  and  I  will  not 
deny  that  it  was  tempting  ;  3'et  I  nevertheless  persisted 
in  the  refusal  I  had  given.  At  length,  after  some  further 
conversation,  and  renewed,  but  useless,  entreaties  on  the 
part  of  M.  de  Caulaincourt,  he  arose,  which  was  a  signal 
that  our  interview  was  terminated.  I  acknowledge  I  re- 
mained for  a  moment  in  doubt  how  to  act,  for  I  felt  we  had 
come  to  no  understanding.  M.  de  Caulaincourt  advanced 
slowly  towards  the  door  of  his  cabinet.  If  I  went  away  with- 
out knowing  his  opinion  I  had  done  nothing  ;  addressing 
him,  therefore,  by  his  surname,  "Caulaincourt,"  said  I, 
"  you  have  frequently  assured  me  that  you  would  never  for- 
get the  services  I  rendered  to  you  and  your  family  at  a 
time  when  I  possessed  some  influence.  I  know  you,  and 
therefore  speak  to  you  without  disguise.  I  do  not  now 
address  myself  to  the  Emperor's  Minister,  but  to  Caulain- 
court. You  are  a  man  of  honour,  and  I  can  open  my 
heart  to  you  frankly.  Consider  the  embarrassing  situa- 
tion of  France,  which  you  know  better  than  I  do.  I  do 
not  ask  you  for  your  seci-ets,  but  I  myself  know  enough. 
I  will  tell  you  candidly  that  I  am  convinced  the  enemy  will 
pass  the  Rhine  in  a  few  daj's.'  The  Emperor  has  been  de- 
ceived :  I  should  not  have  time  to  reach  my  destination,  and 
I  should  be  laughed  at.  My  correspondents  in  Germany 
have  made  me  acquainted  with  every  particular.  Now, 
Caulaincourt,  tell  me  honestly,  if  you  were  in  my  place, 
and  I  in  yours,  and  I  should  make  this  proposition  to  you, 
what  determination  would  you  adopt?  " 

I  observed  from  the  expression  of  Caulaincoui't's  counte- 
nance that  ray  question  had  made  an  impression  on  him, 
and  affectionately  pressing  my  hand  he  said,  "  I  would  do 
as  you  do.     Enough.     I  will  arrange  the  business  with 

'  I  spoke  thus  to  M.  de  Caulaincourt  on  a  Wednesday.  Ou  the  following  Friday  tile 
AJIied  troops  passed  the  Rhine. — Boxiii'ienne. 


366         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

the  Emperor."  This  reply  seemed  to  remove  a  weight 
from  my  mind,  and  I  left  Caulaincourt  with  feeliugs  of 
gratitude.  I  felt  fully  assured  that  he  would  settle  the 
business  satisfactorily,  and  in  this  conjecture  I  was  not 
deceived,  for  I  heard  no  more  of  the  matter. 

I  must  here  go  forward  a  year  to  relate  another  occur- 
rence in  which  the  Due  de  Vicence  and  I  were  concerned. 
When,  in  March  1815,  the  King  appointed  me  Prefect  of 
Police,  M.  de  Caulaincourt  sent  to  me  a  confidential  per- 
son to  inquire  whether  he  ran  any  risk  in  remaining  in 
Paris,  or  whether  he  had  better  remove.  He  had  been 
told  that  his  name  was  inscribed  in  a  list  of  individuals 
whom  I  had  received  orders  to  arrest.  Delighted  at  this 
proof  of  confidence,  I  returned  the  following  answer  by 
the  Due  de  Vicence's  messenger :  "  Tell  M.  de  Caulain- 
court that  I  do  not  know  where  he  lives.  He  need  be 
under  no  apprehension  :  I  will  answer  for  him." 

During  the  campaign  of  1813  the  Allies,  after  driving 
the  French  out  of  Saxony  and  obliging  them  to  retreat 
towards  the  Rhine,  besieged  Hamburg,  where  Davoust 
was  shut  up  with  a  garrison  of  30,000  men,  resohitely 
determined  to  make  it  a  second  Saragossa.  From  the 
month  of  September  every  day  augmented  the  number  of 
the  AlHed  troops,  who  were  already  making  rapid  prog- 
ress on  tlie  left  bank  of  the  Elbe.  Davoust  endeavoured 
to  fortify  Hamburg  on  so  extended  a  scale  that,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  most  experienced  military  men,  it  would 
have  required  a  garrison  of  60,000  men  to  defend  it  in  a 
regular  and  protracted  siege.  At  the  commencement  of 
the  siege  Davoust  lost  Vandamme,  who  was  killed  in  a 
sortie  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  corps  which  was  incon- 
siderately sacrificed. ' 

It  is  but  justice  to  admit  that  Davoust  displayed  great 
activity  in  the  defence,  and  began  by  laying  in  large  sup- 

'  Vandamme  fought  under  Grouchy  in  1S15,  and  died  several  years  afterwards. 
This  killing  him  at  Hamburg  is  one  of  the  curious  mistakes  seized  on  by  the  Bona- 
p.irHsts  to  deny  the  authenticity  t^f  tliese  Aleuioirs. 


1813.  A  BRIDGE  TWO  LEAGUES  LONG.  367 

plies.  General  Bertrand  was  directed  to  construct  a 
bridge  to  form  a  commuuication  between  Hamburg  and 
Haarburg  by  joining  the  islands  of  the  Elbe  to  the  Con- 
tinent along  a  total  distance  of  about  two  leagues.  This 
bridge  was  to  be  built  of  wood,  and  Davoust  seized  upon 
all  the  timber-yards  to  supply  materials  for  its  construc- 
tion. In  the  space  of  eighty-three  days  the  bridge  was 
finished.  It  was  a  very  magnificent  structure,  its  length 
being  2529  toises,  exclusive  of  the  lines  of  junction, 
formed  on  the  two  islands.' 

The  inhabitants  were  dreadfully  oppressed,  but  all  the 
cruel  measures  and  precautions  of  the  French  were  inef- 
fectual, for  the  Allies  advanced  in  great  force  and  occupied 
Westphalia,  which  movement  obliged  the  Governor  of 
Hamburg  to  recall  to  the  town  the  different  detachments 
scattered  round  Hamburg. 


'  After  the  general  peace  and  the  final  return  of  the  Bourbons  to  France,  the 
Senate  of  Hamburg  caused  this  bridge  to  be  destroyed,  on  the  ground  that  It  was 
a  dangerous  medium  of  communication  with  the  town.  But  the  enormous  expense 
necessary  for  keeping  the  bridge  In  repair  was  a  consideration  which  had  great 
weight  in  thetletermlnation  of  the  Senate. — Bourrienne. 

"  Hamburg,"  says  Puymaigre  (one  of  the  defenders),  "  was  not  so  much  a  fortress 
as  an  intrenched  camp,  covered  by  the  Elbe  and  the  Elster  on  two  points,  and  sur- 
rounded by  a  simple  earthen  rampart.  The  approaches  were  defended  bj'  several 
outer  forts,  especially  by  the  fort  Etoile,  In  front  of  Altona  ;  but  the  Elbe  and  the 
Elster  were  soon  frozen  by  a  sudden  frost  of  twenty  degrees,  which  made  it  pos- 
sible to  cross  the  rivers "'  {Puymaigre,  p.  155). 

"Haarburg,"'  he  goes  on  to  say,  "an  important  port,  was  joined  by  a  causeway 
raised  fifteen  feet  above  the  Island  of  Wielhelsbourg,  and  having  two  flying  bridges 
connecting  It  with  the  mainland  at  either  end."  This  is  the  so-called  bridge  referred 
to  by  Bourrienne,  and  was  created  In  six  weeks  by  M.  Jousselin.  For  a  description 
of  some  of  the  fighting  near  this  causeway  see  De.  Oonneville,  vol.  11.  pp.  104-147. 
By  extraordinary  energy  Davoust  defended  his  post,  beating  back  the  besiegers  and 
keeping  the  city  in  jierfect  quiet.  The  measures  he  had  to  resort  to,  such  as  burn- 
ing part  of  the  suburbs,  turning  out  the  useless  mouths,  part  of  the  inevitably  cruel 
rules  Davoust  was  bound  to  can  y  out, — -made  his  conduct  be  bitterly  attacked  ut  the 
time,  especially  in  England,  where  such  matters  were  happily  unknown  in  absence 
of  invasion.  Puymaigre,  disliking  Davoust  personally,  vouches  for  the  Marshal 
having  only  done  his  duty  :  see  Puymaigre,  pp.  155-157.  The  defence,  equally  with 
the  attack,  of  a  large  town,  involves  inevitable  misery  to  the  population,  but  it  is 
hard  to  understand  why  all  the  blame  is  to  fall  on  the  defender.  Davoust  was,  how- 
ever, It  must  be  allowed,  a  severe  man.  "  As  for  me,"  said  he,  "  when  I  am  carry- 
ing on  war  I  am  obliged  to  leave  my  philanthropy  in  my  wife's  wardrobe  "  (Diary 
of  Henry  GreviUe,  Second  Series,  p.  121). 


368         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 


At  Liibeck  the  departure  of  the  French  troops  was 
marked  by  blood.  Before  they  evacuated  the  town,  an  old 
man,  and  a  butcher  named  Prahl,  were  condemned  to  be 
shot.  The  butcher's  crime  consisted  in  having  said,  in 
speaking  of  the  French,  "  Der  teufel  hohle  sie  "  (the  devil 
take  them).  The  old  man  fortunately  escaped  his  threat- 
ened fate,  but,  notwithstanding  the  entreaties  and  tears  of 
the  inhabitants,  the  sentence  upon  Px-ahl  was  carried  into 
execution. 

The  garrison  of  Hamburg  was  composed  of  French, 
Italian,  and  Dutch  troops.  Their  number  at  first  amount- 
ed to  30,000,  but  sickness  made  great  havoc  among  them. 
From  sixty  to  eighty  perished  daily  in  the  hospitals. 
When  the  garrison  evacuated  Hamburg  in  May  1814  it  was 
reduced  to  about  15,000  men.'  In  the  month  of  December 
provisions  began  to  diminish,  and  there  was  no  possibility 
of  renewing  the  supply.  The  poor  were  first  of  all  made 
to  leave  the  town,  and  afterwards  all  persons  who  were  not 
usefully  employed.  It  is  no  exaggeration  to  estimate  at 
50,000  the  number  of  persons  who  were  thus  exiled.  The 
colonel  commanding  the  gendarmei'ie  at  Hamburg  notified 
to  the  exiled  inhabitants  that  those  who  did  not  leave  the 
town  within  the  prescribed  time  would  receive  fifty  blows 
with  a  cane  and  afterwards  be  driven  out.  But  if  penance 
may  be  commuted  with  priests  so  it  may  with  gendarmes. 
Delinquents  contrived  to  purchase  their  escape  from  the 
bastinado  by  a  sum  of  money,  and  French  gallantry  sub- 
stituted with  respect  to  females  the  birch  for  the  cane.  I 
saw  an  order  directing  all  female  servants  to  be  examined 
as  to  their  health  unless  they  could  produce  certificates 

"  To  get  more  men  Davoust  impressed  all  the  employes  of  the  Goverument.  etc., 
to  their  great  disgust.  He  thus  got  some  13U0  men,  and  drilled  them  to  keep  order 
inside  the  town.  He  could  not,  however,  make  them  consider  themselves  soldiers. 
The  Receiver -General,  M.  Garnie  des  Champs,  was  put  on  duty  at  his  own  door,  and 
then  begged  that  a  real  sentry  might  be  put  there,  as  he  had  much  cash  in  his  house : 
"He,"  said  he,  "could  never  pass  for  a  real  sentry."  "Twelve  Cossacks,"  says 
Puymaigre,  one  of  their  captains,  "  would  have  put  my  troop  to  flight ;  "  see  Puy- 
maigre,  p.  159. 


1813.  HOSPITALITY  AT  ALTONA.  369 

from  their  masters.  On  the  25th  of  December  the  Gov- 
ernment granted  twentj-four  hours  longer  to  persons  who 
were  ordered  to  quit  the  town  ;  and  two  days  after  this 
indulgence  an  ordinance  was  published  declaring  that  those 
who  should  return  to  the  town  after  once  leaving  it  were 
to  be  considered  as  rebels  and  accomplices  of  tlie  enemy, 
and  as  such  condemned  to  death  by  a  prevotal  court. 
But  this  was  not  enough.  At  the  end  of  December  people, 
without  distinction  of  sex  or  age,  were  dragged  from  their 
beds  and  conveyed  out  of  the  town  on  a  cold  night,  when 
the  thermometer  was  between  sixteen  or  eighteen  degrees  ; 
and  it  was  affirmed  that  several  old  men  perished  in  this 
removal.  Those  who  survived  were  left  on  the  outside  of 
the  Altona  gates.  At  Altona  they  all  found  refuge  and 
assistance.  On  Christmas-day  7000  of  these  unfortunate 
persons  were  received  in  the  house  of  M.  Rainville,'  for- 
merly aide  de  camp  to  Dumouriez,  and  who  left  France 
together  with  that  general.  His  house,  wLich  was  at  Hol- 
stein,  was  usually  the  scene  of  brilliant  entertainments,  but 
it  was  converted  into  the  abode  of  misery,  mourning,  and 
death.  All  possible  attention  was  bestowed  on  the  unfort- 
unate outlaws  ;  but  few  profited  by  it,  and  what  is  worse, 
the  inhabitants  of  Altona  suffered  for  their  generosity. 
Many  of  the  unfortunate  persons  were  affected  with  the 
epidemic  disease  which  was  raging  in  Hamburg,  and  which 
in  consequence  broke  out  at  Altona. 

All  means  of  raising  money  in  Hamburg  being  ex- 
hausted, a  seizure  was  made  of  the  funds  of  the  Bank  of 
that  city,  which  yet  contained  from  seven  to  eight  millions 
of  marks.  Were  those  who  ordered  this  measure  not 
aware  that  to  seize  on  the  funds  of  some  of  the  citizens 
of  Hamburg  was  an  injury  to  all  foreigners  who  had  funds 
in  the  Bank? "     Such  is  a  brief  statement  of  the  vexatious 

'  Apparently  a  Eoniewhat  capacious  building  ? 

*  It  is  impossible  to  see  how  Davoust  Cfnild  have  acted  differently  in  this  mutter. 
"This  pretended  robbery,"  says  De  Gonneville  (vol.  ii.  p.  149),  "only  took  place  in 
order  to  furnish  the  means  of  jiaying  the  army  and  providing  for  the  expense.    .    .    . 

Vol.  III.— 24 


370         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

and  cruelties  which  long  oppressed  this  unfortunate  city. 
Napoleon  accused  Hamburg  of  Anglomania,  and  by  ruin- 
ing her  he  thought  lo  ruin  England.  Hambui'g,  feeble 
and  bereft  of  her  sources,  could  only  complain,  like  Jeru- 
salem when  besieged  by  Titus:  " Plorans,  ploravit  in 
nocte." 

Besides,  this  operation  was  performed  in  the  most  legal  manner,  by  a  commission 
composed  of  the  superior  servants  of  the  said  Bank,  eminent  merchants  of  the  city, 
and  generals  and  commissaries  belonging  to  the  array."  That  a  general  in  a  besieged 
city  should  leave  his  men  and  the  contractovs  unpaid  while  money  was  idle  in  the 
Bank  would  be  absurd.  It  was  for  the  French  Government  afterwards  to  replace 
the  sum  spent  in  their  service.  The  accusation  made  on  such  points  against  Davoust, 
while  the  Government  of  the  Restoration  left  him  undefended,  alienated  him,  and 
had  their  effect  in  the  Cent  Jour-i ;  see  Thiers,  tome  xviii.  livre  Iv.  p.  378.  Davoust 
had  similarly  and  necessarily  seized  all  the  wine  (good  wine,  says  Puyraaigre)  and 
the  brandy  to  the  amount  of  3,000,000  francs,  the  merchants  receiving  bills  after- 
wards paid  by  Louis  XVIII.  {Puymaigre,  p.  161).  Davoust  is  blamed  because  he 
did  not  surrender  a  town  entrusted  to  him  and  which  he  was  able  to  defend,  and  also 
because  he  did  not  let  his  garrison  starve  when  he  could  not  procure  money  from 
France.  Hamburg  was  not  evacuated  by  the  French  troops  until  May  1814,  being 
only  surrendered  after  the  conclusion  of  peace. 


iSia  371 


CHAPTEK    XXXn. 

1813-1814. 

Prince  Eugfene  and  the  affairs  of  Italy — The  army  of  Italy  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Austria — Eugene's  regret  at  the  defection  of  the  Bavarians— 
Murat's  dissimulation  and  perfidy— His  treaty  with  Austria — Hostil- 
ities followed  1)y  a  declaration  of  war — Murat  abandoned  by  the 
French  generals — Proclamation  from  Paris — Murat's  success — Gigan- 
tic scheme  of  Napoleon — Napoleon  advised  to  join  the  Jacobins — His 
refusal— Armament  of  the  National  Guai-d — The  Emperor's  farewell 
to  the  oflRcers — The  Congress  of  Chatillon — Refusal  of  an  armistice — 
Napoleon's  character  displayed  in  his  negotiations — Opening  of  the 
Congress — Discussions — Rupture  of  the  Conferences. 

I  SH-^LL  now  proceed  to  notice  the  affairs  of  Italy  and  the 
principal  events  of  the  Viceroyalty  of  Eugene.  In  order 
to  throw  together  all  that  I  have  to  say  about  the  Viceroy 
I  must  anticipate  the  order  of  time. 

After  the  campaign  of  1812,  when  Eugene  revisited 
Italy,  he  was  promptly  informed  of  the  more  than  doubtful 
dispositions  of  Austria  towards  France,  He  then  made 
preparations  for  raising  an  army  capable  of  defending  the 
country  which  the  Emperor  had  committed  to  his  safe- 
guard. Napoleon  was  fully  aware  how  much  advantage 
he  would  derive  from  the  presence  on  the  northern  fron- 
tiers of  Italy  of  an  army  sufficiently  strong  to  harass 
Austria,  in  case  she  should  draw  aside  the  transparent 
veil  which  still  covered  her  policy,  Eugene  did  all  that 
depended  on  him  to  meet  the  Emperor's  wishes ;  but  in 
spite  of  his  efforts  the  army  of  Italy  was,  after  all,  only  an 
imaginary  army  to  those  who  could  compare  the  number 
of  men  actually  eni-olled  with  the  numbers  stated  in  the 
lists.     When,  in  July  1813,  the  Viceroy  was  informed  of 


372         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813- 

the  turn  taken  by  tbe  negotiations  at  the  shadow  of  a  Con- 
gi-ess  assembled  at  Prague,  he  had  no  longer  any  doubt 
of  the  renewal  of  hostilities ;  and  foreseeing  an  attack 
on  Italy  he  resolved  as  sjDeedily  as  possible  to  approach  the 
frontiers  of  Austria.  He  had  succeeded  in  assembling  an 
army  composed  of  French  and  Italians,  and  amounting  to 
45,000  infantry  and  5000  cavalry.  On  the  renewal  of  hos- 
tilities the  Viceroy's  headquarters  were  at  Udine.  Down 
to  the  month  of  April  1814  he  succeeded  in  maintaining 
a  formidable  attitude,  and  in  defending  the  entrance  of 
his  kingdom  by  dint  of  that  military  talent  which  was  to 
be  expected  in  a  man  bred  in  the  great  school  of  Napo- 
leon, and  whom  the  army  looked  up  to  as  one  of  its  most 
skilful  generals. 

During  the  great  and  unfortunate  events  of  1813  all 
eyes  had  been  fixed  on  Germany  and  the  Rhine  ;  but  the 
defection  of  Murat  for  a  time  diverted  attention  to  Italy. 
That  event  did  not  so  very  much  surprise  me,  for  I  had 
not  forgotten  my  conversation  with  the  King  of  Naples  in 
the  Champs  Elysees,  with  which  I  have  made  the  reader 
acquainted.  At  first  Murat's  defection  was  thought  in- 
credible by  every  one,  and  it  highly  excited  Bonaparte's 
indignation.  Another  defection  which  occurred  about  the 
same  j^eriod  deeply  distressed  Eugene,  for  although  raised 
to  the  rank  of  a  prince,  and  almost  a  sovereign,  he  was 
still  a  man,  and  an  excellent  man.  He  was  united  to  the 
Princess  Amelia  of  Bavaria,  who  was  as  amiable  and  as 
much  beloved  as  he,  and  he  had  the  deep  mortification  to 
count  the  subjects  of  his  father-in-law  among  the  enemies 
whom  lie  would  probably  have  to  combat.  Fearing  lest 
he  should  be  harassed  b}-  the  Bavarians  on  the  side  of  the 
Tyrol,  Eugene  commenced  his  retrograde  movement  in 
the  autumn  of  1813.  He  at  first  fell  back  on  the  Taglia- 
mento,  and  successively  on  the  Adige.  On  reaching  that 
river  the  army  of  Italy  was  considerably  diminished,  in 
Bpite  of  all  Eugene's  care  of  his  troops.     About  the  end  of 


1814.  MURAT  JOINS  AUSTRIA.  373 

November  Eugene  learned  that  a  Neapolitan  corps  was 
advancing  upon  Upper  Italy,  part  taking  the  direction  of 
Eome,  and  part  that  of  Ancona.  The  object  of  the  King 
of  Naples  was  to  take  advantage  of  the  situation  of  Europe, 
and  he  was  duped  by  the  promises  held  out  to  him  as  the 
reward  of  his  treason.  Murat  'seemed  to  have  adopted 
the  artful  policy  of  Austria  ;  for  not  only  had  he  deter- 
mined to  join  the  coalition,  but  he  was  even  maintaining 
communications  with  England  and  Austria,  while  at  the 
same  time  he  was  making  protestations  of  fidelity  to  his 
engagements  with  Napoleon.' 

When  first  informed  of  Murat's  treason  by  the  Viceroy 
the  Emperor  refused  to  believe  it.  "No,"  he  exclaimed 
to  those  about  him,  "  it  cannot  be !  Murat,  to  whom  I 
have  given  my  sister !     Murat,  to  whom  I  have  given  a 

1  Joachim  was  in  treaty  at  the  same  time  with  England,  France,  Austria,  and  the 
Viceroy  of  Italy,  thinking  by  such  means  the  better  to  conceal  from  them  his  true 
designs,  if  indeed  he  really  had  any  fixed  designs.  The  primary  cause  of  all  Joachim's 
aberrations  was  the  extraordinary  conduct  pursued  by  Napoleon  towards  him,  who 
one  day  treated  him  as  a  King,  and  the  next  scarcely  showed  him  the  respect  due  to 
his  former  aide  de  camp.  Joachim  wrote  to  the  Emperor  that  he  had  30,000  men 
ready  to  support  their  common  cause.  Napoleon  answered  that  the  30,000  men  were 
to  be  sent  to  the  banks  of  the  Po,  where  they  were  to  await  his  further  orders.  This 
notification  reached  the  King  whilst  he  was  visiting  Pompeii  with  the  Queen.  Murat 
tore  the  letter  in  pieces,  threw  it  on  the  ground,  stamped  upon  it,  then  gathering  up 
the  fragments  he  returned  in  haste  to  Nai)les  and  assembled  his  Ministers,  to  whom 
he  said,  ■'Gentlemen,  the  Emperor  u.ses  me  in  a  most  unwarrantable  manner,  and 
treats  me  with  no  more  regard  than  if  I  were  a  Corporal."  If,  instead  of  acting  in 
this  cavalier  manner,  the  Emperor  had  excited  the  self-love  of  Joachim  by  his  usual 
praise,  and  put  liim  at  the  head  of  all  the  Italians  as  well  as  of  the  French,  then 
commanded  by  the  Viceroy,  to  whom  he  might  have  given  some  other  charge,  the 
heroic  King  of  Naples  would  have  star^^d  Vienna  with  an  army  of  100,000  men  ! 
But  such  fortune  was  not  in  store  either  for  Italy  or  for  France,  inordinate  ambition 
having  already  damped  the  genius  of  Napoleon.  The  year  before  the  Emperor,  in  a 
remarkable  order  of  the  day,  had  vaunted  Prince  Eugene  to  the  skies  at  the  expense 
of  Joachim,  and  now  he  left  these  two  rivals  in  Italy,  where  their  mutual  jealousy 
paralysed  the  power  of  almost  1.50,000  men  obtained  out  of  the  whole  Peninsula, 
and  of  about  30,000  Frenchmen  stationed  in  Lombardy.  The  above-mentioned  force 
under  the  command  of  an  able  general  might  have  entirely  changed  the  destiny  of 
the  Empire  of  France  I  {Memoirs  of  Genei-al  I'ejje,  vol.  i.  p.  319  :  Bentley,  1846). 

On  learning  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo  Murat  exclaimed  to  his  principal 
equerry,  the  Duke  of  Roccaromana,  "  Had  I  led  the  cavalry  the  battle  would  have 
been  won."  The  same  opinion  was  expressed  by  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena,  and  many 
years  later  at  Paris  I  heard  General  Flaso  assert  a  similar  conviction  {Ibid.,  vol.  ii. 
p.  l'J3). 


374         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813-. 


throne  !  Eugene  must  be  misinformed.  It  is  impossible 
that  Murat  has  declared  himself  against  me  !  "  It  was, 
however,  not  only  possible  but  true.  Gradually  throwing 
aside  the  dissimulation  beneath  which  he  had  concealed 
his  designs,  Murat  seemed  inclined  to  renew  the  policy  of 
Italy  during  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries,  when  the 
art  of  deceiving  was  deemed  by  the  Italian  Governments 
the  most  sublime  effort  of  genius.  Without  any  declaration 
of  war,  Murat  ordered  the  Neapolitan  General  who  occu- 
pied Rome  to  assume  the  supreme  command  in  the  Roman 
States,  and  to  take  possession  of  the  country.  General 
Miollis,  Avho  commanded  the  French  troops  in  Rome,  could 
only  throw  himself,  with  his  handful  of  men,  into  the 
Castle  of  St.  Angelo,  the  famous  mole  of  Adrian,  in  which 
was  long  preserved  the  treasury  of  Sixtus  V.  The  French 
General  soon  found  himself  blockaded  by  the  Neapolitan 
troops,  who  also  blockaded  Civita  Vecchia  and  Ancona. ' 

>  The  King  put  new  blood  into  the  public  administration,  not  merely  by  the  activ- 
ity and  firmness  which  he  exerted  but  by  his  practical  anxiety  to  give  a  proper  di- 
rection to  public  affairs.  The  natural  clemency  of  his  character,  which  even  concil- 
iated those  who  were  least  likely  to  be  moved  by  it,  facilitated  the  execution  of  his 
intentions.  On  the  first  visit  that  Joachim  made  to  Paris  after  the  events  just  re- 
cited Nai)oleon  exclaimed,  when  he  saw  him  enter  the  salon,  ''  Voile)  un  roi  qui  ne 
recule  jamais."  Had  Joachim  better  known  how  to  organise  his  army  and  to  main- 
tain discipline  between  the  French  and  the  Neapolitan  troops  he  would  have  suc- 
ceeded in  obtaining  far  better  results.  By  nature  generous,  and  by  no  means  insen- 
sible to  nattery.  Joachim  was  extremely  averse  to  inflicting  punishment,  and  was  prone 
to  recompense  not  merely  those  who  merited  it  but  to  reward  others  whose  conduct 
should  have  entitled  them  to  very  different  treatment.  This  happened  because  he 
could  never  resist  the  suiiplications  of  the  courtiers,  still  less  the  entreaties  of  the 
ladies  about  the  Court,  and,  like  all  princ^,  he  was  extremely  liberal  to  those  whom 
he  termed  mes  devouhy  without  rollecting  that  the  less  elevated  a  man  is  by  nature 
the  more  devotion  he  affects  to  princes,  and  the  more  he  flatters  their  power.  The 
beauty  of  his  person,  the  charm  of  his  smile,  the  natural  urbanity  of  his  manner— 
to  which,  however,  he  was  inclined  to  add  more  importance  than  was  consistent  with 
his  proper  dignity— and  the  richness  of  his  dress,  pleased  the  multitude  and  the  army. 
The  affability  and  gentleness  of  his  manners,  which  were  such  as  could  not  have 
been  anticipated  from  a  man  of  low  birth,  endeared  him  to  the  Court.  In  his  youth, 
however,  he  had  been  placed  in  the  College  of  Toulouse,  and  had  availed  himself  to 
the  utmost  of  the  education  bestowed  upon  him.  I  do  not  recollect  ever  having  pre- 
sented myself  before  him  on  ray  return  from  executing  any  of  his  orders  without  his 
expressing  his  thanks  to  me  in  the  most  amiable  manner.  One  day  he  was  return- 
ing from  the  Campo  di  Morte,  when  a  woman  in  tears,  and  holding  a  petition  in  her 
hand,  came  forward  to  present  it  to  bira.     The  King's  horse,  fi-ightened  at  the  sight 


1814.      FRENCH  OFFICERS  ABANDON  MURAT.         375 

The  treaty  concluded  between  Murat  and  Austria  was 
definitively  signed  on  the  11th  of  January  1814.'  As  soon 
as  he  was  informed  of  it  the  Viceroy,  certain  that  he  should 
soon  have  to  engage  with  the  Neapolitans,  was  obliged  to 
renounce  the  preservation  of  the  line  of  the  Adige,  the 
Neapolitan  army  being  in  the  rear  of  his  right  wing.  He 
accordingly  ordered  a  retrograde  movement  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Mincio,  where  his  army  was  cantoned.  In 
this  position  Prince  Eugene,  on  tlie  8th  of  February,  had 
to  engage  with  the  Austrians,  who  had  come  up  with  him, 
and  the  victory  of  the  Mincio  arrested,  for  some  time,  the 
invasion  of  the  Austrian  army  and  its  junction  with  the 
Neapolitan  troops. 

It  was  not  until  eight  days  after  that  Murat  officially 
declared  war  against  the  Emperor ;  and  immediately  several 
general  and  superior  officers,  and  many  French  troops,  who 
were  in  his  service,  abandoned  him,  and  repaired  to  the 
headquarters  of  the  Viceroy.  Murat  made  endeavours  to 
detain  them  ;  they  replied,  that  as  he  had  declared  war 
against  France,  210  Frenchman  who  loved  his  country 
could  remain  in  his  service.  "Do  you  think,"  returned 
he,  "that  my  heart  is  less  French  than  yours?  On  the 
contrary,  I  am  much  to  be  pitied.     I  hear  of  nothing  but 

of  the  paper,  began  to  kick  and  rear,  and  ended  by  throwing  his  Majesty  some  dis- 
tance from  the  spot.  After  swearing  roimdiy  in  the  French  fashion,  Joachim  took 
the  paper  and  granted  its  i)etition,  which  was  the  life  of  the  poor  woman's  husband, 
who  was  to  have  been  executed  on  the  following  day. 

People  of  all  classes,  and  even  officers  in  the  army,  wore  in  the  habit  of  presenting 
themselves  to  the  King  as  he  passed  through  the  streets  with  a  petition  in  one  hand 
and  an  inkstand  in  the  other.  The  good  King  Joachim  granted  those  requests  with 
too  much  facility,  not  considering  that  far  from  increasing  his  popularity  by  such 
conduct  his  too  easy  compliance  was  calculated  to  awaken  discontent  and  distrust  of 
the  efficiency  of  the  laws  (ifemvirs  of  General  Pipe,  vol.  i.  p.  20.3  :  Bentley.  1846). 

'  On  the  11th  of  January  1814  Austria  by  treaty  guaranteed  Naples  to  Murat,  who 
was  also  to  receive  territory  containing  400,000  souls  from  the  I'apal  States.  Murat 
on  his  part  renounced  his  claims  to  Sicily,  and  furnished  30,000  men  against  Napo- 
leon (Afartens,  tome  ix.  p.  660).  This  was  a  strange  step  on  the  part  of  Austria, 
who  soon  began  to  yield  to  the  requests  of  Louis  XVIII.,  that  Murat  should  be 
overthrown.  See  Talleyrand's  Correspondence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  22,  36,  46,  88,  and  135, 
remembering  always  the  old  affection  of  Metteruicli  for  Caroline  Bonaparte,  wife  of 
Murat. 


876         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813- 


the  disasters  of  the  Grand  Army.  I  have  been  obliged  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  with  the  Austrians,  and  an  arrange- 
ment with  the  English,  commanded  by  Lord  Bentinck,  in 
order  to  save  my  Kingdom  from  a  threatened  landing  of 
the  English  and  the  Sicilians,  which  would  infallibly  have 
excited  an  insurrection." 

There  could  not  be  a  more  ingenuous  confession  of  the 
antipathy  which  Joachim  knew  the  Neapolitans  to  enter- 
tain towards  his  person  and  government.'  His  address  to 
the  French  was  ineffectual.  It  was  easy  to  foresee  what 
would  ensue.  The  Viceroy  soon  received  an  official  com- 
munication from  Napoleon's  War  Minister,  accompanied 
by  an  Imperial  decree,  recalling  all  the  French  who  were  in 
the  service  of  Joachim,  and  declaring  that  all  who  were 
taken  with  arms  in  their  hands  should  be  tried  by  a  court- 
martial  as  traitors  to  their  country.  Mui-at  commenced 
by  gaining  advantages  which  could  not  be  disputed.  His 
troops  almost  immediately  took  possession  of  Leghorn 
and  the  citadel  of  Ancona,  and  the  French  were  obliged  to 
evacuate  Tuscany. 

The  defection  of  Murat  overthrew  one  of  Banaparte's 
gigantic  conceptions.  He  had  planned  that  Murat  and 
Eugene  with  their  combined  forces  should  march  on  the 
rear  of  the  Allies,  while  he,  disputing  the  soil  of  France 
with  the  invaders,  should  multiply  obstacles  to  their  ad- 
vance ;  the  King  of  Naples  and  the  Viceroy  of  Italy  were 
to  march  upon  Vienna  and  make  Austria  tremble  in  the 
heart  of  her  capital  before  the  timid  million  of  her  Allies, 
who  measured  their  steps  as  they  approached  Paris, 
should  desecrate  by  their  presence  the  capital  of  France. 
When  informed  of  the  vast  project,  which,  however,  was 
but  the  dream  of  a  moment,  I  immediately  recognised 
that  eagle  glance,  that  power  of  discovering  great  re- 
sources in  great  calamities,  so  peculiar  to  Bonaparte. 

'  This  is  not  quite  correct :  the  Neapolitans,  as  a  mass,  did  not  entertain  an  an- 
tipathy towards  Miuat. — Editor  oj  1S36  cdilion. 


1814.  REFUSAL   OF  AN  ARMISTICE  377 


Napoleon  was  yet  Emperor  of  France  ;  but  be  wbo  bad 
imposed  on  all  Europe  treaties  of  peace  no  less  disastrous 
than  the  wars  which  bad  preceded  them,  could  not  now 
obtain  an  armistice  ;  and  Caulaincourt,  who  was  sent  to 
treat  for  one  at  the  camp  of  the  Allies,  spent  twenty  days 
at  Luneville  before  he  could  even  obtain  permission  to  pass 
the  advanced  posts  of  the  invading  army.  In  vain  did 
Caulaincourt  entreat  Napoleon  to  sacrifice,  or  at  least  re- 
sign temporarily,  a  portion  of  that  glory  acquired  in  so 
many  battles,  and  which  nothing  could  efface  in  history. 
Napoleon  replied,  "I  will  sign  whatever  you  wish.  To 
obtain  peace  I  will  exact  no  condition  ;  but  I  will  not  dic- 
tate my  own  humiliatiou."  This  concession,  of  course, 
amounted  to  a  determination  not  to  sign  or  to  grant  any- 
thing. 

In  the  first  fortnight  of  January  1814  one-third  of 
France  was  invaded,  and  it  was  proposed  to  form  a  new 
Congress,  to  be  held  at  Chatillon-sur-Seine.  The  situ- 
ation of  Napoleon  grew  daily  worse  and  worse.  He  was 
advised  to  seek  extraordinary  resources  in  the  interior  of 
the  Empire,  and  was  reminded  of  the  fourteen  armies 
which  rose,  as  if  by  enchantment,  to  defend  France  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Revolution.  Finally,  a  reconcili- 
ation with  the  Jacobins,  a  party  who  had  power  to  call  up 
masses  to  aid  him,  was  recommended.  For  a  moment  he 
was  inclined  to  adopt  this  advice.  He  rode  on  horse- 
back through  the  surburbs  of  St.  Antoine  and  St.  Mar- 
ceau,  coux'ted  the  populace,  affectionately  replied  to  their 
acclamations,  and  he  thought  he  saw  the  possibility  of 
turning  to  account  the  attachment  which  the  people 
evinced  for  him.  On  his  return  to  the  Palace  some  pru- 
dent persons  ventured  to  represent  to  him  that,  instead 
of  courting  this  absurd  sort  of  popularity  it  would  be 
more  advisable  to  rely  on  the  nobility  and  the  higher 
classes  of  society.  "Gentlemen,"  replied  he,  "you  may 
say  what  you  please,  but  in  the  situation  in  which  I  stand 


378         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813^ 

my  only  nobility  is  the  rabble  of  the  faubourgs,  and  I 
know  of  no  rabble  but  the  nobility  whom  I  have  created." 
This  was  a  strange  compliment  to  all  ranks,  for  it  was 
only  saying  that  they  were  all  rabble  together. 

At  this  time  the  Jacobins  were  disposed  to  exert  every 
effort  to  serve  him  ;  but  they  required  to  have  their  own 
way,  and  to  be  allowed  freely  to  excite  and  foster  revolu- 
tionai'y  sentiments.  The  press,  which  groaned  under  the 
most  odious  and  intolerable  censorship,  was  to  be  wholly 
resigned  to  them.  I  do  not  state  these  facts  from  hear- 
say. I  happened  by  chance  to  be  present  at  two  confer- 
ences in  which  were  set  forward  projects  infected  with  the 
odour  of  the  clubs,  and  these  projects  were  supported 
Avith  the  more  assurance  because  their  success  was  re- 
garded as  certain.  Though  I  had  not  seen  Napoleon 
since  my  departure  for  Hamburg,  yet  I  was  sufficiently  as- 
sured of  his  feeling  towards  the  Jacobins  to  be  convinced 
that  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  them.  I  was  not 
wrong.  On  hearing  of  the  price  they  set  on  their  services 
he  said,  "This  is  too  much  ;  I  shall  have  a  chance  of  de- 
liverance in  battle,  but  I  shall  have  none  with  these  fu- 
rious blockheads.  There  can  be  nothing  in  common 
between  the  demagogic  principles  of  '93  and  the  mon- 
archy, between  clubs  of  madmen  and  a  I'egular  Ministry, 
between  a  Committee  of  Public  Safety  and  an  Emperor, 
between  revolutionary  tribunals  and  established  laws.  If 
fall  I  must,  I  will  not  bequeath  France  to  the  Kevolution 
from  which  I  have  delivered  her." 

These  were  golden  words,  and  Napoleon  thought  of  a 
more  noble  and  truly  national  mode  of  parrying  the  dan- 
ger which  threatened  him.  He  ordered  the  enrolment  of 
the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  which  was  j^laced  under  the 
command  of  Marshal  Moucey.  A  better  choice  could  not 
have  been  made,  but  the  staff  of  the  National  Guard  was 
a  focus  of  hidden  intrigues,  in  which  the  defence  of  Paris 
was  less  thouf?ht  about  than  the  means  of  taking  advantage 


1814.        DEPARTURE  FROM   THE  TUILERIES.  379 

of  Napoleon's  overthrow.  I  was  made  a  captain  in  this 
Guard,  and,  like  the  rest  of  the  officers,  I  was  summoned 
to  the  Tuileries,  on  the  23d  of  January,  Avhen  the  Em- 
peror took  leave  of  the  National  Guard  j:)reviously  to  his 
departure  from  Paris  to  join  the  army. 

Napoleon  entered  with  the  Empress.  He  advanced  with 
a  dignified  step,  leading  by  the  hand  his  son,  who  was  not 
yet  three  years  old.  It  was  long  since  I  had  seen  him. 
He  had  grown  very  corpulent,  and  I  remarked  on  his  pale 
countenance  an  expression  of  melancholy  and  irritability. 

The  habitual  movement  of  the  muscles  of  his  neck  was 
more  decided  and  more  frequent  than  formerly.  I  shall 
not  attempt  to  describe  what  were  my  feelings  during  this 
ceremony,  when  I  again  saw,  after  a  long  separation,  the 
friend  of  my  youth,  who  had  become  master  of  Europe, 
and  was  now  on  the  point  of  sinking  beneath  the  efforts 
of  his  enemies.  There  was  something  melancholy  in  this 
solemn  and  impressive  ceremony.  I  have  rarely  witnessed 
such  profound  silence  in  so  numerous  an  assembly.  At 
length  Napoleon,  in  a  voice  as  firm  and  sonorous  as  when 
he  used  to  harangue  his  troops  in  Italy  or  in  Egypt,  but 
without  that  air  of  confidence  which  then  beamed  on  his 
countenance,  delivered  to  the  assembled  officers  an  address 
which  was  published  in  all  the  journals  of  the  time.  At 
the  commencement  of  this  address  he  said,  "I  set  out  this 
night  to  take  the  command  of  the  army.  On  quitting  the 
capital  I  confidently  leave  behind  me  my  wife  and  my  son, 
in  whom  so  many  hopes  are  centred."  I  listened  atten- 
tively to  Napoleon's  address,  and,  though  he  delivered  it 
firmly,  he  either  felt  or  feigned  emotion.  Whether  or  not 
the  emotion  was  sincere  on  his  part,  it  was  shared  by  many 
present  ;  and  for  my  own  part  I  confess  that  my  feelings 
were  deeply  moved  when  he  uttered  the  words,  "  I  leave 
you  my  wife  and  my  son."  At  that  moment  my  eyes  were 
fixed  on  the  young  Prince,  and  the  interest  with  which  he 
inspired  me  was  equally  unconnected  with  the  splendour 


380         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813- 


which  surrounded  and  the  misfortunes  which  threatened 
him.  I  beheld  in  the  interesting  child  not  the  King  of 
Rome  but  the  son  of  my  old  friend.  All  day  long  after- 
wards I  could  not  help  feeling  depressed  while  comparing 
the  farewell  scene  of  the  morning  with  the  day  on  which 
we  took  possession  of  the  Tuileries.  How  many  centu- 
ries seemed  the  fourteen  years  which  separated  the  two 
events ! 

It  may  be  worth  while  to  remind  those  who  are  curious 
in  comparing  dates  that  Napoleon,  the  successor  of  Louis 
XVI.,  and  who  had  become  the  nephew  of  that  monarch 
by  his  marriage  with  the  niece  of  Marie  Antoinette,  took 
leave  of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris  on  the  anniversary  of 
the  fatal  21st  of  January,'  after  twenty-five  years  of  suc- 
cessive terror,  fear,  hope,  glory,  and  misfortune. 

Meanwhile,  a  Congress  was  opened  at  Chatillon-sur- 
Seine,'  at  which  were  assembled  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  on 
the  part  of  France,  Lords  Aderdeen  and  Cathcart  and  Sir 
Charles  Stewart '  as  the  representatives  of  England,  Count 
Razumowsky  on  the  part  of  Russia,  Count  Stadion  for 
Austria,  and  Count  Humboldt  for  Prussia,  Before  the 
opening  of  the  Congress,  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  in  conform- 

'  Bourrienne  makes  a  mistake  here.  The  King  was  executed  on  the  Slst  of 
January  1793,  and  Napoleon,  as  indeed  Bourrienne  himself  has  just  said,  received 
the  officers  of  the  National  Guard  on  the  ii3d  of  January  1814,  and  set  out  on  the 
35th  of  January.  Sec  also  Miot,  tome  iii.  pp.  360  and  371.  Napoleon,  even  at  such 
a  time,  was  not  likely  to  allow  such  a  coincidence  to  happen  :  see  tlie  care  with  which 
in  ISOO  he  avoided  going  to  an  ordinary  party  on  the  anniversary  of  the  ISth  Bru- 
raaire  {Jwiot,  tome  i.  p.  420). 

2  It  should  be  remembered  that  at  the  time  of  the  Congress  of  Chatillon  the 
Allies  were  already  in  communication  with  the  Royalist  agents  from  Paris ;  and 
while,  with  more  or  less  good  faith,  they  were  offering  peace  to  Napoleon,  they 
were  listening  to  the  offers  of  the  friends  of  the  Bourbons.  The  proceedings  of 
the  Royalists  may  have  been  natural  ;  they  were  certainly  unpatriotic,  and  the 
Allies  were  practically  offered  any  terms  if  they  upset  the  power  of  Napoleon. 
The  Baron  de  Vitrolles  (tome  i.  pp.  1)9  and  101)  tells  us  in  his  Memoirs  how  ho  im- 
pressed on  Metternich  that  the  forces  of  Napoleon  must  be  crushed  if  Prance  were 
to  pronounce  for  the  Bourbons.  In  their  eagerness  as  partisans  they  forgot  that, 
the  army  once  crushed,  France  lay  at  the  feet  of  the  Allies,  who  could  then  make 
their  own  terms. 

^  Afterwards  the  Marquis  of  Londonderry,  who  published  an  interesting  account  of 
the  Congress. 


1814.  CONFERENCES  AT  CEATILLON.  381 

ity  with  the  Emperor's  orders,  demanded  an  armistice, 
which  is  almost  invariably  granted  during  negotiations  for 
peace  ;  but  it  was  now  too  late  :  the  Allies  had  long  since 
determined  not  to  listen  to  any  such  demand.  They  there- 
fore answered  the  Duke  of  Vicenza's  application  by  re- 
quiring that  the  propositions  for  peace  should  be  imme- 
diately signed.  But  these  were  not  the  propositions  of 
Frankfort.  The  Allies  established  as  their  bases  the  lim- 
its of  the  old  French  monarchy.  They  conceived  them- 
selves authorised  in  so  doing  by  their  success  and  by  their 
situation. 

To  estimate  rightly  Napoleon's  conduct  during  the  ne- 
gotiations for  peace  which  took  place  in  the  conferences 
at  Chutillou  it  is  necessary  to  bear  in  mind  the  organisation 
he  had  received  from  nature  and  the  ideas  with  which  that 
organisation  had  imbued  him  at  an  early  period  of  life. 
If  the  last  negotiations  of  his  expiring  reign  be  examined 
with  due  attention  and  impartiality  it  will  appear  evident 
that  the  causes  of  his  fall  arose  out  of  his  character.  I 
cannot  range  myself  among  those  adulators  who  have  ac- 
cused the  persons  about  him  with  having  dissuaded  him 
from  peace.  Did  he  not  say  at  St.  Helena,  in  speaking  of 
the  negotiations  at  Chutillon,  "A  thunderbolt  alone  could 
have  saved  us  :  to  treat,  to  conclude,  was  to  yield  foolishly 
to  the  enemy."  These  words  forcibly  portray  Napoleon's 
character.  It  must  also  be  borne  in  mind  how  much  he 
was  captivated  by  the  immortality  of  the  great  names 
which  history  has  bequeathed  to  our  admiration,  and 
which  are  perpetuated  from  genex'ation  to  generation. 
Napoleon  was  resolved  that  his  name  should  re-echo  in 
ages  to  come,  from  the  palace  to  the  cottage.  To  live 
without  fame  appeared  to  him  an  anticipated  death.  If, 
however,  in  this  thirst  for  glory,  not  for  notoriety,  he 
conceived  the  wish  to  sui'pass  Alexander  and  Caesar,  he 
never  desired  the  renown  of  Erostratus,  and  I  will  say 
again   what  I  have  said   before,  that   if  he   committed 


383         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813- 


actions  to  be  condemned,  it  was  because  lie  considered 
them  as  steps  which  helped  him  to  place  himself  on  the  sum- 
mit of  immortalit}^  on  which  he  wished  to  place  his  name. 
Witness  what  he  wrote  to  his  brother  Jerome,  "  Better 
never  to  have  lived  than  to  live  without  glory  ;  "  witness  also 
what  he  wrote  later  to  his  brother  Louis,  "It  is  better  to 
die  as  a  King  than  to  live  as  a  Prince."  How  often  in  the  days 
of  mj'  intimacy  with  Bonaparte  has  he  not  said  to  me, 
"  Who  knows  the  names  of  those  kings  who  have  passed 
from  the  thrones  on  which  chance  or  birth  seated  them  ? 
They  lived  and  died  unnoticed.  The  learned,  perhaps, 
may  find  them  mentioned  in  old  archives,  and  a  medal  or 
a  coin  dug  from  the  earth  may  reveal  to  antiquarians  the 
existence  of  a  sovereign  of  whom  they  had  never  before 
heard.  But,  on  the  contrary,  when  we  hear  the  names  of 
Cyrus,  Alexander,  Ceesar,  Mahomet,  Charlemagne,  Henry 
IV.,  and  Louis  XIV.,  we  are  immediately  among  our  in- 
timate acquaintance."  I  must  add,  that  when  Najjoleon 
thus  spoke  to  me  in  the  gardens  of  Malmaison  he  only  re- 
peated what  had  often  fallen  from  him  in  his  youth,  for 
his  character  and  his  ideas  never  varied  ;  the  change  was 
in  the  objects  to  which  they  were  applied. 

From  his  boyhood  Napoleon  was  fond  of  reading  the 
history  of  the  great  men  of  antiquity  ;  and  what  he  chiefly 
sought  to  discover  was  the  means  by  which  those  men  had 
become  great.  He  remarked  that  military  glory  secures 
more  extended  fame  than  the  arts  of  peace  and  the  noble 
efforts  which  contribute  to  the  happiness  of  mankind. 
History  informs  us  that  great  military  talent  and  victory 
often  give  the  power,  which,  in  its  turn,  procures  the 
means  of  gratifying  ambition.  Napoleon  was  always  per- 
suaded that  that  power  was  essential  to  him,  in  order  to 
bend  men  to  his  will,  and  to  stifle  all  discussions  on  his 
conduct.  It  was  his  established  principle  never  to  sign  a 
disadvantageous  peace.  To  him  a  tai'nished  crown  was 
no  longer  a  ci'own.     He   said  one  day  to  M.  de  Caulain- 


1814.  CONDITIONS  OF  PEACE.  383 


court,  who  Avas  pressing  him  to  consent  to  sacrifices, 
"Courage  may  defend  a  crown,  but  infamy  never."  In 
all  the  last  acts  of  Napoleon's  career  I  can  retrace  the  im- 
press of  his  character,  as  I  had  often  recognised  in  the 
great  actions  of  the  Empei-or  the  execution  of  a  thought 
conceived  by  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  Italy. 

On  the  opening  of  the  Congress  the  Duke  of  Vicenza, 
convinced  that  he  could  no  longer  count  on  the  natural 
limits  of  France  promised  at  Frankfort  by  the  Allies,  de- 
manded new  powers.  Those  limits  were  doubtless  the 
result  of  reasonable  concessions,  and  they  had  been  granted 
even  after  the  battle  of  Leipsic  ;  but  it  was  now  necessary 
that  Napoleon's  Minister  should  show  himself  ready  to  make 
further  concessions  if  he  wished  to  be  allowed  to  negotiate. 
The  Congress  was  opened  on  the  5th  of  February,  and  on 
the  7th  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allied  powers  declared 
themselves  categorically.  They  inserted  in  the  protocol 
that  after  the  successes  which  had  favoured  their  armies  they 
insisted  on  France  being  restored  to  her  old  limits,  such 
as  they  were  during  the  monarchy  before  the  Revolution  ; 
and  that  she  should  renounce  all  direct  influence  beyond 
her  future  limits. 

This  proposition  appeared  so  extraordinary  to  M.  de 
Caulaincourt  that  he  requested  the  sitting  might  be  sus- 
pended, since  the  conditions  departed  too  far  from  his 
instructions  to  enable  him  to  give  an  immediate  answer. 
The  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allied  powers  acceded  to  his 
request,  and  the  continuation  of  the  sitting  was  jDOstponed 
till  eight  in  the  evening.  When  it  was  resumed  the  Duke 
of  Vicenza  renewed  his  promise  to  make  the  greatest  sac- 
rifices for  the  attainment  of  jjeace.  He  added  that  the 
amount  of  che  sacrifices  necessarily  depended  on  the  amount 
of  the  compensations,  and  that  he  could  not  determine  on 
any  concession  or  compensation  without  being  made 
acquainted  with  the  whole.  He  wished  to  have  a  general 
plan  of  the  views  of  the  Allies,  and  he  requested  that  their 


384         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813- 

Plenipotentiaries  would  explain  themselves  decidedly  re- 
specting tbe  number  and  description  of  the  sacrifices  and 
compensations  to  be  demanded.  It  must  be  acknowledged 
that  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  perfectly  fulfilled  the  views  of 
the  Emperor  in  thus  protracting  and  gaining  time  by  sub- 
tle subterfuges,  for  all  that  he  suggested  had  already  been 
done. 

On  the  day  after  this  sitting  some  advantages  gained  b}^ 
the  Allies,  who  took  Chatillon-sur-Marne  and  Troyes,  in- 
duced Napoleon  to  direct  Caulaincourt  to  declare  to  the 
Congress  that  if  an  armistice  were  immediately  agreed  on 
he  was  ready  to  consent  to  France  being  restored  to  her 
old  limits.  By  securing  this  armistice  Napoleon  hoped 
that  happy  chances  might  arise,  and  that  intrigues  might 
be  set  on  foot  ;  but  the  Allies  would  not  listen  to  any  such 
proposition. 

At  the  sitting  of  the  10th  of  March  the  Duke  of  Vicenza 
inserted  in  the  protocol  that  the  last  courier  he  had  re- 
ceived had  been  arrested  and  detained  a  considerable  time 
by  several  Russian  general  officers,  who  had  obliged  him 
to  deliver  up  his  despatches,  which  had  not  been  returned 
to  him  till  thirty-six  hours  after  at  Chaumont.  Caulain- 
court justly  complained  of  this  infraction  of  the  law  of 
nations  and  established  usage,  which,  he  said,  was  the  sole 
cause  of  the  delay  in  bringing  the  negotiations  to  a  con- 
clusion. After  this  complaint  he  communicated  to  the 
Congress  the  ostensible  instructions  of  Napoleon,  in  which 
he  authorised  his  Minister  to  acceie  to  the  demands  of 
the  Allies.  But  in  making  this  communication  M.  de 
Caulaincourt  took  care  not  to  explain  the  private  and  se- 
cret instructions  he  had  also  received.  The  Allies  rejected 
the  armistice  because  it  would  have  checked  their  victo- 
rious advance  ;  but  they  consented  to  sign  the  definitiv*. 
peace,  which  of  all  things  was  what  the  Emperor  did  not 
wish. 

Napoleon  at  length  determined  to  make  sacrifices,  and 


1814.       CAVLAINCOUnr'S  COUNTER-PROJECTS.         385 

the  Duke  of  Vicenza  submitted  new  propositions  to  the 
Congress.  The  Allies  replied,  in  the  same  sitting,  that 
these  propositions  contained  no  distinct  and  explicit  dec- 
lai'ation  on  the  project  presented  by  them  on  the  17th  of 
February  ;  that,  having  on  the  28th  of  the  same  month, 
demanded  a  decisive  answer  within  the  term  of  ten  days, 
they  were  about  to  break  up  the  negotiations.  Caulain- 
court  then  declared  verbally  : — 

1st.  That  the  Emperor  Napoleon  was  ready  to  renounce  all  pre- 
tension or  influence  whatever  in  countries  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  France. 

2d.  To  recognise  the  independence  of  Spain,  Italy,  Switzerland, 
Germany,  and  Holland,  and  that  as  to  England,  France  would 
make  such  concessions  as  might  be  deemed  necessary  in  considera- 
tion of  a  reasonable  equivalent. 

Upon  this  the  sitting  was  immediately  broken  up  with- 
out a  reply.  It  must  be  remarked  that  this  singular  dec- 
laration was  verbal,  and  consequently  not  binding,  and 
that  the  limits  of  France  were  mentioned  without  being- 
specified.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  Napoleon  meant  the 
limits  conceded  at  Frankfort,  to  which  he  was  well  con- 
vinced the  Allies  would  not  consent,  for  circumstances 
were  now  changed.  Besides,  what  could  be  meant  by  the 
reasonable  equivalent  from  England  ?  Is  it  astonishing  that 
this  obscurity  and  vagueness  should  have  banished  all 
confidence  on  the  part  of  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  Al- 
lied powers  ?  Three  days  after  the  sitting  of  the  10  th  of 
March  they  declared  they  could  not  even  enter  into  a 
discussion  of  the  verbal  protocol  of  the  French  Minister. 
They  requested  that  M.  de  Caulaincourt  would  declare 
whether  he  would  accept  or  reject  the  project  of  a  treaty 
presented  by  the  Allied  Sovereigns,'  or  ofier  a  counter- 
project. 

The  Duke  of  Vicenza,,  who  was  still  prohibited,  by  secret 

•  The  conditions  of  this  treaty  werettie  bouudarie;;  of  France  before  tha  Revolu- 
tion.— Bonrrieniie. 

Vol.  III. -25 


386         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1813- 

instructions  from  coming  to  any  conclusion  on  the  pro- 
posed basis,  inserted  in  the  protocol  of  the  sitting  of  the 
13th  of  March  a  very  ambiguous  note.  The  Plenipoten- 
tiaries of  the  Allies,  in  their  reply,  insisted  upon  receiv- 
ing another  declaration  from  the  French  Plenipotentiary, 
which  should  contain  an  acceptance  or  refusal  of  their 
project  of  a  treaty  pi'esented  in  the  conference  of  the  7th 
of  February,  or  a  counter-project.  After  much  discussion 
Caulaincourt  agi'eed  to  draw  up  a  counter-project,  which 
he  presented  on  the  15th,  under  the  following  title  :  "Pro- 
ject of  a  definitive  Treaty  between  France  and  the  Allies." 
In  this  extraordinary  project,  presented  after  so  much 
delay,  M.  de  Caulaincourt,  to  the  great  astonishment  of 
the  Allies,  departed  in  no  respect  from  the  declarations  of 
the  10th  of  March.  He  replied  again  to  the  ultimatum  of 
the  Allies,  or  what  he  wished  to  regard  as  such,  by  de- 
fending a  multitude  of  petty  interests,  which  were  of  no 
importance  in  so  great  a  contest  ;  but  in  general  the  con- 
ditions seemed  rather  those  of  a  conqueror  dictating  to 
his  enemies  than  of  a  man  overwhelmed  by  misfortune. 
As  may  readily  be  imagined,  they  were,  for  the  most  part, 
received  with  derision  by  the  Allies. 

Everything  tends  to  prove  that  the  French  Plenipoten- 
tiary had  received  no  positive  instructions  from  the  5th  of 
February,  and  that,  after  all  the  delay  which  Napoleon 
constantly  created,  Caulaincourt  never  had  it  in  his  power 
to  answer,  categorically,  the  propositions  of  the  Allies. 
Napoleon  never  intended  to  make  peace  at  Chatillon  on 
the  terms  proposed.  He  always  hoped  that  some  fortu- 
nate event  would  enable  him  to  obtain  more  favourable 
conditions. 

On  the  18th  of  March,  that  is  to  say,  three  days  after 
the  presentation  of  this  project  of  a  treaty,  the  Plenipo- 
tentiaries of  the  Allies  recorded  in  the  protocol  their 
reasons  for  rejecting  the  extraordinary  project  of  the 
French  Minister.     For  my  part,  I  was  convinced,  for  the 


1814.  THE  CONFMRENGE  BROREN  VP.  f^Sr 

reasons  I  have  mentioned,  that  the  Emperor  would  never 

agi'ee  to  sign  the  conditions  proposed  in  the  ultimatum  of 
the  Allies,  dated  the  13tli  of  March,  and  I  remember  hav- 
ing expressed  that  opinion  to  M.  de  Talleyrand.  I  saw 
him  on  the  14th,  and  found  him  engaged  in  perusing  some 
inteUigence  he  had  just  received  from  the  Duke  of  Vicen- 
za,  announcing,  as  beyond  all  doubt,  the  early  signature 
of  peace.  Caulaincourt  had  received  orders  to  come  to  a 
conclusion.  Napoleon,  he  said,  had  given  him  a  carte 
blanche  to  save  the  capital,  and  avoid  a  battle,  by  which 
the  last  resources  of  the  nation  would  be  endangered. 
This  seemed  pretty  positive,  to  be  sure  ;  but  even  this 
assurance  did  not,  for  a  moment,  alter  my  opinion.  The 
better  to  convince  me,  M.  de  Talleyrand  gave  me  Caulain- 
court's  letter  to  read.  After  reading  it  I  confidently  said, 
'•'  He  will  never  sign  the  conditions."  M.  de  Talleyrand 
could  not  help  thinking  me  very  obstinate  in  my  opinion, 
for  he  judged  of  what  the  Emperor  would  do  by  his  situ- 
ation, while  I  judged  by  his  character.  I  told  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand that  Caulaincourt  might  have  received  written 
orders  to  sign,  for  the  sake  of  showing  them  to  the  Pleni- 
potentiaries of  the  Allies,  but  that  I  had  no  doubt  he  had 
been  instructed  to  postpone  coming  to  a  conclusion,  and 
to  wait  for  final  orders.  I  added,  that  I  saw  no  reason  to 
change  my  opinion,  and  that  I  continued  to  regard  the 
breaking  up  of  the  Congress  as  nearer  than  appearances 
seemed  to  indicate.  Accordingly,  three  days  afterwards, 
the  Allies  grew  tired  of  the  delay  and  the  conferences 
were  broken  up.  Thus  Napoleon  sacrificed  everything 
rather  than  his  glory.  He  fell  from  a  great  height,  but  he 
never,  by  his  signature,  consented  to  any  dismemberment 
of  France. 

The  Plenipotentiaries  of  the  Allies,  convinced  that  these 
renewed  difficulties  and  demands  had  no  other  object  but 
to  gain  time,  stated  that  the  Allied  powers,  faithful  to 
their  principles,  and  in   conformity  with  their  previous 


388         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1813. 

declarations,  regarded  the  negotiations  at  Cliatillou  as 
terminated  hy  the  French  Government.  This  rupture  of 
the  conferences  took  place  on  the  19th  of  March,  six  days 
after  the  presentation  of  the  ultimatum  of  the  Allied 
powers.'  The  issue  of  these  long  discussions  was  thus  left 
to  be  decided  by  the  chances  of  war,  which  were  not  very 
favourable  to  the  man  who  boldly  contended  against  armed 
Europe.  The  successes  of  the  Allies  during  the  confer- 
euces  at  Chatillon  had  opened  to  their  view  the  road  to 
Paris, ^  while  Napoleon  shrunk  from  the  necessity  of  sign- 
ing his  own  disgrace.  In  these  circumstances  was  to  be 
found  the  sole  cause  of  his  ruin,  and  he  might  have  said, 
"  Tout  est  perdu,  fors  la  gloire."    His  glory  is  immortal. 

'  The  conviviality  and  harmony  that  reigned  between  the  Ministers  made  the 
society  and  intercourse  at  Chatillon  most  agreeable.  The  diplomatists  dined  alter- 
nately with  each  other;  M.  de  Caulaincourt  liberally  passing  for  all  the  Ministers, 
through  the  French  advanced  posts,  convoys  of  all  the  good  cheer  in  epicurean 
wines,  etc.,  that  Paris  could  afford  ;  nor  was  female  society  wanting  to  comi)lete  the 
charm  and  banish  ennui  from  the  Ch&tillon  Congress,  which  I  am  sure  will  be  long 
recollected  with  sensations  of  pleasure  by  all  the  Plenipotentiaries  there  engaged 
(Memoirs  of  Lord  Bitryliersh). 

2  The  Emi^eror  Alexander  (of  Russia)  upon  the  slightest  reverse  gives  orders  to 
treat  upon  any  terms,  at  the  first  sign  of  success  he  will  listen  to  nothing  (Da  Vi- 
irolles,  tome  i.  p.  82). 


1814.  389 


CHAPTER    XXXni. 

1814. 

Curious  conversation  between  General  Rej'nier  and  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander— Napoleon  repulses  the  Prussians — The  Russians  at  Fontaine- 
bleau — Battle  of  Brienne — Sketch  of  the  campaign  of  France — Supper 
after  the  battle  of  Champ  Aubert— Intelligence  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Due  d'Angouleme  and  the  Comte  d'Artois  in  France — The  battle  of 
the  ravens  and  the  eagle — Battle  of  Craonue — Departure  of  the  Pope 
and  the  Spanish  Princes — Capture  of  a  convoy — Macdonald  at  the 
Emperor's  headquarters — The  inverted  cipher — Annex. 

I  WAS  always  persuaded,  and  everything  I  have  since  seen 
has  confirmed  my  opinion,  that  the  Allies  entering  France 
had  no  design  of  restoring  the  House  of  Bourbon,  or  of 
imposing  any  Government  whatever  on  the  French  peo- 
ple.'    They  came  to  destroy  and  not   to   found.     That 

•  This  statement  is  in  complete  agreement  with  the  Memoirs  of  the  Baron  de  Vi- 
troUes  (Paris,  Charpentier,  1884),  in  which  we  read  of  the  first  communications  of 
the  Royalists  in  Paris  with  the  Alhes.  Vitrolles  saw  Stadion,  the  Austrian  Plenipo- 
tentiary at  Chatillon,  apparently  on  the  10th  March  1814,  and  was  told  by  him 
that  if  Napoleon  acceded  to  conditions  which  gave  the  Allies  sufficient  guarantees, 
they  only  fought  to  obtain  peace,  and  would  seize  it  with  eagerness.  Mettemich,  a 
few  days  later,  met  him  in  the  s^me  way,  remarking  on  the  silence  of  France.  "We 
have  ti-aversed  France,  we  have  lived  in  it  for  more  than  two  months,  and  nothing  like 
this  has  been  shown  to  us.  .  .  .  We  have  found  in  the  population  with  which 
we  have  mixed  nothing  of  what  you  announce,  neither  need  of  repose,  remembrance 
of  former  days,  nor  even  any  general  expression  of  discontent  with  the  Emperor." 
Though  the  Comte  d'Artois  was  close  to  the  Allies'  headquarters  they  appeared  not 
to  know  or  to  care  anything  about  him  or  the  other  Princes.  There  is,  however, 
some  inconsistency  between  VitroUes'  description  and  Metternich's  own  account  of 
his  conversation  with  Alexander,  apparently  in  January  1814.  "  Napoleon's  power 
is  broken  and  will  not  rise  again.  .  .  .  When  the  overthrow  of  the  Empire  comes 
there  -will  be  only  the  Bourbons  to  take  possession  again  of  their  undying  rights  " 
(Mettemich,  vol.  i.  i>.  228).  Either  Mettemich  dissembled  very  much  with  Vitrolles, 
or  the  silence  of  the  occupied  provinces  had  changed  his  ideas  :  see  De  VitroUes, 
tome  ii.  pp.  76-112,  and  especially  p.  .312,  where,  when  the  Allies  were  in  Paris,  Dal- 
berg  tells  him  of  the  hesitation  of  Alexander  and  of  the  King  of  Prussia. 

Writing  long  afterwards  iletternich  (vol.  i.  p.  244)  says,  "  The  form  of  government 


390         MEMOIES   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 


which  they  wished  to  destroy  from  the  commencement  of 
their  success  was  Napoleon's  supremacy,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  future  invasions  with  which  the}^  beheved  Europe 
would  still  be  constantly  threatened.  If,  indeed,  I  had 
entertained  any  doubt  on  this  subject  it  would  have  been 
banished  by  the  account  I  heard  of  General  Reynier's 
conversation  with  the  Emperor  Alexander.  That  General, 
who  was  made  prisoner  at  Leipsic,  Avas  exchanged,  and 
returned  to  France.  In  the  beginning  of  February  1814 
he  passed  through  Troyes,  where  the  Emperor  Alexander 
then  was.  Reynier  expressed  a  desire  to  be  allowed  to 
pay  his  respects  to  the  Emperor,  and  to  thank  him  for 
having  restored  him  to  liberty.  He  was  received  with  that 
aflf^ibility  of  manner  which  was  sometimes  affected  by  the 
Russian  monarch. 

On  his  arrival  at  Paris  General  Reynier  called  at  the 
Due  de  Rovigo's,  where  I  had  dined  that  day,  and  where 
he  still  was  when  I  arrived.  He  related  in  my  hearing  the 
conversation  to  which  I  have  alluded,  and  stated  that  it 
had  all  the  appearance  of  sincerity  on  the  Emperor's  part. 
Having  asked  Alexander  whether  he  had  any  instructions 
for  Napoleon,  as  the  latter,  on  learning  that  he  had  seen 
his  Majesty  would  not  fail  to  ask  him  many  questions,  he 
replied  that  he  had  nothing  particular  to  communicate  to 
him.  Alexander  added  that  he  was  Napoleon's  friend,  but 
that  he  had,  personally,  much  reason  to  complain  of  his 
conduct ;  that  the  Allies  would  have  nothing  more  to  do 
with  him  ;  that  they  had  no  intention  of  forcing  any  Sov- 
ereign upon  France  ;  but  that  they  would  no  longer  ac- 
knowledge Napoleon  as  Emperor  of  the  French.  "  For 
m}^  part,"  said  Alexander,  "  I  can  no  longer  place  any  con- 

which  Napoleon  had  introduced  was  agreeable  to  all  France,  but  it  was  weary  of 
wars,  of  which  it  could  see  no  end.  The  return  of  the  Bourbons  was  not  longed  for 
in  the  sense  which  the  Royalists  attributed  to  this  feeling,  and  the  Royalist  party 
itself  had  much  diminished  during  the  course  of  five  and  twenty  years.  It  was  longed 
for  by  the  friends  of  public  order  and  political  peace — that  is,  by  the  great  majority 
01  the  iiatiuu." 


1814.    INTENTIONS  OF  THE  RUSSIAN  EMPEROR.      391 


fidence  in  him.  He  lias  deceived  me  too  often."  In  reply 
to  this  Reynier  made  some  remarks  dictated  by  his  attach- 
ment and  fidelity  to  Bonaparte.  He  observed  that  Napo- 
leon was  acknowledged  as  Sovereign  of  France  by  every 
treaty.  "  But,"  added  Eeynier,  "  if  you  should  persist  in 
forcing  him  to  resign  the  supreme  power,  whom  will  you 
put  in  his  place  ?  " — "  Did  you  not  choose  him  ;  why  then 
can  you  not  choose  some  one  else  to  govern  you  ?  I  re- 
peat that  we  do  not  intend  to  force  any  one  upon  you  : 
but  we  will  have  no  more  to  do  with  Napoleon." 

Several  Generals  were  then  named  ;  and  after  Reynier 
had  explained  the  great  difficulties  which  would  oppose 
any  such  choice,  Alexander  interrupted  him  saying,  "  But, 
General,  there  is  Bernadotte.'  Has  he  not  been  volun- 
tarily chosen  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden  ;  may  he  not  also  be 
raised  to  the  same  rank  in  France  ?  He  is  your  country- 
man ;  surely  then  you  may  choose  him,  since  the  Swedes 
took  him,  though  a  foreigner."  General  Reynier,  who  was 
a  man  of  firm  character,  started  some  objections,  which  I 
thought  at  the  time  well  founded  ;  and  Alexander  put  an 
end  to  the  conversation  by  saying,  rather  in  a  tone  of  dis- 
satisfaction, "Well,  General,  the  fate  of  arms  will  decide." 

The  campaign  of  France  forced  Napoleon  to  adopt  a 
kind  of  operations  quite  new  to  him.  He  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  attack  ;  but  he  was  now  obliged  to  stand  on  his 
defence,  so  that,  instead  of  having  to  execute  a  previously 
conceived  plan,  as  when,  in  the  Cabinet  of  the  Tuileries, 

*  Alexander  said  to  the  Baron  de  Vitrolles,  on  the  17th  March  1814,  at  Troyes, 
''We  have  already  carefully  sought  for  what  would  suit  France  if  Napoleon  disap- 
peared. Some  time  ago  we  thought  of  Bernadotte  ;  his  influence  over  the  army,  the 
favour  in  which  he  must  be  with  the  friends  of  the  Revolution,  had  at  one  time  fixed 
our  views  on  him,  but  afterwards  several  motives  have  made  us  put  him  aside " 
{Vitrolles,  tome  i.  p.  119).  Alexander  did  not  state  the  reasons  against  Bernadotte. 
The  speech  must  have  been  striking  to  Vitrolles  (who  had  come  to  plead  the  cause 
of  the  Bourbons),  who  had  when  a  boy  been  taught  fencing  by  Bernadotte,  then  a 
Serjeant  of  the  regiment  "Royal  Marine."  It  is  due  to  Bernadotte  that  he  when 
Marshal  and  Prince  never  forgot  the  kind  way  he  had  been  received  when  sorjeant 
by  the  family  of  Vitrolles,  and  it  was  to  him  that  Vitrolles  owed  his  removal  from 
the  list  of  emigrants  {Vitrolles'  Introduction,  p.  xiii.) 


393         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1814. 


he  traced  out  to  me  the  field  of  Marengo,  he  had  now  to 
determine  his  movements  according  to  those  of  his  nu- 
merous enemies.  "When  the  Emperor  arrived  at  Chalons- 
sur-Marne  the  Prussian  army  was  advancing  by  the  road 
of  Lorraine.  He  drove  it  back  beyond  St.  Dizier.  Mean- 
while the  Grand  Austro-Eussian  army  passed  the  Seine 
and  the  Yonne  at  Montereau,  and  even  sent  forward  a 
corps  which  advanced  as  far  as  Fontainebleau.  Napo- 
leon then  made  a  movement  to  the  right  in  order  to  drive 
back  the  troops  which  threatened  to  march  on  Paris,  and 
by  a  curious  chance  he  came  up  with  the  troops  in  the 
very  place  where  he  passed  the  boyish  years  in  which  he 
cherished  what  then  seemed  wild  and  fabulous  dreams  of 
his  future  fate.  What  thoughts  and  recollections  must 
have  crowded  on  his  mind  when  he  found  himself  an  Em- 
peror and  a  King,  at  the  head  of  a  yet  powerful  army,  in 
the  chateau  of  the  Comte  de  Brieune,  to  whom  he  had  so 
often  paid  his  homage !  It  was  at  Brienne  that  he  had 
said  to  me,  thirty-four  years  before,  "  I  will  do  these 
Frenchmen  all  the  harm  I  can."  Since  then  he  had  cer- 
tainly changed  his  mind  ;  but  it  might  be  said  that  fate 
persisted  in  forcing  the  man  to  realise  the  design  of  the 
boy  in  spite  of  himself.  No  sooner  had  Napoleon  revisited 
Brienne  as  a  conqueror  than  he  was  repulsed  and  hurried 
to  his  fall,  which  became  every  moment  more  certain.' 

I  shall  not  enter  into  any  details  of  the  campaign  of 
France,  because  the  description  of  battles  forms  no  part  of 
my  plan.  Still,  I  think  it  indispensable  briefly  to  describe 
Napoleon's  mu'aculons  activity  from  the  time  of  his  leav- 
ing Paris  to  the  entrance  of  the  Allies  into  the  capitaL 
Few  successful  campaigns  have  enabled  our  Generals  and 
the  French  army  to  reap  so  much  glory  as  they  gained 
during  this  great  reverse  of  fortune.  For  it  is  possible 
to  triumph  without  honour,  and  to  fall  with  glory.     The 

•  All  enfjagement  took  place  at  Brienne,  anJ  Naimleon,  with  15,000  men,  kept 
80,000  Ru.ssians  in  check  for  twelve  \\o\xk.  —  Boiirrienne. 


1814.  THE  BATTLE  OF  BRIENNE.  393 

chances  of  the  war  were  not  doubtful,  but  certainly  the 
numerous  hosts  of  the  Allies  could  never  have  anticipated 
so  long  and  brilliant  a  resistance.  The  theatre  of  the  mili- 
tary operations  soon  approached  so  near  to  Paris  that  the 
general  eagerness  for  news  from  the  army  was  speedily 
satisfied,  and  when  any  advantage  was  gained  by  the  Em- 
peror his  partisans  saw  the  enemy  already  repulsed  from 
the  French  territory.  I  was  not  for  a  moment  deceived  by 
these  illusions,  as  I  well  knew  the  determination  and  the 
resources  of  the  Allied  sovereigns.  Besides,  events  were  so 
rapid  and  various  in  this  war  of  extermination  that  the 
guns  of  the  Invalides  announcing  a  victory  were  some- 
times immediately  followed  by  the  distant  rolling  of  artil- 
lery, denoting  the  enemy's  near  approach  to  the  capital. 

The  Emperor  left  Paris  on  the  25th  of  January,  at  which 
time  the  Emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria  and  the  King  of 
Prussia  were  assembled  at  Langres.  Napoleon  rejoined 
his  Guard  at  Vitry-le-Frangais.  On  the  second  day  after 
his  departvire  he  drove  before  him  the  Prussian  army, 
which  he  had  forced  to  evacuate  St.  Dizier.  Two  days 
after  this  the  battle  of  Brienne  was  fought,  and  on  the  1st 
of  February  between  70,000  and  80,000  French  and  Allied 
troops  stood  face  to  face.  On  this  occasion  the  command- 
ers on  both  sides  were  exposed  to  personal  danger,  for 
Napoleon  had  a  horse  killed  under  him,  and  a  Cossack  fell 
dead  by  the  side  of  Marshal  Blucher. 

A  few  days  after  this  battle  Napoleon  entered  Troyes, 
where  he  stayed  but  a  short  time,  and  then  advanced  to 
Champaubert.  At  the  latter  place  was  fought  the  battle 
which  bears  its  name.  The  Russians  were  defeated.  Gen- 
eral Alsufieff  was  made  prisoner,  and  2000  men  and  30  guns 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  French.  After  this  battle  the 
Emperor  was  under  such  a  delusion  as  to  his  situation  that 
while  supping  with  Berthier,  Marmont,  and  his  prisoner. 
General  Alsufieflf,  the  Emperor  said,  "  Another  such  vic- 
tory as  this,  gentlemen,  and  I  shall  be  on   the  Vistula." 


394         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 


Finding  that  no  one  replied,  and  reading  in  the  counte- 
nances of  his  Marshals  that  they  did  not  share  his  hopes, 
"I  see  how  it  is,"  he  added,  "everyone  is  growing  tired 
of  war  ;  there  is  no  more  enthusiasm.  The  sacred  fire  is 
extinct."  Then  rising  from  the  table,  and  stepping  up  to 
General  Drouot,  with  the  marked  intention  of  paying  him 
a  compliment  which  should  at  the  same  time  convey  a  cen- 
sure on  the  Marshals,  "General,"  said  he,  patting  him  on 
the  slioulder,  "  we  only  want  a  hundred  men  like  you,  and 
we  should  succeed."  Drouot  replied,  with  great  presence 
of  mind  and  modesty,  "  Rather  say  a  hundred  thousand, 
Sire."  This  anecdote  was  related  to  me  by  the  two  prin- 
cipal pei'sons  who  were  present  on  the  occasion. 

Napoleon  soon  began  to  have  other  subjects  of  dis- 
quietude besides  the  fate  of  battles.  He  was  aware  that 
since  the  beginning  of  February  the  Due  d'Angouleme 
had  arrived  at  St.  Jean  de  Luz,  whence  he  had  addressed 
a  proclamation  to  the  French  armies  in  the  name  of  his 
uncle,  Louis  XVIII.  ;  and  he  speedily  heard  of  the  Comte 
d'Artois'  arrival  at  Vesoul,  on  the  21st  of  February,  which 
place  he  did  not  leave  until  the  16th  of  March  following. 

Mean  wile  hostilities  were  maintained  with  increased 
vigor  over  a  vast  line  of  operations.  How  much  useless 
glory  did  not  our  soldiers  gain  in  these  conflicts  !  In  spite 
of  prodigies  of  valour  the  enemy's  masses  advanced,  and 
gradually  concentrated,  so  that  this  war  might  be  com- 
pared to  the  battles  of  the  ravens  and  the  eagle  in  the 
Alps.  The  eagle  slays  hundreds  of  his  assailants — every 
blow  of  his  beak  is  the  death  of  an  enemy,  but  still  the 
vultures  return  to  the  charge,  and  press  upon  the  eagle 
until  they  destroy  him. 

As  the  month  of  February  drew  to  its  close  the  Allies 
were  in  retreat  on  several  points,  but  their  retreat  was  not 
a  rout.  After  experiencing  reverses  they  fell  back  without 
disorder,  and  retired  behind  the  Aube,  where  they  rallied 
and  obtained  numerous  reinforcements,  which  daily  ar- 


1814.        NAPOLEON'S  FALSE  CALCULATIONS.  395 


rived,  and  which  soon  enabled  them  to  resume  the  offen- 
Bive. 

Still  Napoleon  continued  astonishing  Europe,  leagued 
as  it  was  against  him.  At  Craonne,  on  the  7th  of  March, 
he  destroyed  Blucher's  corps  in  a  severe  action,  but  the 
victory  was  attended  by  great  loss  to  the  conqueror.' 
Marshal  Victor  was  seriously  wounded,  as  well  as  Generals 
Grouchy  and  La  Ferriere. 

While  Napoleon  was  resisting  the  numerous  enemies 
assembled  to  destroy  him  it  might  be  said  that  he  was 
also  his  own  enemy,  either  from  false  calculation  or  from 
negligence  with  respect  to  his  illustrious  prisoners,  who, 
on  his  departure  from  Paris,  had  not  yet  been  sent  to 
their  States.  The  Pope  was  then  at  Fontainebleau,  and 
the  Princes  of  Spain  at  Valen5ay.  The  Pope,  however, 
was  the  first  to  be  allowed  to  depart.  Surely  Bonaparte 
could  never  have  thought  of  the  service  which  the  Pope 
might  have  rendered  him  at  Rome,  into  which  Murat's 
troops  would  never  have  dared  to  march  had  his  Holiness 
been  present  there.  With  regard  to  the  Spanish  Princes 
Napoleon  must  have  been  greatly  blinded  by  confidence 
in  his  fortune  to  have  so  long  believed  it  possible  to  retain 
in  France  those  useless  trophies  of  defeated  pretensions. 
It  was,  besides,  so  easy  to  get  rid  of  the  exiles  of  Valenyay 
by  sending  them  back  to  tlie  place  from  whence  they  had 
been  brought !  It  was  so  natui*al  to  recall  with  all  speed 
the  troops  from  the  south  when  our  armies  in  Germany 
began  to  be  repulsed  on  the  Rhine  and  even  driven  into 
France !  ^     With  the  aid  of  these  veteran  troops  Napoleon 

■  Blucher,  of  course,  was  not  destroyed,  though  he  suffered  from  the  dispersal  of 
his  forces.  Jomini  (tome  iv.  p.  55H)  sums  up  the  day  thus  : — "  The  victory  was  ours 
(Napoleon's),  but  the  losses  we  suffered  made  it  fatal  to  us.  Both  sides  had  more 
than  6,000  men  hors  de  combat :  this  was  little  for  the  Allies,  but  was  much  for  us."' 
In  fact,  the  Allies  were  then  playing  the  same  costly  but  sure  game  as  was  adopted 
by  General  Grant  against  Lee  in  Virginia.  In  the  continual  fighting  the  smaller 
force,  however  relatively  smaller  its  loss,  still  was  the  greatest  sufferer. 

'  Though  Napoleon  undoubtedly  suffered  much  from  the  loss  of  men  left  in  the 
garrisons  in  Germany,  etc.,  it  must  not  be  assumed  that  these  were  all  veterans, 
thou^-li  probably  Dautzic  and  the  relish  fortresses  were  largely  occupied  ify  men 


396         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1814. 


and  his  genius  might  have  again  turned  the  scale  of  fort^ 
uue.  But  Napoleon  reckoned  on  the  nation,  and  he  was 
wrong,  for  the  nation  was  tired  of  him.  His  cause  had 
ceased  to  be  the  cause  of  France. 

The  latter  days  of  March  were  filled  up  by  a  series  of 
calamities  to  Napoleon.  On  the  23d  the  rear-guard  of 
the  French  army  suftered  considerable  loss.  To  hear  of 
attacks  on  his  rear-guard  must  indeed  have  been  mortify- 
ing to  Napoleon,  whose  advanced  guards  liad  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  open  the  path  of  victory  !  Prince  Schwartz- 
enberg  soon  passed  the  Aube  and  marched  upon  Vitry 
and  Chalons.  Napoleon,  counting  on  the  possibility  of 
defending  Paris,  threw  himself,  with  the  velocit}-  of  the 
eagle,  on  Schwartzenberg's  rear  by  passing  by  Doulevant 
and  Bar-sur-Aube.  He  pushed  forward  his  advanced 
guards  to  Chaumont,  and  there  saw  the  Austrian  army 
make  a  movement  which  he  took  to  be  a  retreat ;  but  it 
was  no  such  thing.  The  movement  was  directed  on  Paris, 
while  Blucher,  who  had  re-occupied  Chalous-sur-Marne, 
marched  to  meet  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  Napoleon, 
thinking  to  cut  off  their  retreat,  was  himself  cut  off  from 
the  possibility  of  returning  to  Paris.  Everything  then 
depended  6n  the  defence  of  Paris,  or,  to  speak  more  cor- 
rectly, it  seemed  possible,  by  sacrificing  the  capital,  to 
prolong  for  a  few  days  the  existence  of  the  phantom  of 
the  Empire  which  was  rapidly  vanishing.  On  the  26th 
was  fought  the  battle  of  Fere  Champenoise,  where,  valour 
yielding  to  numbers.  Marshals  Marmont  and  Mortier  were 
obliged  to  retire  upon  Sezanne  after  sustaining  consider- 
able loss. 

It  was  on  the  26th  of  March,  and  I  beg  the  reader  to 

levied  before  the  1812  campaign  ;  see,  however.  De  Gonneville's  description  of  his 
cuirassierB,  who  soon  formed  part  of  the  garrison  of  Hamburg.  The  men  had  not 
any  notion  of  the  way  to  set  about  saddling  their  horses,  and  when  mounted  the 
wliole  regiment  was  unhorsed  or  dispersed  through  the  fright  of  the  horses  when  tho 
men  attempted  to  draw  swords  to  return  the  compliment  of  a  guai'd  ( Gonneville, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  93-lul). 


1814.        BATTLE  OP  LA   FERE   CHAMPENOISE.        397 


bear  this  date  in  mind,  that  Napoleon  suffered  a  loss 
which,  in  the  circumstances  in  which  he  stood,  was  ir- 
reparable.' At  the  battle  of  Fere  Champenoise  the  Allies 
captured  a  convoy  consisting  of  nearly  all  the  remaining 
ammunition  and  stores  of  the  army,  a  vast  quantity  of 
arms,  caissons,  and  equipage  of  all  kinds.  The  whole  be- 
came the  prey  of  the  Allies,  who  published  a  bulletin  an- 
nouncing this  important  capture.  A  copy  of  this  order  of 
the  day  fell  into  the  hands  of  Marshal  Macdonald,  who 
thought  that  such  news  ought  immediately  to  be  com- 
municated to  the  Emperor.  He  therefore  repaired  him- 
self to  the  headquarters  of  Napoleon,  who  was  then  pre- 
paring to  recover  Vitr^^-le-Franjais,  which  was  occupied 
by  the  Prussians.  The  Marshal,  with  the  view  of  dissuad- 
ing the  Emperor  from  what  he  considered  a  vain  attempt, 
presented  him  with  the  bulletin. 

This  was  on  the  morning  of  the  27th :  Napoleon  would 
not  believe  the  news.  "  No  !  "  said  he  to  the  Marshal^ 
"you  are  deceived,  this  cannot  be  true."  Then  perusing 
the  bulletin  with  more  attention.  "  Here," said  he,  "look 
yourself.  This  is  the  27th,  and  the  bulletin  is  dated  the 
29th.  You  see  the  thing  is  impossible.  The  bulletin  is 
forged ! "  The  Marshal,  who  had  paid  more  attention  to 
the  news  than  to  its  date,  was  astounded.  But  having 
afterwards  shown  the  bulletin  to  Drouot,  that  General 
said,  "Alas !  Marshal,  the  news  is  but  too  true.  The  error 
of  the  date  is  merely  a  misprint,  the  9  is  a  6  inverted  !  " 
On  what  trifles  sometimes  depend  the  most  important 
events.  An  inverted  cipher  suf&ced  to  flatter  Bonaparte's 
illusion,  or  at  least  the  illusions  which  he  wished  to  main- 
tain among  his  most  distinguished   lieutenants,   and   to 

1  The  battle  of  La  Ft-re  Chami^enoise  was  fought  on  the  25th  not  on  the  26th 
March  (see  Thiers,  tome  xvii.  p.  562),  and  was  remarkable  for  two  things.  The 
aitillers'  of  the  Allies  fired  on  one  another  for  some  little  time,  and  a  column  of 
French  National  Guards,  50U0  odd  strong,  who  had  only  joined  the  army  ten  dayg 
befoi<i,  made  a  desperate  and  honourable  resistance  to  the  enormously  superior 
forces  brought  against  them  :  see  Muffling,  Passages  from  ray  Life,  pp.  602,  503, 
and  Jomini,  tome  iv.  pp.  581,  582. 


398        MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

delay  the  moment  when  they  should  discover  that  the  loss 
they  deplored  was  too  certain.  On  that  very  day  the 
Empress  left  Paris. 


[ANNEX  TO  THE  PRECEDING  CHAPTER.'] 

It  is  even  more  than  usually  difficult  to  fix  the  number 
of  troops  brought  into  the  field  in  the  campaign  of  1814 
as  both  sides  received  reinforcements,  and  as  a  large  part 
of  the  forces  originally  under  Soult  and  Suchet  were 
brought  northwards.  The  following  figures  seem  to  agree 
with  those  given  by  the  best  authorities  as  the  strength 
at  the  beginning  of  the  year.  The  army  of  Bohemia,  or 
the  Grand  Army  of  the  Allies,  under  Schwarzenberg,  was 
about  116,000  strong,  and  the  Ai'my  of  Silesia,  composed 
of  Russian  and  Prussian  corps,  under  Blucher,  about 
88,000  strong,  were  opposed  by  Napoleon  with  some  8700 
men.  Napoleon  was  reinforced  from  time  to  time,  but 
Schwarzenberg  had  a  reserve  of  5000  at  Bale  (Hamley, 
Operations  of  War,  p.  278).  Soult,  with  about  40,000 
men,  faced  Wellington  with  100,000,  of  whom  some  28,000 
were  employed  at  Bayonne.  In  Belgium  Maison,  with 
12,000  men,  faced  the  Duke  of  Saxe- Weimar  with  2500, 
and  in  Italy  Eugene,  with  36,000,  opposed  an  Austrian 
army  of  70,000,  eventually  joined  by  Murat.  The  French 
troops  which  held  the  various  fortresses  in  Germany  were 
blockaded  by  superior  numbers  of  the  Allies,  In  the  in- 
terior of  France  large  levies  were  being  made,  and  Auge- 
reau  was  sent  to  Lyons  to  command  a  force  of  young 
troops,  increased  by  drafts  from  Suchet,  to  meet  the 
Austrians  under  Bubna. 

In  this  defensive  campaign  of  1814  the  genius  of  Bona- 
parte displayed  itself  with  wonderful  brilhancy.  Accord- 
ing to  the  Marquis  of  Londonderry  : — 


1814.  BATTLE  OP  LA  ROTHIERE.  399 

"Napoleon,  after  the  battles  of  Brienne  and  La  Rothiere,  dis- 
played, by  his  masterly  movements  with  an  inferior  against  tico 
superior  armies,  and  by  braving  his  accumulated  difficulties,  that 
undoubted  science  in  war  which  his  bitterest  enemies  must  accord 
to  his  genius.  In  proportion  as  his  embarrassments  increased  he 
seemed  to  rise  superior  as  an  individual.  During  his  adverse  fort- 
une on  the  Elbe  he  appeared  fluctuating  and  irresolute,  and  his 
lengthened  stay  in  untenable  and  disadvantageous  positions  was  the 
cause  of  his  fatal  overthrow  at  Leipsic  and  of  subsequent  misfort- 
unes. But  now  he  appeared  once  more  to  have  burst  forth  with  all 
his  talent  and  all  his  energies  and  mental  resources."  ' 

At  the  battle  of  La  Rothiere  Napoleon  exhibited  great 
personal  courage,  and  Lord  Londonderry  remarks  : — 

"Bonaparte  was  seen  to  encourage  his  troops  and  expose  his  per- 
son fearlessly  during  the  combat,  and  Marshal  Blucher's  movement 
of  his  cavalry,  which  he  himself  led  on,  was  spoken  of  in  the  high- 
est terms.  Napoleon,  who  at  this  period  scarcely  acted  in  any  in- 
stance on  common  military  calculation,  drew  up  his  army  on  the  1st 
of  February  in  two  lines  on  the  great  plain  before  La  Eothiere, 
occupying  the  villages,  and  neglecting  much  stronger  ground  in  his 
rear  about  Brienne,  evidently  showing  that  he  meant  to  play  a  des- 
perate game.  He  led  on  la  jeu7ie  (jarde  in  person  against  Marshal 
Blucher's  army,  to  wrest  the  village  of  La  Rothiere  from  the  gallant 
corps  of  Sacken  ;  but  three  repeated  efforts  were  ineffectual.  All 
agreed  that  the  enemy  fought  with  great  intrepidity.  Bonaparte 
seemed  to  have  set  his  political  existence  on  a  die,  as  he  exposed 
himself  everywhere  :  his  horse  was  shot  under  him,  and  he  had 
the  mortification  of  witnessing  the  capture  of  a  battery  in  charge  of 
la  jeune  garde.  Had  Marshal  Blucher  not  previously  immortalised 
himself  this  day  would  have  crowned  him  in  the  annals  of  fame,  for 
whatever  were  the  well-grounded  apprehensions  entertained  by 
many  for  the  result  of  the  Prince  of  AViirtemberg's  attack  on  the 
right,  the  Marshal  dauntlessly  effected  those  combinations  upon 
which  the  result  of  the  day  depended.  The  Russian  artillery  were 
spoken  of  in  the  highest  terms  :  the  ground  was  covered  with  snow, 
and  so  deep  that  they  were  obliged  to  leave  one-half  of  their  guns  in 
the  rear.  Yet  by  harnessing  double  teams  to  the  other  half  they  con- 
trived to  bring  those  forward  and  get  a  sufficient  number  into  action. 


'  See  Narrative  of  the  War  in  Germauy  and  France  in  1813  and  1814. 


400         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1814. 


The  Allies  brought  about  70,000  or  80,000  men  into  this  battle  ;  the 
other  corps  of  the  army  were  not  yet  in  line  :  the  French  were  sup- 
posed to  have  about  the  same  strength.  The  enemy's  last  attack 
on  the  village  of  La  Rothiere  was  at  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of 
the  3d,  immediately  after  which  they  commenced  their  retreat. 
Passing  the  Aube  river,  they  took  up  a  very  strong  rear  guard  posi 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Lesmont." 


1814,  401 


CHAPTER    XXXIV. 
1814. 

The  men  of  the  Revohition  and  the  men  of  the  Empire — The  Council  of 
Regency — Departure  of  the  Empress  from  Paris — Marmont  and  Mor- 
tier — Joseph's  flight — Meeting  at  Marmont' s  hot^l — Capitulation  of 
Paris — Marmont's  interview  with  the  Emperor  at  Fontainebleau — 
Colonels  Fabvier  and  Denys — The  Royalist  cavalcade — Meeting  at  the 
hotel  of  the  Comte  de  Morfontaine — M.  de  Chauteaubriand  and  his 
pamphlet — Deputation  to  the  Emperor  Alexander — Entrance  of  the 
•  Allied  sovereigns  into  Paris — Alexander  lodged  in  M.  Talleyrand's 
hotel — Meetings  held  there — The  Emperor  Alexander's  declaration — 
My  appointment  as  Postmaster-General — Composition  of  the  Provi- 
sional Government — Mistake  respecting  the  conduct  of  the  Emperor  of 
Austria — Caulaincourt's  mission  from  Napoleon — His  interview  with 
the  Emperor  Alexander — Alexander's  address  to  the  deputation  of  the 
Senate — M.  de  Caulaincourt  ordered  to  quit  the  capital 

The  grandees  of  the  Empire  and  the  first  subjects  of  Na- 
poleon were  divided  into  two  classes  totally  distinct  from 
each  other.  Among  these  patronised  men  were  many  who 
had  been  the  first  patrons  of  Bonaparte  and  had  favoured 
his  accession  to  Consular  power.  This  class  was  composed 
of  his  old  friends  and  former  companions-in-arms.  The 
others,  who  may  be  called  the  children  of  the  Empire,  did 
not  carry  back  their  thoughts  to  a  period  which  they  had 
not  seen.'     They  had  never  known  anything  but  Napoleon 

'  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  the  way  in  which  the  Bourbons  had  dropped  out  of  the 
public  knowledge  at  this  time.  When  Davoust  announced  .it  Hamburg  the  recall  of 
Louis  XVIII.  the  soldiers  thought  it  w.-is  the  father  of  the  Due  d'Enghien,  or  the  eon 
of  Loui.s  XVI.  (Puymaigre,  p.  167).  De  Fezensac  writes  that  some  officers  could  not 
understand  who  was  meant,  saying  that  the  King  was  dead.  It  was  much  the  same 
among  the  upper  classes.  Tha  Maninise  de  Coigny,  hearing  the  Bourbons  men- 
tioned, said,  "  I  do  not  like  Ghonts"  ("repe/ia?iis  ").  Metternich  said  in  March 
1811  to  De  Vitrolles  that  in  the  part  of  France  the  Allies  had  then  crossed  nothing 
showed  any  remembrance  of  former  days,  or  even  any  general  expression  of  discou. 

Vol.  III.— 26 


402         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

axid  the  Empire,  beyond  which  the  sphere  of  their  ideas 
did  not  extend,  while  among  Napoleon's  old  brothers-in- 
arms it  was  still  remembered  that  there  was  once  a  country, 
a  France,  before  they  had  helped  to  give  it  a  master.  To 
this  class  of  men  France  was  not  confined  to  the  narrow 
circle  of  the  Imperial  headquarters,  but  extended  to  the 
Rhine,  the   Alps,  the   Pyrenees,  and   the   two  oceans. 

On  the  other  hand,  numbers  of  ardent  and  adventurous 
young  men,  full  of  enthusiasm  for  Bonaparte,  had  jDassed 
from  the  school  to  the  camp.  They  were  entirely  opposed 
to  Napoleon's  downfall,  because  with  his  power  would 
vanish  those  dreams  of  glory  and  fortune  which  had  cap- 
tivated their  imaginations.  These  young  men,  who  be- 
longed to  the  class  which  I  have  denominated  children  of 
the  Empire,  were  prepared  to  risk  and  commit  everything 
to  prolong  the  political  life  of  their  Emperor. 

The  distinction  I  have  drawn  between  what  may  be 
called  the  men  of  France  and  the  men  of  the  Emj)ire  was 
not  confined  to  the  army,  but  was  equally  marked  among 
the  high  civil  functionaries  of  the  State.'  The  old  Republi- 
cans could  not  possibly  regard  Napoleon  with  the  same  eyes 
as  those  whose  elevation  dated  only  from  Napoleon  ;  and 
the  members  of  assemblies  anterior  to  the  18th  Brumaire 
could  not  entertain  the  same  ideas  as  those  whose  notions 
of  national  franchises  and  public  rights  were  derived  from 
their  seats  as  auditors  in  the  Council  of  State.  I  know  not 
whether  this  distinction  between  the  men  of  two  different 
periods  has  been  before  pointed  out,  but  it  serves  to  ex- 
tent with  Napoleon.  As  De  VitroUes  himself  says,  the  Bourbons  had  only  been 
named  once  since  Napoleon  reigned,  nnd  then  it  was  in  the  ditch  of  Vincennes  ;  see 
De  VitroUes,  tome  i.  pp.  23,  47,  and  9(5. 

'  For  a  good  deticription  of  a  specimen  of  this  cla.ss  of  men  see  Beugnot  (vol  ii.  pj). 
27-38),  where  he  pictures  one  of  the  conventionalists,  Jean  Bon  St.  Andre,  the  Pro- 
feet  of  Mayence,  disliking  the  frippery  and  despotism  of  the  Empire,  not  afraid  in 
the  very  presence  of  the  Emperor  to  dwell  on  the  temptation  to  throw  him  into  the 
Rhine,  and  prophesying  that  Napoleon  would  bring  France  to  disaster,  but  himself 
serving  France  faithfully,  and  dying  from  disfr.<;e  contracted  in  succouring  the 
wounded,  while  others  were  dreaming  of  what  they  might  gain  from  betraying  their 
country. 


1814.  PARTY  FEELING  IN  PARIS.  403 


plain  the  conduct  of  many  persons  of  elevated  rank  during 
the  events  of  1814.  With  regard  to  myself,  convinced  as 
I  was  of  the  certainty  of  Napoleon's  fall,  I  conceived  that 
the  first  duty  of  every  citizen  was  claimed  by  his  country  ; 
and  althoiigh  I  may  incur  censure,  I  candidly  avow  that 
NajDoleon's  treatment  of  me  during  the  last  four  years  of 
his  j30wer  was  not  without  some  influence  on  my  prompt 
submission  to  the  Government  which  succeeded  his.  I, 
however,  declai'e  that  this  consideration  was  not  the  sole 
nor  the  most  powerful  motive  of  my  conduct.  Only  those 
who  were  in  Paris  at  the  period  of  the  capitulation  can 
form  an  idea  of  the  violence  of  party  feeling  which  pre- 
vailed there  both  for  and  against  Napoleon,  but  without 
the  name  of  the  Bourbons  ever  being  pronounced.  They 
were  almost  unknowai  to  the  new  generation,  forgotten 
by  many  of  the  old,  and  feared  by  the  conventionalists  ; 
at  that  time  they  possessed  only  the  frail  support  of  the 
coteries  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  and  some  remains 
of  the  emigration.  But  as  it  is  certain  that  the  emigrants 
could  offer  only  vain  demonstrations  and  wishes  in  sup- 
port of  the  old  family  of  our  Kings,  they  did  little  to 
assist  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons.  Another  thing 
equally  certain  is,  that  they  alone,  by  their  follies  and 
absurd  pretensions,  brought  about  the  return  of  Bona- 
parte and  the  second  exile  of  Louis  XVHr.  in  the  follow- 
ing year. 

On  the  28th  of  March  was  convoked  an  extraordinary 
Council  of  Kegency,  at  which  Maria  Louisa  jDresided. 
The  question  discussed  was,  whether  the  Empress  should 
remain  in  Paris  or  proceed  to  Blois.  Joseph  Bonaparte 
strongly  urged  her  departure,  because  a  letter  from  the 
Emperor  had  directed  that  in  case  of  Paris  being  threat- 
ened the  Empress-Regent  and  all  the  Council  of  Regency 
should  retire  to  Blois.  The  Arch-Chancellor  and  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Council  were  of  the  same  opinion,  but  one 
of  the  most  influential  members  of  the  Council  observed 


404         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

to  Joseph  that  the  letter  referred  to  had  been  written 
under  circumstances  very  different  from  those  then  exist- 
ing, and  that  it  was  important  the  Empress  should  remain 
in  Paris,  where  she  would,  of  course,  obtain  from  the  Em- 
peror her  father  and  the  Allied  sovereigns,  more  advan- 
tageous conditions  than  if  she  were  fifty  leagues  from 
Paris.  The  adoption  of  this  opinion  would  only  have 
retarded  for  a  few  days  a  change  which  had  become  in- 
evitable ;  nevertheless  it  might  have  given  rise  to  great 
difficulties.  It  must  be  admitted  that  for  the  interests  of 
Napoleon  it  was  the  wisest  counsel  that  could  be  sug- 
gested.    However,  it  was  overruled  by  Joseph's  advice. 

M.  de  Talleyrand,  as  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Re- 
gency, also  received  the  order  to  quit  Paris  on  the  30th  of 
March.  At  this  period  I  was  at  his  house  every  day. 
When  I  went  to  him  that  day  I  was  told  he  had  started. 
However  I  went  up,  and  remained  some  time  in  his  hotel 
with  several  of  his  friends  who  had  met  there.  We  soon 
saw  him  return,  and  for  my  part  I  heard  with  satisfaction 
that  they  had  not  allowed  him  to  pass  the  barriers.  It 
was  said  then,  and  it  has  been  repeated  since,  that  M.  de 
Talleyrand  was  not  a  stranger  to  the  gentle  violence  used 
towards  him.  The  same  day  of  this  visit  to  M.  de  Talley- 
rand I  also  went  to  see  the  Due  de  Rovigo  (Savary),  with 
the  friendly  object  of  getting  him  to  remain,  and  to  profit 
by  his  position  to  prevent  disturbances.  He  refused 
without  hesitating,  as  he  only  thought  of  the  Emperor. 
I  found  him  by  his  fireside,  where  there  was  a  large  fire, 
in  which  he  was  burning  all  the  papers  which  might  have 
compromised  every  one  who  had  served  his  -ministry  (Po- 
lice). I  congratulated  him  sincerely  on  this  loyal  occupa- 
tion :  fire  alone  could  purify  the  mass  of  filth  and  denunci- 
ations which  encumbered  the  police  archives.' 

'  Talleyrand  was  most  anxious  not  to  leave  Paris,  and  he  applied  to  Savary  to 
obtain  permission  to  remain.  Savary  refused,  and  told  him  that  he  ought  to  start, 
but  unfortunately  did  not  make  sure  that  the  Prince  really  did  so.  It  is  said  that 
it  was  M.  de  Remusat  who  carried  out  the  little  plot  by  which  the  willing  Talleyrand 


1814.  MARMONT  AND  MORTIER.  405 

On  the  departure  of  the  Empress  many  persons  expect- 
ed a  popular  movement  in  favour  of  a  change  of  Govern- 
ment, but  the  capital  remained  tranquil.  Many  of  the 
inhabitants,  indeed,  thought  of  defence,  not  for  the  sake 
of  presei'ving  Napoleon's  government,  but  merely  from 
that  ardour  of  feeling  which  belongs  to  our  national  char- 
acter. Strong  indignation  was  excited  by  the  thought  of 
seeing  foreigners  masters  of  Paris — a  circumstance  of 
which  there  had  been  no  example  since  the  reign  of 
Charles  VII.  Meanwhile  the  critical  moment  approached. 
On  the  29th  of  March  Marshals  Marmont  and  Mortier  fell 
back  to  defend  the  approaches  to  Paris.  During  the 
night  the  barriers  were  consigned  to  the  care  of  the  Na- 
tional Guard,  and  not  a  foreigner,  not  even  one  of  their 
agents,  was  allowed  to  enter  the  capital. 

At  daybreak  on  the  30th  of  March  the  whole  popula- 
tion of  Paris  v/as  awakened  by  the  report  of  cannon, 
and  the  plain  of  St.  Denis  was  soon  covered  with  Allied 
troops,  who  were  debouching  upon  it  from  all  points. 
The  heroic  valour  of  our  troops  was  unavailing  against 
such  a  numerical  sujDeriority.  But  the  Allies  paid  dearly 
for  their  entrance  into  the  French  capital.  The  National 
Guard,  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Moncey,  and  the 
pupils  of  the  Polytechnic  School  transformed  into  artillery 
men,  behaved  in  a  manner  worthy  of  veteran  troops. 
The  conduct  of  Marmont  on  that  day  alone  would  suffice 
to  immortalise  him.  The  corps  he  commanded  was  re- 
was  turned  back  from  the  barriers  and  left  free  to  plan  a  new  career  for  himself,  much 
puzzled  as  he  was  to  know  which  side  to  take  ;  see  Savary,  tome  vii.  p.  21.  A  large 
portion  of  the  dignitaries  ordered  to  Blois  did  not  go  (see  Miot,  tome  iii.  p.  389),  the 
feeling  at  Paris  being  the  exact  opposite  to  that  entertained  by  Beugnot,  who  was 
then  in  the  provinces  at  Lille.  "  I  had  long  considered  the  Emperor  as  lost,  but  I 
had  no  notion  that  his  misfortunes  absolved  me  from  my  oaths  {Beug7iot,  vol.  li.  p. 
89). 

Bourrienne's  pleasure  at  seeing  Savary  engaged  in  destroying  the  police  records 
was  most  natural ;  his  belief  that  Savary  would  at  once  leave  his  fallen  master  is 
characteristic,  and  resembles  that  of  his  friend  Talleyrand,  who  tried  to  dissuade 
Meneval  from  accompanying  the  Empress  into  Austria  ;  see  Meneval,  tome  iii.  p. 
386.  All  this  time  Bourrienne  veas  most  busy.  We  shall  find  him  a  few  pages  far- 
ther ou  trying  to  lure  over  Marmont. 


40G         MEMOIRS  OB'  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1814. 

duced  to  between  7000  and  8000  infantry  and  800  cavahy, 
with  whom,  for  the  space  of  twelve  hours  he  maintained 
his  ground  against  an  army  of  55,000  men,  of  whom  it  is 
said  14,000  were  killed,  wounded,  and  taken.  Marshal 
Marmont  put  himself  so  forward  in  the  heat  of  the  battle 
that  a  dozen  of  men  were  killed  by  the  bayonet  at  his  side, 
and  his  hat  was  perforated  by  a  ball.  But  what  was  to 
be  done  against  overwhelming  numbers  ! 

In  this  state  of  things  the  Duke  of  Ragusa  made  known 
his  situation  to  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who  authorised  him  to 
negotiate, 

Joseph's  answer  is  so  important  in  reference  to  the 
events  which  succeeded  that  I  will  transcribe  it  here. 

If  the  Dukes  of  Ragusa  and  Treviso  can  no  longer  liold  out,  tliey 
are  authorised  to  negotiate  with  Prince  Schwartzenberg  and  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  who  are  before  them. 

They  will  fall  back  on  the  Loire.  (Signed)         Joseph. 

MoMTMAETRE,  SOz/i  Mavch  1814, 
i^  past  12  oclock. 

It  was  not  until  a  considei-able  time  after  the  receipt  of 
this  formal  authority  that  Marmont  and  Mortier  ceased  to 
make  a  vigorous  resistance  against  the  Allied  army,  for 
the  susi^ension  of  arms  was  not  agreed  upon  until  four  in 
the  aftenioon.  It  was  not  waited  for  by  Joseph  ;  at  a 
quarter  past  twelve — that  is  to  saj,  immediately  after  he 
had  addi'essed  to  Marmont  the  authority  just  alluded  to 
— Joseph  repaired  to  the  Bois  de  Boulogne  to  regain  the 
Versailles  road,  and  from  thence  to  proceed  to  Rambou- 
illet.  The  jwecipitate  flight  of  Joseph  astonished  only 
those  who  did  not  know  him.  I  know  for  a  fact  that  sev- 
eral ofl&cers  attached  to  his  staff  were  much  dissatisfied  at 
his  alacrity  on  this  occasion. 

In  these  circumstances  what  was  to  be  done  but  to 
save  Paris,  which  there  was  no  possibility  of  defending 
two  hours  longer.  '     Methinks  I  still  see  Marmont  when, 

'  Here  Bourrienne  follows  the  account  given  in  the  Memoirs  of  Marmont  taken  fronj 


1814.  MEETING  AT  MARMONT'8  HOTEL.  407 

on  the  evening  of  the  30th  of  March,  he  returned  from  the 
field  of  battle  to  his  hotel  in  the  Rue  de  Paradis,  where  I 
was  waiting  for  him,  together  with  about  twenty  other 
persons,  among  whom  were  MM.  Perregaux  and  Lafitte. 
When  he  entered  he  was  scarcely  recognisable  :  he  had  a 
beard  of  eight  days'  growth  ;  the  gi-eatcoat  which  covered 
his  uniform  was  in  tatters,  and  he  was  blackened  with 
powder  from  head  to  foot.  We  considered  what  was  best 
to  be  done,  and  aU  insisted  on  the  necessity  of  signing  a 
capitulation.  The  Marshal  must  recollect  that  the  ex- 
clamation of  every  one  about  him  was,  "France  must  be 
saved."  MM.  Perregaux  and  Lafitte  delivered  their  opin- 
ions in  a  very  decided  way,  and  it  will  readily  be  con- 
ceived how  great  was  the  influence  of  two  men  who  were 
at  the  head  of  the  financial  world.  They  alleged  that  the 
general  wish  of  the  Parisians,  which  nobody  had  a  better 
opportunity  of  knowing  than  themselves,  was  decidedly 
averse  to  a  protracted  conflict,  and  that  France  was  tired 
of  the  yoke  of  Bonaparte.  This  last  declaration  gave  a 
wider  range  to  the  business  under  consideration.  The 
question  was  no  longer  confined  to  the  capitulation  of 
Paris,  but  a  change  in  the  government  was  thought  of, 
and  the  name  of  the  Bourbons  was  pronounced  for  the 
first  time.  I  do  not  recollect  which  of  us  it  was  who,  on 
hearing  mention  made  of  the  possible  recall  of  the  old 
dynasty,  remarked  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  bring  about 
a  restoration  without  retrogTading  to  the  past.  But  I 
thiuk  I  am  perfectly  correct  in  stating  that  M.  Lafitte 
said,  "Gentlemen,  we  shall  have  nothing  to  fear  if  M-e 
have  a  good  constitution  which  will  guarantee  the  rights 
of  all."  The  majority  of  the  meeting  concui'red  in  this 
wise  opinion,  which  was  not  without  its  influence  on  Mai*- 
shal  Marmont. 

the  National  of  8th  August  1844.  See  Ragitsa,  tome  vi.  pp.  351-356,  and  Marmont's 
own  account  (tome  vi.  pp.  240-2.51).  Marmont,  who  had  one  armstill  in  a  sling  from 
the  wound  received  at  Salamanca,  and  two  fingers  nf  the  other  hand  injured,  de- 
scribes hinieelf  as  having  to  cliarge  at  the  head  of  a  few  men  sword  in  hand. 


408         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

During  this  painful  meeting  an  unexpected  incident  oc- 
curred. One  of  the  Emperor's  aides  de  camp  arrived  at 
Marmont's.  Napoleon,  being  informed  of  the  advance  of 
the  Allies  on  Paris,  had  marched  with  the  utmost  speed 
from  the  banks  of  the  Marne  on  the  road  of  Fontaine- 
bleau.  In  the  evening  he  was  in  person  at  Froidmanteau, 
whence  he  despatched  his  envoy  to  Marshal  Marmont. 
From  the  language  of  the  aide  de  cam^:)  it  was  easy  to  per- 
ceive that  the  state  of  opinion  at  the  Imperial  headquar- 
ters was  very  different  from  that  which  prevailed  among 
the  population  of  Paris.  The  officer  expressed  indigna- 
tion at  the  very  idea  of  capitulating,  and  he  announced 
with  inconceivable  confidence  the  approaching  arrival  of 
Napoleon  in  Paris,  which  he  yet  hoped  to  save  from  the 
occupation  of  the  enemy.  The  officer  imformed  tis  that 
Napoleon  trusted  to  the  people  rising  in  spite  of  the  ca- 
pitulation, and  that  they  would  unpave  the  streets  to  stone 
the  Allies  on  their  entrance.  I  ventured  to  dissent  from 
this  absurd  idea  of  defence,  and  I  observed  that  it  was 
madness  to  suppose  that  Paris  could  resist  the  numerous 
troops  who  were  ready  to  enter  on  the  following  day ; 
that  the  suspension  of  arms  had  been  consented  to  by  the 
Allies  only  to  afford  time  for  drawing  up  a  more  regular 
capitulation,  and  that  the  armistice  could  not  be  broken 
without  trampling  on  all  the  laws  of  honour.  I  added 
that  the  thoughts  of  the  people  were  directed  towards  a 
better  future  ;  that  the  French  were  tired  of  a  despotic 
Government  and  of  the  distress  to  which  continual  war 
had  I'educed  trade  and  industry  ;  "for,"  said  I,  "when  a 
nation  is  sunk  to  such  a  state  of  misery  its  hopes  can  only 
be  directed  towards  the  future  ;  it  is  natural  they  should 
be  so  directed,  even  without  reflection."  Most  of  the  in- 
dividuals present  concurred  in  my  opinion,  and  the  de- 
cision of  the  meeting  was  unanimous.  Marshal  Marmont 
has  since  said  to  me,  "I  have  been  blamed,  my  dear  Bour- 
rienne  :  bvit   you   were  with  me  on  the  30th  of  March. 


1814.  CAPITULATION  OF  PARIS.  409 

You  were  a  witness  to  the  wishes  expressed  by  a  portion 
of  the  principal  inhabitants  of  Paris.  I  acted  as  I  was 
urged  to  do  only  because  I  considered  the  meeting  to  be 
composed  of  men  entirely  disinterested,  and  who  had 
nothing  to  expect  from  the  return  of  the  Boui-bous." 

Such  is  a  correct  statement  of  the  facts  which  some 
persons  have  perverted  with  the  view  of  enhancing  Na- 
poleon's glory.  With  respect  to  those  versions  which 
diffei'  from  mine  I  have  only  one  comment  to  offer,  which 
is,  that  I  saw  and  heard  what  I  describe. 

The  day  after  the  capitulation  of  Paris  Marmont  went 
in  the  evening  to  see  the  Emperor  at  Fontainebleau.  He 
supped  with  him.  Napoleon  praised  his  defence  of 
Paris.  After  supjier  the  Marshal  rejoined  his  corps  at 
Essonne,  and  six  hours  after  the  Emperor  arrived  there 
to  visit  the  lines.  On  leaving  Paris  Marmont  had  left 
Colonels  Fabvier  and  Denys  to  direct  the  execution  of 
the  capitulation.  These  officers  joined  the  Emperor  and 
the  Marshal  as  they  were  proceeding  up  the  banks  of  the 
river  at  Essonne.  They  did  not  disguise  the  effect  which 
the  entrance  of  the  Allies  had  produced  in  Paris.  At  this 
intelligence  the  Emperor  was  deeply  mortified,  and  he  re- 
turned immediately  to  Fontainebleau,  leaving  the  Marshal 
at  Essonne. 

At  daybreak  on  the  31st  of  March  Paris  presented  a 
novel  and  curious  spectacle.  No  sooner  had  the  French 
troops  evacuated  the  capital  than  the  principal  streets  re- 
sounded with  cries  of  "Down  with  Bonaparte!" — "No 
conscription  !  " — "  No  consolidated  duties  (droits  reunis)  !  " 
With  these  cries  were  mingled  that  of  "The  Bourbons 
for  ever !  " '  but  this  latter  cry  was  not   repeated  so  fre- 

1  One  of  these  scences  was  formed  by  a  practical  joke  played  successfully  by 
Talleyrand  on  the  Abbe  de  Pradt,  then  Archbishop  of  Malines.  He  got  the  clever 
but  tricky  and  flighty  Archbishop  to  go  in  f  uU  dress  into  the  streets,  waving  a  white 
handkerchief  and  shouting  "  Vivu  le  Roi,"  assuring  him  he  would  create  a  sensa- 
tion. As  was  to  be  expected,  Pradt,  at  first  received  favourably  by  some  Royalists, 
was  soon  set  on  by  Bonapartlsts,  hustled,  and  sent  back  in  a  vei-y  dishevelled  state. 
"  M.  de  Talleyrand  coolly  heard  him  out,  and  answered,  '  It  is  just  as  I  told  you  ;  su 


410         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814 

quently  as  the  others  :  in  general  I  remarked  that  the 
people  gaped  and  listened  with  a  sort  of  indifference.  As 
I  had  taken  a  very  active  part  in  all  that  had  happened 
daring  some  preceding  days  I  was  particularly  curious  to 
study  what  might  be  called  the  physiognomy  of  Paris.' 
This  was  the  second  oj^portunity  which  had  offered  itself 
for  such  a  study,  and  I  now  saw  the  people  applaud  the 
fall  of  the  man  V\'hom  they  had  received  with  enthusiasm 
after  the  18th  Brumaire.  The  reason  was,  that  liberty 
was  then  hoped  for,  as  it  was  hoped  for  in  1814.  I  went 
out  early  in  the  morning  to  see  the  numerous  groups  of 
people  who  had  assembled  in  the  streets.  I  saw  women 
tearing  their  handkerchiefs  and  distributing  the  fragments 
as  the  emblems  of  the  revived  lily.  That  same  morning  I 
met  on  the  Boulevards,  and  some  hours  afterwards  on  the 
Place  Louis  XV.,  a  party  of  gentlemen  who  paraded  the 
streets  of  the  capital  proclaiming  the  restoration  of  the 
Bourbons  and  shouting,  "  Vive  le  Roi  !  "  and  "  Vive  Louis 
XVIII.!  "  At  their  head  I  recognised  MM.  Sosthenes  de 
la  Rochefoucauld,  Comte  de  Froissard,  the  Due  de  Luxem- 
bourg, the  Due  de  Crussol,  Seymour,  etc.  The  cavalcade 
distributed  white  cockades  in  passing  along,  and  was 
speedily  joined  by  a  numerous  crowd,  who  rej)aired  to  the 
Place  Vendome.  The  scene  that  was  acted  there  is  well 
known,  and  the  enthusiasm  of  j^opular  joy  could  scarcely 
excuse  the  fury  that  was  directed  against  the  effigy  of  the 
man  whose  misfortunes,  whether  mei'ited  or  not,  should 
have  protected  him  from  such  outrages.''     These  excesses 

dres.sed  you  could  not  fail  to  make  a  wonderful  effect'  "  (Beiignot,  vol.  ii.  pp.  113, 
113).  Such  were  said  to  be  some  of  the  acts  of  the  head  of  the  Provisional  Grovern- 
ment  during  the  agony  of  France. 

'  The  part  Bourrienne  says  he  took  was  of  course  against  his  former  friend. 
"During  the  last  days  which  preceded  the  entry  of  the  Allies  into  Paris,"  saj's 
Meneval  (tome  iii.  p.  366),  "  urged  by  the  anxiety  which  tormented  us,  I  often  went 
to  the  office  of  M.  de  Lavalette,  head  of  the  Posts,  to  get  news  of  the  approach  of 
the  enemy.  ...  I  did  not  fail  to  find  there  II.  de  Bourrienne,  who  came  with  a  less 
innocent  object  than  mine,  but  who  disguised  it  by  exaggerated  demonstrations  of 
zeal." 

■'  Among  other  things  the  people  dragged  down  from  the  triumphal  column  in  th» 
Place  Vendome,  the  statue  of  Napoleon. — Editor  o/]836  eUHion. 


1814.  NE88ELR0DE  AND   LOUIS  XVIII.  411 

served,  perhaps  more  than  is  generally  supposed,  to 
favour  the  plans  of  the  leaders  of  the  Royalist  party,  to 
whom  M.  Nesselrode  had  declared  that  before  he  would 
pledge  himself  to  further  their  views  he  must  have  proofs 
that  they  were  seconded  by  the  population  of  Paris. 

I  was  afterwards  informed  hj  an  eye-witness  of  what 
took  place  on  the  evening  of  the  31st  of  March  in  one  of 
the  principal  meetings  of  the  Royalists,  which  was  held  in 
the  hotel  of  the  Comte  de  Morfontaine,  who  acted  as  pres- 
ident on  the  occasion.  Amidst  a  chaos  of  abortive  j)i'op- 
ositions  and  contradictory  motions  M.  8osthenes  de  la 
Rochefoucauld  proposed  that  a  deputation  should  be  im- 
mediately sent  to  the  Emperor  Alexander  to  express  to 
him  the  wish  of  the  meeting.  This  motion  was  immedi- 
ately api:)roved,  and  the  mover  was  chosen  to  head  the 
deputation.  On  leaving  the  hotel  the  deputation  met  M. 
de  Chateaubriand,  who  had  that  very  day  been,  as  it  were, 
the  precui'sor  of  the  restoration,  by  "publsihing  his  admi- 
rable manifesto,  entitled  "Bonaparte  and  the  Bourbons." 
He  was  invited  to  join  the  deputation ;  but  nothing  could 
overcome  his  diffidence  and  induce  him  to  speak.  On  ar- 
riving at  the  hotel  in  the  Rue  St.  Florentin  the  deputation 
was  introduced  to  Count  Nesselrode,  to  whom  M.  Sos- 
thenes  de  la  Rochefoucauld  briefly  explained  its  object ; 
he  spoke  of  the  wishes  of  the  meeting  and  of  the  manifest 
desu-e  of  Paris  and  of  France.  He  represented  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Boui'bons  as  the  only  means  of  securing  the 
peace  of  Europe  ;  and  observed,  in  conclusion,  that  as  the 
exertions  of  the  day  must  have  been  very  fatiguing  to  the 
Emperor,  the  deputation  would  not  solicit  the  favour  of 
being  introduced  to  him,  but  would  confidently  rely  on 
the  good  faith  of  his  Imperial  Majesty.  "  I  have  just  left 
the  Emperor,"  I'eplied  M.  Nesselrode,  "and  can  pledge 
myself  for  his  intentions.  Return  to  the  meeting  and  an- 
nounce to  the  French  people  that  in  compliance  with 
their  wishes  his  Imperial  Majesty  will  use  all  his  influence 


412         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

to  restore  the  crown  to  the  legitimate  monarch :  his  Maj- 
est}'  Louis  XVIII.  shall  reascend  the  throne  of  France." 
With  this  gratifying  intelligence  the  deputation  returned 
to  the  meeting  in  the  Rue  d'Anjou. 

There  is  no  question  that  great  enthusiasm  was  dis- 
played on  the  entrance  of  the  Allies  into  Paris,  It  may 
be  praised  or  blamed,  but  the  fact  cannot  be  denied.  I 
closely  watched  all  that  was  passing,  and  I  observed  the 
expression  of  a  sentiment  which  I  had  long  anticipated 
when,  after  his  alliance  with  the  daughter  of  the  Cfesars, 
the  ambition  of  Bonaparte  increased  in  proportion  as  it 
was  gratified  :  I  clearly  foresaw  NajDoleon's  fall.  Whoever 
watched  the  course  of  events  during  the  last  four  j'ears  of 
the  EmjDire  must  have  observed,  as  I  did,  that  from  the 
date  of  Napoleon's  marriage  with  Maria  Louisa  the  forms 
of  the  French  Government  became  daily  more  and  more 
tyrannical  and  oppressive.  The  intolerable  height  which 
this  evil  had  attained  is  evident  from  the  circumstance 
that  at  the  end  of  1813  the  Legislative  Body,  throwing 
aside  the  mute  character  which  it  had  hitherto  maintained, 
presumed  to  give  a  lecture  to  him  who  had  never  before 
received  a  lecture  from  any  one.  On  the  31st  of  March 
it  was  recollected  what  had  been  the  conduct  of  Bona- 
parte on  the  occasion  alluded  to,  and  those  of  the  deputies 
who  remained  in  Paris  related  how  the  gendarmes  had 
opposed  their  entrance  into  the  hall  of  the  Assembly.  All 
this  contributed  wonderfully  to  irritate  the  public  mind 
against  Napoleon.  He  had  become  master  of  France  by 
the  sword,  and  the  sword  being  sheathed,  his  power  was 
at  an  end,  for  no  popular  institution  identified  with  the 
nation  the  new  dynasty  which  he  hoped  to  found.  The 
nation  admired  but  did  not  love  Napoleon,  for  it  is  im- 
possible to  love  what  is  feared,  and  he  had  done  nothing 
to  claim  the  affections  of  France. 

I  was  present  at  all  the  meetings  and  conferences  which 
were  held  at  M.  de  Talleyrand's  hotel,  where  the  Emperor 


1814.        THE  ALLIED  SOVEREIGNS  IN  PARIS.  413 

Alexander  had  taken  up  his  residence. '  Of  all  the  persons 
present  at  these  meetings  M.  de  Talleyrand  was  most  dis- 
posed to  retain  Najjoleon  at  the  head  of  the  Government, 
with  restrictions  on  the  exercise  of  his  jDOwer.  In  the  ex- 
isting state  of  things  it  was  only  possible  to  choose  one  of 
three  courses  :  first,  to  make  peace  with  Napoleon,  with 
the  adoption  of  proper  securities  against  him  ;  second, 
to  establish  a  Regency  ;  and  third,  to  recall  the  Bour- 
bons. 

On  the  13th  of  March  I  witnessed  the  entrance  of  the 
Allied  sovereigns  into  Paris,  and  afber  the  procession  had 
passed  the  new  street  of  the  Luxembourg  I  repaired 
straight  to  M.  de  Talleyi'and's  hotel,  which  I  reached  be- 
fore the  Emperor  Alexander,  who  arrived  at  a  quarter-past 

'  For  the  extraordinary  scene  at  the  hotel  of  Talleyrand  all  this  time  see  Beugtiol, 
vol.  ii.  pp.  9(),  97.  "  It  was  a  remarkable  scene  when  M.  de  Talleyrand  endeavoured 
to  pass,  with  his  awkward  walk,  from  his  bedroom  to  his  library,  to  give  an  audience 
promised  to  some  one  who  had  been  waiting  for  hours.  He  had  to  cross  the  salon  ; 
he  was  stopped  by  one,  seized  on  by  another,  blockaded  by  a  third,  until,  wearied  out, 
he  returned  to  the  place  whence  he  had  started,  leaving  the  unfortunate  man,  whom 
he  despaired  of  reaching,  to  remain  in  unavailing  attendance."  "It  is  difficult," 
says  VitroUes  (tome  i.  p.  325),  "  to  have  an  idea  of  what  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment was.  It  was  held  entirely  in  the  bedchamber  of  M.  de  Talleyrand  in  the  en- 
tresol of  his  hotel.  Some  clerks  collected  under  the  direction  of  Dupont  de  Ne- 
mours, last  and  best  of  economists,  formed  the  staff,  and  Roux-Laborie  was  the 
Secretary- General  attached.  M.  de  Talleyrand's  room  was  open  to  eveiy  one  he 
knew,  men  and  women,  and  the  conversation  of  every  one  who  came  or  went  took 
the  place  of  real  deliberations  on  State  affairs.  Some  more  or  less  clever  passages 
to  be  published  in  the  newspapers  became  the  great  work  of  the  day,  and  this  was 
called  forming  public  opinion.  Then,  if  an  idea,  among  all  those  which  passed  in 
the  heads  of  the  comers  and  goers,  stnick  the  Prince  de  Talleyrand,  he  made  a  de- 
cree of  it,  and  the  members  of  the  Government  signed  it  on  trust  when  they  cams  in 
their  turn  to  pay  a  visit  to  their  president."  The  course  of  affairs  gave  Talleyrand's 
conduct  a  much  greater  air  of  decision  than  that  waiter  on  events  had  any  right  to. 
For  his  great  indecision  and  timidity  see  De  VitroUes,  tome  i.,  especially  where 
Dalberg,  who  knew  him  well,  says  of  him,  ''  You  do  not  know  the  ape  ;  he  would 
not  risk  burning  the  end  of  his  paw,  not  even  if  all  the  chestnuts  were  for  him 
alone  "  (p.  68).  See  also  p.  347,  where  Talleyrand,  when  on  the  point  of  handing 
to  De  VitroUes  his  letter  for  the  Comte  d'Artois,  hears  the  Marshals  Ney  and  Mac- 
donald,  and  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  (Caulaincourt),  announced  to  the  Czar.  "The 
Prince  de  Talleyrand  immediately  put  back  into  his  deepest  pocket  the  letter  in- 
tended for  the  Comte  d'Artois,  and  taking  me  by  the  arm  led  me  into  the  embrasure 
of  a  window.  '  This  is  an  incident,'  said  he  to  me,  laying  stress  on  the  word  to  show 
that  it  was  important ;  '  we  must  see  what  it  will  lead  to  :  you  cannot  start  at  this 
moment.  The  Emperor  Alexander  does  unexpected  things ;  one  cannot  be  the  son 
of  Paul  I.  with  impunity.  " 


414         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814 

one.  When  -his  Imperial  Majesty  entered  M.  de  Talley- 
rand's drawing-room  most  of  the  persons  assembled,  and 
particularly  the  Abbe  de  Pradt,  the  Abbe  de  Montesquiou, 
and  General  Dessolles,  urgently  demanded  the  restoration 
of  the  Bourbons.  The  Emperor  did  not  come  to  any  im- 
mediate decision.  Drawing  me  into  the  embrasure  of  a 
window,  which  looked  upon  the  street,  he  made  some  ob- 
servatioias  which  enabled  me  to  guess  what  would  be  his 
determination.  "M.  de  Bourrienne,"  said  he,  "you  have 
been  the  friend  of  Napoleon,  and  so  have  I.  I  was  his 
sincere  friend  ;  but  there  is  no  possibility  of  remaining  at 
peace  with  a  man  of  such  bad  faith."  These  last  words 
opened  my  eyes  ;  and  when  the  different  propositions 
which  were  made  came  under  discussion  I  saw  plainly  that 
Bonaparte,  in  making  himself  Emperor,  had  made  up  the 
bed  for  the  Bourbons. 

A  discussion  ensued  on  the  three  possible  measures 
which  I  have  above  mentioned,  and  which  were  proposed 
by  the  Emj^eror  Alexander  himself.  I  thought,  if  I  may 
so  express  myself,  that  his  Majesty  was  playing  a  part, 
when,  pretending  to  doubt  the  possibility  of  recalling  the 
Bourbons,  which  he  wished  above  all  things,  he  asked  M. 
de  Talleyrand  what  means  he  proposed  to  emplo}'  for  the 
attainment  of  that  object  ?  Besides  the  French,  there 
were  present  at  this  meeting  the  Emperor  Alexander,  the 
King  of  Prussia,  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  M.  Nesselrode, 
M.  Pozzo-di-Borgo,  and  Prince  Liechtenstein.  During 
the  discussion  Alexander  walked  about  with  some  appear- 
ance of  agitation.  "Gentlemen,"  said  he,  addressing  us 
in  an  elevated  tone  of  voice,  "  you  know  that  it  was  not 
I  who  commenced  the  war ;  you  know  that  Napoleon 
came  to  attack  me  in  my  dominions.  But  we  are  not 
drawn  here  by  the  thirst  of  conquest  or  the  desire  of  re- 
venge. You  have  seen  the  precautions  I  have  taken  to 
preserve  your  capital,  the  wonder  of  the  arts,  from  the 
horrors  of  pillage,  to  which  the  chance?^  of  war  would  have 


1814.  AN  EMPEROR  OR  A  KING?  415 


consigned  it.'  Neither  my  Allies  nor  myself  are  engaged 
in  a  war  of  reprisals  ;  and  I  should  be  inconsolable  if  any 
violence  were  committed  on  your  magnificent  city.  We 
are  not  waging  war  against  France,  but  against  Napoleon, 
and  the  enemies  of  French  liberty.  William,  and  you. 
Prince  "  (here  the  Emperor  turned  towards  the  King  of 
Prussia  and  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  who  represented  the 
Emperor  of  Austria),  "  you  can  both  bear  testimony  that 
the  sentiments  I  express  are  yours,"  Both  bowed  assent 
to  this  observation  of  Alexander,  which  his  Majesty  several 
times  repeated  in  different  words.  He  insisted  that  France 
should  be  perfectly  free  ;  and  declared  that  as  soon  as  the 
wishes  of  the  country  were  understood,  he  and  his  Allies 
would  support  them,  without  seeking  to  favour  any  par- 
ticular government. 

The  Abbe  de  Pradt  then  declared,  in  a  tone  of  conviction, 
that  we  were  all  Eoyalists,  and  that  the  sentiments  of  France 
concurred  with  ours.  The  Emperor. Alexander,  adverting 
to  the  different  governments  which  might  be  suitable  to 
France,  spoke  of  the  maintenance  of  Bonaparte  on  the 
throne,  the  establishment  of  a  Regency,  the  choice  of 
Bernadotte,  and  the  recall  of  the  Bourbons.  M.  de  Tal- 
leyrand next  spoke,  and  I  well  remember  his  saying  to  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  "  Sire,  only  one  of  two  things  is  pos- 
sible. We  must  either  have  Bonaparte  or  Louis  XVIII. 
Bonaj)arte,  if  you  can  support  him  ;  but  you  cannot,  for 
3'ou  are  not  alone.  .  .  .  We  will  not  have  another  soldier 
in  his  stead.  If  we  want  a  soldier,  we  will  keep  the  one 
we  have  ;  he  is  the  first  in  the  world.  After  him  any  other 
who  may  be  proposed  would  not  have  ten  men  to  supj)ort 
him.  I  say  again,  Sire,  either  Bonaparte  or  Louis  XVIII. 
Anything  else  is  an  intrigue.'"     These  remarkable  words 

'  One  day  the  Emperor  Alexander  said,  "  History  will  record  that  Napoleon  visited 
my  capital,  and  that  I  have  visited  Ais." 

■■i  "The  Bourbons  are  a  principle,  all  the  rest  is  only  an  intrigue,"  is  the  phrase 
generally  attributed  to  Talleyrand.  The  skilful  use  he  made  of  hia  new  principle  of 
legitimacy  should  be  read  at  length  in  his  correspondence  with  Louis  XVIII.  dur- 


416         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

of  the  Prince  de  Benevento  produced  on  the  mind  of  Alex- 
ander all  the  effect  we  could  hoj)e  for.  Thus  the  question 
was  simplified,  being  reduced  now  to  only  two  alterna- 
tives ;  and  as  it  was  evident  that  Alexander  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  either  Napoleon  or  his  family,  it  was 
reduced  to  the  single  proposition  of  the  restoration  of 
the  Bourbons. 

On  being  pressed  by  us  all,  with  the  exception  of  M.  de 
Talleyrand,  who  still  wished  to  leave  the  question  unde- 
cided between  Bonaparte  and  Louis  XVUI.,  Alexander  at 
length  declared  that  he  would  no  longer  treat  with  Na- 
poleon. When  it  was  represented  to  him  that  that  decla- 
ration referred  only  to  Napoleon  personally,  and  did  not 
extend  to  his  family,  he  added,  "  Nor  -udth  any  member  of 
his  family."  •  Thus  as  early  as  the  31st  of  March  the  resto- 
ration of  the  Bourbons  might  be  considered  as  decided. 

I  cannot  omit  mentioning  the  hurry  with  which  Laborie, 
Avhom  M.  de  Talleyrand  appointed  Secretary  to  the  Provi- 
sional Government,  rushed  out  of  the  apartment  as  soon 
as  he  got  possession  of  the  Emperor  Alexander's  declara- 
tion. He  got  it  printed  with  such  expedition  that  in  the 
space  of  an  hour  it  was  j)Osted  on  all  the  walls  in  Paris  ; 
and  it  certainly  produced  an  extraordinary  effect.  As  yet 
nothing  warranted  a  doubt  that  Alexander  would  not  abide 
by  his  word.  The  treaty  of  Paris  could  not  be  anticipated  ; 
and  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  France,  with  a  new 
Government,  would  obtain  more  advantageous  conditions 

iug;  the  Congress  of  Vienna  (London.  Bently.  ISSl,  2  vols.).  In  his  mouth  It  became 
a  weapon  for  obtaining  the  restoration  to  the  Bourbons  of  their  former  crowns,  etc. 
But  the  application  of  the  principle  was  sometimes  troublesome.  It  was  not  easy  to 
demand  at  one  and  the  same  time  that  Naples  should  be  restored  to  the  Bourbons 
because  it  was  held  by  them  before  the  Revolution,  and  that  Avignon  should  be  re- 
tained by  the  Bourbons  in  virtue  of  its  having  been  torn  by  the  Revolution  from  the 
Pope. 

Avignon  had  belonged  to  the  Pope  from  1348.  when  Pope  Clement  VI.  bought  it 
from  the  Comtesse  de  Provence.  The  French  Republic  annexed  it  in  1791,  and  the 
Pope  ceded  it  in  1797.  When  all  the  other  States  were  reclaiming  their  dominions 
there  was  no  reason  to  urge  against  the  Pope  asking  for  his.  A  note,  TaUeyrand's 
CoiTespondence,  vol.  ii.  p.  33  (Bentley,  1881),  says  that  the  Pope  did  claim  it. 


1814.    BOURRIENNE  AS  POSTMASTER-GENERAL.      417 

than  if  the  Allies  Lad  treated  with  Napoleon.  But  this 
illusion  speedily  vanished. 

On  the  evening  of  the  31st  of  March  I  returned  to  M. 
de  Talle\Tand's.  I  again  saw  the  Emperor  Alexander,  who, 
stepping  up  to  me,  said,  "  M.  de  Bourrienne,  you  must 
take  the  superintendence  of  the  Post-office  department." 
I  could  not  decline  this  precise  invitation  on  the  part  of 
the  Czar ;  and  besides,  Lavalette  having  departed  on  the 
preceding  day,  the  business  would  have  been  for  a  time 
suspended ;  a  circumstance  which  would  have  been  ex- 
tremely prejudicial  to  the  restoration  which  we  wished  to 
favour. 

I  went  at  once  to  the  hotel  in  the  Kue  J.  J.  Kousseau, 
where,  indeed,  I  found  that  not  only  was  there  no  order 
to  send  out  the  post  next  day,  but  that  it  had  been  even 
countermanded.  I  went  that  night  to  the  administrators, 
who  yielded  to  my  requests  and,  seconded  by  them,  next 
morning  I  got  all  the  clerks  to  be  at  their  post.  I  re- 
organised the  service,  and  the  post  went  out  on  the  1st  of 
April  as  usual.  Such  are  my  remembrances  of  the  31st  of 
March. ' 

A  Provisional  Government  was  established,  of  which  M. 
de  Talleyrand  was  appointed  President.  The  other  mem- 
bers were  General  Beumonville,  Comte  Frauyois  de  Jau- 
court,  the  Due  Dalberg,  who  had  married  one  of  Maria 
Louisa's  ladies  of  honour,  and  the  Abbe  de  Montesquiou. 
The  place  of  Chancellor  of  the  Legion  of  Honour  was 
given  to  the  Abbe  de  Pradt.  Thus  there  were  two  abbes 
among  the  members  of  the  Provisional  Government,  and 
by  a  singular  chance  they  hajDpened  to  be  the  same  who 
had  officiated  at  the  mass  which  was  performed  in  the 
Champ  de  Mars  on  the  day  of  the  first  federation. 

1  This  conduct  of  Bourrienne's  is  the  exact  parallel  of  that  of  Lavalette  in  1815, 
for  which  the  Bourbons  tried  to  shoot  him.  It  should  be  noted  that  it  was  not  for 
any  love  of  order  that  Bourrienne  obej-ed  the  command  of  a  foreign  sovereign,  but, 
as  he  owns,  in  favour  of  the  Restoration  lie  was  working  for,  and  whose  want  of 
gratitude  he  did  not  foresee. 

Vol.  III.— 27 


418         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814 

Those  who  were  dissatisfied  with  the  events  of  the  31st 
of  March  now  saw  no  hope  but  in  the  possibility  that  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  would  separate  from  his  Allies,  or  at 
least  not  make  common  cause  with  them  in  favour  of  the 
re-establishment  of  the  Boui'bons.  But  that  monarch  had 
been  brought  up  in  the  old  policy  of  his  family,  and  was 
imbued  with  the  traditional  principles  of  his  Cabinet.  I 
know  for  a  fact  that  the  sentiments  and  intentions  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  perfectly  coincided  with  those  of  his 
Allies.  Anxious  to  ascertain  the  truth  on  this  subject,  I 
ventured,  when  in  conversation  with  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander, to  hint  at  the  reports  I  had  heard  relative  to  the 
cause  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria's  absence.  I  do  not  rec- 
ollect the  precise  words  of  his  Majesty's  answer,  but  it 
enabled  me  to  infer  with  certainty  that  Francis  II.  was  in 
no  way  averse  to  the  overthrow  of  his  son-in-law,  and  that 
his  absence  from  the  scene  of  the  discussions  was  only 
occasioned  by  a  feeling  of  delicacy  natural  enough  in  his 
situation. ' 

Caulaincourt,  who  was  sent  by  Napoleon  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  arrived  there  on  the 
night  of  the  30th  of  March.     He,  however,  did  not  obtain 

'  "  Let  France  declare  itself,"  said  Mettemich  to  De  VitroUes  about  the  19th  of 
March  1814  at  Troyes,  "  and  we  are  I'eady  to  support  it ;  no  consideration  shall  stop 
us.  Do  you  believe  that  we  consider  ourselves  as  tied  by  the  interests  of  our  Arch- 
duchess or  by  those  of  her  son  ?  Nothing  of  the  sort :  the  safety  of  States  is  not 
sacrificed  to  family  sentiments,  and  even  the  perspective  of  a  Regency  which  should 
give  power  to  the  Empress  and  her  son  will  not  turn  us  from  following  the  conditions 
necessary  for  the  existence  of  the  States  of  Europe"  {VitroUes,^.  100).  This 
agrees  with  Metternich's  answer  to  Napoleon  on  the  26th  of  June  1813.  "The 
Emperor  Francis  will  then  dethrone  his  daughter  ?  "  asked  Napoleon.  "  The 
Emperor,"  I  replied,  "  knows  nothing  but  his  duty,  and  he  will  fulfil  it.  Whatever 
the  fate  of  his  daughter  may  be,  the  Emperor  Francis  is  in  the  first  place  a  monarch, 
and  the  interests  of  his  people  will  always  take  the  first  place  in  his  calculations  " 
(^Hetteniich,  vol.  i.  p.  191).  But  in  January  1813  the  temporary  Foreign  Secretary 
wrote  from  Paris  to  Caulaincourt  at  Luneville  that  "the  letter  of  the  Emperor 
Francis  to  his  august  daughter  is  pretty  nearly  in  the  same  sense  as  that  of  M.  dc 
Metternich  :  the  Emperor  again  protests  that  whatever  may  be  the  event,  he  will 
never  separate  the  cause  of  his  daughter  and  that  of  his  grandson  from  that  of 
France  "(  VHrclles,  tome  i.  p.  48).  But  this  is  exactly  what  he  did  do,  and  even  to 
an  extraordinary  extent,  in  sending  Napoleon  to  Elba  and  retaining  the  Empress  and 
the  King  of  Rome. 


1814.     FAILURE  OF  GAULAINCOUBTS  MISSION.      419 

an  interview  with  the  Czar  until  after  his  Majesty  had 
received  the  Municipal  Council  of  Pai'is,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  M.  de  Chabrol.  At  first  Alexander  appeared 
somewhat  siu-j^rised  to  see  the  Municipal  Council,  which 
he  did  not  receive  exacth"  in  the  way  that  was  expected  ; 
but  this  coldness  was  merely  momentary,  and  he  after- 
wards addressed  the  Council  in  a  very  gracioiis  way,  though 
he  dropped  no  hint  of  his  ulterior  intentions. 

Alexander,  who  entertained  a  personal  regard  for  Cau- 
laincourt,  received  him  kindly  in  his  own  character,  but 
not  as  the  envoy  of  Napoleon.  "You  have  come  too  late," 
said  the  Czar.  "  It  is  all  over.  I  can  say  nothing  to  you 
at  present.  Go  to  Paris,  and  I  will  see  you  there."  These 
words  perfectly  enlightened  Caulaincourt  as  to  the  result 
of  his  mission.  His  next  interview  with  the  Emperor 
Alexander  at  M.  de  Tallej'rand's  did  not  take  place  until 
after  the  declaration  noticed  in  my  last  chapter.  The 
conversation  they  had  together  remained  a  secret,  for 
neither  Alexander  nor  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  mentioned  it ; 
but  there  was  reason  to  infer,  from  some  words  which  fell 
from  the  Emperor  Alexander,  that  he  had  received  Cau- 
laincourt rather  as  a  private  individual  than  as  the  am- 
bassador of  Napoleon,  whose  power,  indeed,  he  could  not 
recognise  after  his  declaration.  The  Provisional  Govern- 
ment was  not  entirely  pleased  with  Caulaincourt's  presence 
in  Paris,  and  a  representation  was  made  to  the  Russian 
Emperor  on  the  subject.  Alexander  concurred  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Provisional  Government,  which  was  ex- 
pressed through  the  medium  of  the  Abbe  de  Pradt.  M, 
de  Caulaincourt,  therefore,  at  the  wish  of  the  Czar,  re- 
tu):ned  to  the  Emperor,  then  at  Fontainebleau. 


430  1814. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 
1814. 

Situation  of  Bonaparte  during  the  events  of  the  oOth  and  31st  of  March— 
His  arrival  at  Fontainebleau — Plan  of  attacking  Paris — Arrival  of 
troops  at  Fontainebleau — The  Emperor's  address  to  the  Guard — For- 
feiture pronounced  by  the  Senate — Letters  to  Marmont — Correspond- 
ence between  Marmont  and  Schwartzenberg — Macdonald  informed  of 
the  occupation  of  Paris — Conversation  between  the  Emperor  and 
Macdonald  at  Fontainebleau — Beurnonville's  letter — Abdication  on 
condition  of  a  Regency— Napoleon's  wish  to  retract  his  act  of  abdica- 
tion— Macdonald,  Ney,  and  Caulainoourt  sent  to  Paris— Marmont 
released  from  his  promise  by  Prince  Schwartzenberg. 

On  the  morning  of  the  30th  of  March,  while  the  battle  be- 
fore the  walls  of  Paris  was  at  its  height,  Bonaparte  was 
still  at  Troyes.  He  quitted  that  town  at  ten  o'clock,  ac- 
companied only  by  Bertrand,  Caulaincourt,  two  aides  de 
camp,  and  two  orderly  officers.  He  was  not  more  than 
two  hours  in  travelling  the  first  ten  leagues,  and  he  and 
his  slender  escort  performed  the  journey  without  chang- 
ing horses,  and  without  even  alighting.  They  arrived  at 
Sens  at  one  o'clock  in  the  afternoon.  Everything  was  in 
such  confusion  that  it  was  impossible  to  prepare  a  suitable 
mode  of  conveyance  for  the  Emperor.  He  was  therefore 
obliged  to  content  himself  with  a  wretched  cariole,  and  in 
this  equipage,  about  four  in  the  morning,  he  reached 
Froidmanteau,  about  four  leagues  from  Paris.  It  was 
there  that  the  Emperor  received  from  General  Belliard, 
who  arrived  at  the  head  of  a  column  of  artillery,  the  first 
intelligence  of  the  battle  of  Paris.  He  heard  the  news 
with  an  air  of  composure,  which  Avas  probably  affected  to 
avoid  discouraging  those  about  him.    He  walked  for  about 


1814.      THE  DUKE  OF  BAG  USA  AT  BSSONNE.  421 

a  quarter  of  an  hour  on  the  high  road,  and  it  was  after 
that  promenade  that  he  sent  Caulaincourt  to  Paris.  Na- 
poleon afterwards  went  to  the  house  of  the  postmaster, 
where  he  ordered  his  maps  to  be  brought  to  him,  and, 
according  to  custom,  marked  the  different  positions  of 
the  enemy's  troops  with  pins,  the  heads  of  which  were 
touched  with  wax  of  different  colours.  After  this  descrip- 
tion of  work,  which  Napoleon  did  every  day,  or  sometimes 
several  times  a  day,  he  repaired  to  Fontainebleau,  where 
he  arrived  at  six  in  the  morning.  He  did  not  order  the 
great  apartments  of  the  castle  to  be  opened,  but  went  up 
to  his  favourite  little  apartment,  where  he  shut  himself 
up,  and  remained  alone  during  the  whole  of  the  31st  of 
March.' 

In  the  evening  the  Emperor  sent  for  the  Duke  of  Ra- 
gusa,  who  had  just  arrived  at  Essonne  with  his  troops. 
The  Duke  reached  Fontainebleau  between  three  and  four 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  April.  Napoleon  then 
received  a  detailed  account  of  the  events  of  the  30th  from 
Marmont,  on  whose  gallant  conduct  before  Paris  he  be- 
stowed much  praise. 

All  was  gloom  and  melancholy  at  Fontainebleau,  yet  the 
Emperor  still  retained  his  authority,  aud  I  have  been  in- 
formed that  he  deliberated  for  some  time  as  to  whether 
he  should  retire  behind  the  Loire,  or  immediately  hazard 
a  bold  stroke  upon  Paris,  which  would  have  been  much 
more  to  his  taste  than  to  resign  himself  to  the  chances 
which  an  uncertain  temporising  might  bring  about.  This 
latter  thought  pleased  him  ;  and  he  was  seriously  consid- 
ering his  plan  of  attack  when  the  news  of  the  31st,  and  the 
unsuccessful  issue  of  Caulaincourt's  mission,  gave  him  to 
understand  that  his  situation  was  more  desperate  than  he 
had  hitherto  imagined. 

'  This  little  apartment  is  situated  on  the  first  storey,  parallel  with  what  is  called 
the  Gallery  of  Francis  I.,  where  Monaldeschi  was  murdered  by  order  of  Queen  Chrisr 
tina  of  Sweden. — Bovrrienne. 


422         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

Meanwhile  the  heads  of  his  columns,  which  the  Emperor 
had  left  at  Troyes,  arrived  on  the  1st  of  April  at  Foutaiue- 
bleau,  the  troops  having  marched  fifty  leagues  in  less  than 
three  days,  one  of  the  most  rapid  marches  ever  performed. 
On  the  2d  of  AjDril  Napoleon  communicated  the  events  of 
Paris  to  the  Generals  who  were  about  him,  recommending 
them  to  conceal  the  news  lest  it  should  dispirit  the  troops, 
upon  whom  he  yet  relied.  That  day,  during  an  inspection 
of  the  troops,  which  took  place  in  the  court  of  the  Palace, 
Bonaparte  assembled  the  officers  of  his  Guard,  and  ha- 
rangued them  as  follows : — 

Soldiers !  the  enemy  has  stolen  three  marches  lapon  us,  and 
has  made  himself  master  of  Paris.  We  must  drive  him  thence. 
Frenchmen,  unworthy  of  the  name,  emigrants  whom  we  have  par- 
doned, have  mounted  the  white  cockade,  and  joined  the  enemy. 
The  wretches  shall  receive  the  reward  due  to  this  new  crime.  Let 
us  swear  to  conquer  or  die,  and  to  enforce  respect  to  the  tri-coloured 
cockade,  which  has  for  twenty  years  accompanied  us  on  the  path  of 
glory  and  lionour. 

He  also  endeavoured  to  induce  the  Generals  to  second 
his  mad  designs  upon  Paris,'  by  making  them  believe  that 
he  had  made  sincere  efforts  to  conclude  peace.  He  as- 
sured them  that  he  had  expressed  to  the  Emperor  Alex- 
ander his  willingness  to  purchase  it  by  sacrifices ;  that  he 
had  consented  to  resign  even  the  conquests  made  during 
the  Revolution,  and  to  confine  himself  within  the  old  lim- 
its of  France.  "Alexander,"  added  Napoleon,  "refused  ; 
and,  not  content  with  that  refusal,  he  has  leagued  himself 

1  The  plan  of  Napoleon  to  make  a  sudden  and  fresh  attack  on  the  Allies  does  not 
seem  a  mad  one  if  the  army  had  been  ready  to  undertake  it  -ivith  ardour.  Jomini 
(see  tome  iv.  pp.  591,  592)  seems  to  consider  that  at  least  better  terms  might  have 
been  got.  Hamley  {Operations  of  War,  p.  990,  edition  of  1879,  in  which  the  cam- 
paign of  181-1  should  be  studied)  treats  the  attempt  as  impossible  with  officers  weary 
of  war  and  a  country  impatient  of  his  rule.  Thiers  (tome  xvii.  p.  699)  says  that 
posterity  will  judge  that  success  was  at  least  likely.  Marmont  (tome  vi.  p.  953)  says 
that  Napoleon  forgot  that  the  Marne,  with  its  bridges  all  destroyed,  lay  between  him 
and  the  enemy,  and  he  thenceforward  seems  to  have  considered  that  Napoleon  was 
mad,  and  that  his  own  duty  was  to  betray  him  and  France,  and  then  (p.  960)  to  ten 
derly  offer  to  look  after  his  (the  Emperor's)  bodily  comfort  for  the  rest  of  his  life. 


1814.  ADDRESS  TO   THE  GUARDS.  433 

with  a  party  of  emigrants,  whom,  perhaps,  I  was  wrong 
in  pardoning  for  having  borne  arms  against  France. 
Through  their  perfidious  insinuations  Alexander  has  per- 
mitted the  white  cockade  to  be  mounted  on  the  capital. 
We  will  maintain  oui-s,  and  in  a  few  days  we  will  march 
upon  Paris.     I  rely  on  you.'" 

When  the  boundless  attachment  of  the  Guards  to  the 
Emperor  is  considered  it  cannot  appear  surprising  that 
these  last  words,  uttered  in  an  impressive  tone,  should 
have  produced  a  feeling  of  enthvisiasm,  almost  electrical, 
in  all  to  whom  they  were  addressed.  The  old  companions 
of  the  glory  of  their  chief  exclaimed  with  one  voice,  "Par- 
is !  Paris  ! "  But,  fortunately,  during  the  night,  the  Gen- 
erals having  deliberated  with  each  other  saw  the  frightful 
abyss  into  which  they  were  about  to  precipitate  France. 
They  therefore  resolved  to  intimate  in  discreet  terms  to 
the  Emperor  that  they  would  not  expose  Paris  to  destruc- 
tion, so  that  on  the  3d  of  April,  prudent  ideas  succeeded 
the  inconsiderate  enthusiasm  of  the  preceding  day." 

1  An  interesting  account  of  the  events  attendant  upon  the  entrance  of  the  Allies 
into  Paris,  and  of  the  situation  of  Napoleon  at  Fontaincbleau,  ft'oin  the  pen  of  an 
eye-witness,  will  be  found  in  the  third  volume  of  the  Memoirs  of  Madame  Junot 
(Duchesse  d'Abrantes),  English  edition  of  18S3. 

2  Efforts  were  maldng  in  the  capital  to  effect  a  rising  en  masse  of  the  populace  in 
favour  of  Bonaparte.  Had  these  efforts  succeeded  Paris  would  have  been  bombard- 
ed, and  possibly  left  as  miserable  a  heap  of  ruins  as  Moscow  had  been  two  years  be- 
fore. But  the  burghers,  artisans,  and  even  the  mere  mob  were  not  disposed  for  such 
extremities. 

Paris  was  now  quite  tranquil ;  and  notwithstanding  several  of  Bonaparte's  emis- 
saries were  in  the  city  endeavouring  to  work  on  the  people,  with  money  and  prom- 
ises, to  rise  on  the  Allies,  no  instance  of  disorder  occurred. 

So  much  did  M.  de  Caulaincourt  at  length  despair  of  the  possibility  of  Bonaparte's 
return  that  he  sounded  M.  de  Talleyrand  and  the  Due  Dalberg  as  to  the  intention 
of  the  Allies  with  regard  to  his  Emperor's  future  lot,  as  he  considered  him  a  lost 
man.  The  Senate  met  to  deliberate  and  to  pronounce  their  decision  ;  but  since  the 
declaration  of  the  Emperor  Alexander,  in  the  name  of  the  Allies,  they  had  but  one 
course  to  adopt,  which  was  to  declare  Bonaparte  Uors  de  la  lot. 

The  National  Guards,  who  had  been  commanded  by  Marshal  Moncey,  were  with- 
out a  leader,  he  having  fled.  Coiant  Montmorency  remained,  and  what  part  he 
would  take  was  yet  uncertain.  The  brother-in-law  to  the  late  General  Moreau  was 
mentioned  as  likely  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  National  Guards ;  but  hitherto 
every  arrangement  was  necessarily  incomplete. 

A  report  now  arrived  by  a  letter  from  Toulouse,  of  a  great  battle   having   been 


424         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

The  wreck  of  the  army  assembled  at  Fontainebleau, 
which  was  the  remnant  of  1,000,000  of  troops  levied  during 
fifteen  months,  consisted  only  of  the  corps  of  the  Duke  of 
Reggio  (Oudinot),  Ney,  Macdonald,  and  General  Gerard, 
which  altogether  did  not  amount  to  25,000  men,  and 
which,  joined  to  the  remaining  7000  of  the  Guard,  did  not 
leave  the  Emperor  a  disposable  force  of  more  than  32,000 
men.  Nothing  but  madness  or  despair  could  have  suggest- 
ed the  thought  of  subduing,  with  such  scanty  resources, 
the  foreign  masses  which  occupied  and  surrounded  Paris. 

On  the  2d  of  April  the  Senate  published  a  Senatui<-con- 
sulte,  declaring  that  Napoleon  had  forfeited  the  throne, 
and  abolishing  the  right  of  succession,  which  had  been 
established  in  favour  of  his  family.  Furnished  with  this 
act,  and  without  awaiting  the  concurrence  of  the  Legis 
lative  Body,  which  was  given  next  day,  the  Provisional 
Government  published  an  address  to  the  French  armies. 
In  this  address  the  troops  were  informed  that  they  were 
no  longer  the  soldiers  of  Napoleon,  and  that  the  Senate 
released  them  from  their  oaths.  These  documents  were 
widely  circulated  at  the  time,  and  inserted  in  all  the  pub- 
lic journals, 

fought  on  the  23d  ult.  between  Lord  Wellington  and  Marshal  Soiilt,  in  which  the 
latter  had  been  completely  defeated,  and  driven  into  Toulouse,  with  only  one  piece 
of  artillery  left. 

The  decision  of  the  Senate,  who  met  on  the  Ist  of  April,  declared  that  as  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  had  deserted  the  government  of  France,  they  felt  themselves  called  upon 
to  choose  another  chief,  and  that  they  were  unanimous  in  calling  to  the  throne  their 
legitimate  sovereign,  Louis  XVIII. 

The  management  of  evei-y  new  measure  undoubtedly  lay  with  the  Emperor  of 
Russia,  and  the  confidential  Cabinet  which  he  had  formed.  ...  In  an  inci- 
dental conversation  I  had  with  M.  dc  Talleyrand  at  this  period  he  told  me  that 
steps  were  taking  to  communicate  with  all  the  French  troops  and  fortresses.  He  be- 
lieved strongly  in  a  movement  among  the  troops  favourable  to  the  new  order  of 
things.  Marmont  and  Lefebvre  were  the  Marshals  who  it  was  thought  would  declare 
first.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  said  Bonaparte  had  an  immense  number  of  emis- 
saries in  Paris,  M.  Girardin,  Marshal  Berthier's  aide  de  camp,  was  in  the  city  with 
large  sums  of  money  at  his  disposal  :  some  hundreds  of  the  Old  Guai'd  had  been  in- 
troduced into  Paris  to  head  an  insurrection,  and  Bonaparte  was  determined,  at  any 
risk,  dc  sef aire  jour  dans  Paris. 

These  various  histories  amused  the  alarmists  of  the  day,  but  an  excessive  tranquil- 
lity and  even  indifference  reigned  around  (Lurd  Londonderry's  yarrative). 


i814.         APPEAL   TO  MARMONT'8  LOYALTY.  425 

The  address  of  the  Senate  was  sent  i-ound  to  the  Mar- 
shals, and  was  of  course  first  delivered  to  those  who  w^ere 
nearest  the  capital ;  of  this  latter  number  was  Marmont, 
whose  allegiance  to  the  Emperor,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
yielded  only  to  the  sacred  interests  of  his  country.  Mon- 
tessuis  was  directed  by  the  Provisional  Government  to  con- 
vey the  address  to  Marmont,  and  to  use  such  arguments 
as  Were  calculated  to  strengthen  those  sentiments  which 
had  triumphed  over  his  dearest  personal  affections.  I 
gave  Montessuis  a  letter  to  Marmont,  in  which  I  said  : — 

"My  dear  Friend — An  old  acquaintance  of  mine  will  convey 
to  joii  the  remembrances  of  our  friendship.  He  will,  I  trust,  in- 
fluence your  resolution  :  a  single  word  will  suffice  to  induce  you  to 
sacrifice  all  for  the  happiness  of  yoxir  country.  To  secure  that  ob- 
ject you,  who  are  so  good  a  Frenchman  and  so  loyal  a  knight,  will 
not  fear  either  dangers  or  obstacles.  Your  friends  expect  you,  long 
for  you,  and  I  trust  will  soon  embrace  you." 

Montessuis  also  took  one  from  General  Dessolles,  whom 
the  Provisional  Government  had  appointed  Governor  of 
the  National  Guard  in  the  room  of  Marshal  Moncey,  who 
had  left  Paris  on  the  occupation  of  the  Allies.  General 
Dessolles  and  I  did  not  communicate  to  each  other  our 
correspondence,  but  when  I  afterwards  saw  the  letter  of 
Dessolles  I  could  not  help  remarking  the  coincidence  of 
our  appeal  to  Marmont's  patriotism.  Prince  Schwartzen- 
berg  also  wrote  to  Marmont  to  induce  him  to  espouse  a 
cause  which  had  now  become  the  cause  of  France.  To 
the  Prince's  letter  Marmont  rejDlied,  that  he  was  disposed 
to  concur  in  the  union  of  the  army  and  the  people,  which 
would  avert  all  chance  of  civil  war,  and  stop  the  effusion 
of  French  blood  ;  and  that  he  was  ready  with  his  troops 
to  quit  the  army  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon  on  the  condi- 
tion that  his  troops  might  retire  with  the  honours  of  war, 
and  that  the  safety  and  liberty  of  the  Emperor  were  guar- 
anteed by  the  Allies. 


42a         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1814. 

After  Prince  Schwartzenberg  acceded  to  these  condi- 
tions Marmont  was  placed  in  circumstances  which  obliged 
him  to  request  that  he  might  be  released  from  his  promise. 

I  happened  to  learn  the  manner  in  which  Marshal  Mac- 
donald  was  informed  of  the  taking  of  Paris.  He  had  been 
two  days  without  any  intelligence  from  the  Emperor, 
when  he  received  an  order  in  the  handwriting  of  Berthier, 
couched  in  the  following  terms  :  "  The  Emperor  desires 
that  3'ou  halt  wherever  you  may  receive  this  order,"  After 
Berthier's  signature  the  following  words  were  added  as  a 
postscrijDt :  "  You,  of  course,  know  that  the  enemy  is  in 
possession  of  Paris."  When  the  Emperor  thus  announced, 
with  apparent  negligence,  an  event  which  totally  changed 
the  face  of  affairs,  I  am  convinced  his  object  was  to  make 
the  Marshal  believe  that  he  looked  upon  that  event  as  less 
important  than  it  really  was.  However,  this  object  was 
not  attained,  for  I  recollect  having  heard  Macdonald  say 
that  Berthier's  singular  postscript,  and  the  tone  of  indif- 
ference in  which  it  was  expressed,  filled  him  with  mingled 
surprise  and  alarm.  Marshal  Macdonald  then  commanded 
the  rear-guard  of  the  army  which  occupied  the  environs  of 
Montereau.  Six  hours  after  the  receipt  of  the  order  here 
referred  to  Macdonald  received  a  second  order  directing 
him  to  put  his  troops  in  motion,  and  he  learned  the  Em- 
peror's intention  of  marching  on  Paris  with  all  his  re- 
maining force. 

On  receiving  the  Emperor's  second  order  Macdonald  left 
his  corps  at  Montereau  and  repaired  in  haste  to  Fontaine- 
bleau.  When  he  arrived  there  the  Emperor  had  already 
intimated  to  the  Generals  commanding  divisions  in  the 
corps  assembled  at  Fontainebleau  his  design  of  marching 
on  Paris.  Alarmed  at  this  determination  the  Generals, 
most  of  whom  had  left  in  the  capital  their  wives,  children, 
and  friends,  requested  that  Macdonald  would  go  with 
them  to  wait  upon  Napoleon  and  endeavour  to  dissuade 
him  from  his  intention.     "  Gentlemen,"  said  the  Marshal, 


1814.  MAUDONALD  AND  NAPOLEON.  427 

"  iu  the  Emperor's  present  situation  such  a  proceeding 
may  displease  him.  It  must  be  managed  cautiously. 
Leave  it  to  me,  gentlemen,  I  will  go  to  the  chateau." 

Marshal  Macdonald  accordingly  went  to  the  Palace  of 
Fontaiuebleau,  where  the  following  conversation  ensued 
between  him  and  the  Emperor,  and  I  beg  the  reader  to 
bear  in  mind  that  it  was  related  to  me  by  the  Marshal 
himself.  As  soon  as  he  entered  the  apartment  in 
which  Napoleon  was  the  latter  stepped  up  to  him  and  said, 
"Well,  how  are  things  going  on?" — "Very  badly.  Sire." 
— "How?  .  .  .  badly!  .  .  .  What  then  are  the  feelings 
of  3'our  army?" — "My  army,  Sire,  is  entirely  discouraged 
.  .  .  appalled  by  the  fate  of  Paris," — "Will  not  your 
troops  join  me  in  an  advance  on  Paris?" — "Sire,  do  not 
think  of  such  a  thing.  If  I  were  to  give  such  an  order  to 
my  troojDS  I  should  run  the  risk  of  being  disobeyed." — 
"But  what  is  to  be  done  ?  I  cannot  remain  as  I  am  ;  I 
have  yet  resources  and  partisans.  It  is  said  that  the 
Allies  will  no  longer  treat  with  me.  Well !  no  matter. 
I  will  march  on  Paris.  I  will  be  revenged  on  the  incon- 
stancy of  the  Parisians  and  the  baseness  of  the  Senate. 
Woe  to  the  members  of  the  Government  they  have 
patched  up  for  the  return  of  their  Bourbons  ;  i  that  is 
what  they  are  looking  forward  to.  But  to-morrow  I  shall 
place  myself  at  the  head  of  my  Guards,  and  to-morrow  we 
shall  be  in  the  Tuileries." 

The  Marshal  listened  in  silence,  and  when  at  length 
Napoleon  became  somewhat  calm  he  observed,  "Sire,  it 
appears,  then,  tliat  you  are  not  aware  of  what  has  taken 
place   in   Paris — of   the  establishment   of   a    Provisional 

Government,  and " — "  I  know  it  all :  and  what  then?  " 

— "  Sire,"  added  the  Marshal,  presenting  a  paper  to  Napo- 
leon, "  here  is  something  which  will  tell  you  more  than  I 
can."  Macdonald  then  presented  to  him  a  letter  from 
General  Beurnonville,  announcing  the  forfeiture  of  the 
Emperor  pronounced  by    the   Senate,  and    the   determi- 


428         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

nation  of  the  Allied  powers  not  to  treat  with  Napoleon,  or 
any  member  of  his  family.  "Marshal,"  said  the  Emper- 
or, before  he  opened  the  letter,  "  may  this  be  read  aloud  ?  " 
— "  Certainly,  Sire."  The  letter  was  then  handed  to 
Barre,  who  read  it.  An  individual  who  Avas  present  on 
the  occasion  described  to  me  the  impression  which  the 
reading  of  the  letter  produced  on  Napoleon.  His  coun- 
tenance exhibited  that  violent  contraction  of  the  features 
which  I  have  often  remarked  when  his  mind  was  dis- 
turbed. However,  he  did  not  lose  his  self-command, 
which  indeed  never  forsook  him  when  policy  or  vanity  re- 
quired that  he  should  retain  it ;  and  when  the  reading  of 
Beurnonville's  letter  Avas  ended  he  affected  to  persist  in 
his  intention  of  marching  on  Paris.  "  Sire,"  exclaimed 
Macdonald,  "that  plan  must  be  renounced.  Not  a  sword 
would  be  unsheathed  to  second  you  in  such  an  enterprise." 
After  this  conversation  between  the  Emperor  and  Mac- 
donald the  question  of  the  abdication  began  to  be  seriously 
thovight  of.  Caulaincoui't  had  already  hinted  to  Napoleon 
that  in  case  of  his  abdicating  personally  there  was  a  pos- 
sibility of  indvicing  the  Allies  to  agree  to  a  Council  of 
Kegency.  Napoleon  then  determined  to  sign  the  act  of 
abdication,  which  he  himself  drew  i;p  in  the  following 
terms  : — 

The  Allied  powers  having  declared  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  is 
the  only  obstacle  to  the  re-establishment  of  peace  in  Europe,  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  faithful  to  his  oath,  declares  that  he  is  ready  to 
descend  from  the  throne,  to  leave  France,  and  even  to  lay  down  his 
life  for  the  welfare  of  the  country,  which  is  inseparable  from  the 
rights  of  his  son,  those  of  the  Regency  of  the  Empress,  and  the 
maintenance  of  the  laws  of  the  Empire.  Given  at  our  Palace  of 
Foutainebleau,  2d  April  1814. 

(Signed)        Napoleon. 

After  having  AVTitten  this  act  the  Emperor  presented 
it  to  the  Marshals,  saying,  "  Here,  gentlemen  !  are  you 
satisfied  ?  " 


1814.  A  FORLORN  HOPE.  429 

This  abdication  of  Napoleon  was  certainly  very  useless, 
but  in  case  of  anything  occurring  to  render  it  a  matter  of 
importance  the  act  might  have  proved  entirely  illusory. 
Its  meaning  might  appear  unequivocal  to  the  generality 
of  people,  but  not  to  me,  who  was  so  well  initiated  in  the 
cunning  to  which  Napoleon  could  resort  when  it  suited 
his  puipose.  It  is  necessary  to  observe  that  Napoleon 
does  not  say  that  "he  descends  from  the  throne,"  but  that 
"he  is  ready  to  descend  from  the  throne."  This  was  a 
subterfuge,  by  the  aid  of  which  he  intended  to  open  new 
negotiations  respecting  the  form  and  conditions  of  the 
Regency  of  his  son,  in  case  of  the  Allied  sovereigns  acced- 
ing to  that  proposition.  This  would  have  afforded  the 
means  of  gaining  time. 

He  had  not  yet  resigned  all  hope,  and  therefore  he  joy- 
fully received  a  piece  of  intelligence  communicated  to  him 
by  General  Allix.  The  General  informed  the  Emperor 
that  he  had  met  an  Austrian  officer  who  was  sent  by  Francis 
II.  to  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  who  positively  assured 
him  that  all  wbich  had  taken  place  in  Paris  was  contrary 
to  the  wish  of  the  Emperor  of  Austria.  That  this  may 
have  been  the  opinion  of  the  officer  is  possible,  and  even 
probable.  But  it  is  certain  from  the  issue  of  a  mission  of 
the  Due  de  Cadore  (Champagny),  of  which  I  shall  presently 
sjjeak,  that  the  officer  expressed  merely  his  own  personal 
opinion.  However,  as  soon  as  General  AUix  had  commu- 
nicated this  good  news,  as  he  termed  it,  to  Napoleon,  the 
latter  exclaimed  to  the  persons  who  were  about  him,  "  I 
told  you  so,  gentlemen.  Francis  H.  cannot  carry  his  en- 
mity so  far  as  to  dethrone  his  daughter.  Vicenza,  go  and 
desire  the  Marshals  to  return  my  act  of  abdication.  I  will 
send  a  courier  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria." 

Thus  Bonaparte  in  his  shipwreck  looked  round  for  a 
saving  plank,  and  tried  to  nurse  himself  in  illusions.  The 
Duke  of  Vicenza  went  to  Marshals  Ney  and  Macdonald, 
lyhom  he  foupd  iust  stepping  into  a  carriage  to  proceed  to 


430         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 


Paris.  Both  positively  refused  to  return  the  act  to  Cau- 
laincourt,  saying,  "We  are  sure  of  the  concurrence  of  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  and  we  take  everything  upon  our- 
selves." The  result  proved  that  they  were  better  informed 
than  General  Allix. 

During  the  conversation  with  Marshal  Macdonald  which 
has  just  been  described  the  Emperor  was  seated.  When 
he  came  to  the  resolution  of  signing  the  abdication  he  arose 
and  walked  once  or  twice  up  and  down  his  cabinet.  After 
he  had  written  and  signed  the  act  he  said,  "Gentlemen, 
the  interests  of  my  son,  the  interests  of  the  army,  and  above 
all,  the  interests  of  France,  must  be  defended.  I  therefoi*e 
appoint  as  my  commissioners  to  the  Allied  powers  the 
Duke  of  Vicenza,  the  Prince  of  the  Moskowa,  and  the  Duke 
of  Eagusa.  .  .  .  Are  you  satisfied  ?  "  added  he,  after 
a  pause.  "  I  think  these  interests  are  consigned  to  good 
hands."  All  present  answered,  as  with  one  voice.  "  Yes, 
Sire."  But  no  sooner  was  this  answer  pronounced  than 
the  Emperor  threw  himself  upon  a  small  yellow  sofa, 
which  stood  near  the  window,  and  striking  his  thigh  with 
his  hand  with  a  sort  of  convulsive  motion,  he  exclaimed, 
"No,  gentlemen:  I  will  have  no  Regency!  With  my 
Guards  and  Marmont's  corps  I  shall  be  in  Paris  to-mor- 
row," Ney  and  Macdonald  vainly  endeavoured  to  undeceive 
him  respecting  this  impracticable  design.  He  rose  with 
marked  ill-humour,  and  rubbing  his  head,  as  he  was  in  the 
habit  of  doing  when  agitated,  he  said  in  a  loud  and  au- 
thoritative tone,  "  Retire." 

The  Marshals  withdrew,  and  Napoleon  was  left  alone 
with  Caulaincourt.  He  told  the  latter  that  what  had  most 
displeased  him  in  the  proceedings  which  had  just  taken 
place  was  the  reading  of  Beurnonville's  letter.  "  Sire," 
observed  the  Duke  of  Vicenza,  "  it  was  by  your  order  that 
the  letter  was  read." — "  That  is  true.  .  .  .  But  why 
was  it  not  addressed  directly  to  me  by  Macdonald  ?  " — 
"  Sire,  the  letter  was  at  first  addressed  tc  Marshal  Mac- 


1814.  A  FRIEND  IN  ADVERSITY.  431 


donald,  but  the  aide  de  camp  who  was  the  bearer  of  it  had 
orders  to  communicate  its  contents  to  Marmont  on  passing 
through  Essonne,  because  Beurnonville  did  not  jDrecisely 
know  where  Macdonald  would  be  found."  After  this  brief 
explanation  the  Emperor  appeared  satisfied,  and  he  said  to 
Cuulaincourt,  "  Vicenza,  call  back  Macdonald." 

The  Duke  of  Vicenza  hastened  after  the  Marshal,  whom 
he  found  at  the  end  of  the  gallery  of  the  Palace,  and  he 
brought  him  back  to  the  Emperor.  When  Macdonald  re- 
turned to  the  cabinet  the  Emperor's  warmth  had  entirely 
subsided,  and  he  said  to  him  with  great  composure,  "Well, 
Duke  of  Tarantum,  do  you  think  that  the  Kegency  is  the 
only  possible  thing  ?  " — "Yes,  Sire." — "  Then  I  wish  you  to 
go  with  Ney  to  the  Emperor  Alexander,  instead  of  Mar- 
mont ;  it  is  better  that  he  should  remain  with  his  corps, 
to  which  his  presence  is  indispensable.  You  will  therefore 
go  with  Ney.  I  rely  on  you.  I  hope  you  have  entirely 
forgotten  all  that  has  separated  us  for  so  long  a  time." — 
"Yes,  Sire,  I  have  not  thought  of  it  since  1809." — "I  am 
glad  of  it.  Marshal,  and  I  must  acknowledge  to  you 
that  I  was  in  the  wrong."  While  speaking  to  the  Mar- 
shal the  Emperor  manifested  unusual  emotion.  He  ap- 
proached him  and  pressed  his  hand  in  the  most  affection- 
ate way. 

The  Emperor's  three  Commissioners — that  is  to  say, 
Marshals  Macdonald  and  Ney  and  the  Duke  of  Vicenza — 
had  informed  Marmont  that  they  would  dine  with  him  as 
tliey  passed  through  Essonne,  and  would  acquaint  him 
with  all  that  had  happened  at  Fontainebleau.  On  their 
arrival  at  Essonne  the  three  Imperial  Commissioners  ex- 
plained to  the  Dae  of  Ragusa  the  object  of  their  mission, 
and  persuaded  him  to  accompany  them  to  the  Emperor 
Alexander.  This  obliged  the  Marshal  to  inform  them  how 
he  was  situated.  The  negotiations  which  Marmont  had 
opened  and  almost  concluded  with  Prince  Schwartzenberg 
were  rendered  void  by  the  mission  which  he  had  joined, 


432         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      1814, 

and  which  it  was  necessary  he  should  himself  explain  to 
the  Commander  of  the  Austrian  army.  The  three  Mar- 
shals and  the  Duke  of  Vicenza  repaired  to  Petit  Bourg, 
the  headquarters  of  Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  there 
the  Prince  released  Marmont  from  the  promise  he  had 
given. 


1814.  433 


CHAPTER    XXXVI. 

1814. 

Unexpected  receipts  in  the  Post-oflfice  Department — Arrival  of  Napoleon's 
Commissioners  at  M.  de  Talleyrand's — Conference  of  the  Marshals 
with  Alexander — Alarming  news  from  Essoune — Marmont's  courage 
-The  white  cockade  and  the  tri-coloured  cockade — A  successful 
stratagem — Three  Governments  in  Prance — The  Due  de  Cadore  sent 
by  Maria  Louisa  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria — Maria  Louisa's  procla- 
mation to  the  French,  people — Interview  between  the  Emperor  of 
Austria  and  the  Due  de  Cadore — The  Emperor's  protestation  of 
friendship  for  Napoleon — M.  Mettemich  and  M.  Stadion — Maria 
Louisa's  departure  for  Orleans^Blucher's  visit  to  me — Audience  of 
the  King  of  Prussia — His  Majesty's  reception  of  Berthier,  Clarke,  and 
myself — Bernadotte  in  Paris — Cross  of  the  Polar  Star  presented  to  me 
by  Bernadotte. 

After  my  nomination  as  Director-General  of  the  Post- 
office  the  business  of  that  department  proceeded  as  regular- 
ly as  before.  Having  learned  that  a  great  many  intercept- 
ed letters  had  been  thrown  aside  I  sent,  on  the  4th  of 
April,  an  advertisement  to  the  Moniteur,  stating  that  the  let- 
ters to  and  from  England  or  other  foreign  countries  which 
had  been  lying  at  the  Post-office  for  more  than  three  j'ears 
■would  be  forwarded  to  their  respective  addresses.  This 
produced  to  the  Post-office  a  receipt  of  nearly  300,000, 
francs,  a  fact  which  may  afford  an  idea  of  the  enormous 
number  of  intercepted  letters. 

On  the  night  after  the  publication  of  the  advertisement 
I  was  awakened  by  an  express  from  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, by  which  I  was  requested  to  proceed  with  all 
possible  haste  to  M.  de  Talleyrand's  hotel.  I  rose,  and  I 
set  off  immediately,  and  I  got  there  some  minutes  before 
Vol.  III.— 28 


43 1         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

tbe  arrival  of  the  Emperor's  Commissioners.  I  went  up  to 
the  salon  on  the  first  floor,  which  was  one  of  the  suite  of 
apartments  occupied  by  the  Emperor  Alexander.  The 
Marshals  retired  to  confer  with  the  monarch,  and  it  would 
be  difficult  to  describe  the  anxiety — or,  I  may  rather  say, 
consternation — which,  during  their  absence,  jorevailed 
among  some  of  the  members  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment and  other  persons  assembled  in  the  salon  where 
I  was. 

While  the  Marshals  were  with  Alexander  I  learned  that 
thej'  had  previously  conversed  with  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who 
observed  to  them,  "If  you  succeed  in  your  designs  you 
will  compromise  all  who  have  met  in  this  hotel  since  the 
1st  of  April,  and  the  number  is  not  small.  For  my  part, 
take  no  account  of  me,  I  am  willing  to  be  compromised." 
I  had  passed  the  evening  of  this  day  with  M.  de  Talley- 
rand, Avho  then  observed  to  the  Emperor  Alexander  in  my 
presence,  "  Will  you  support  Bonaparte  ?  No,  you 
neither  can  nor  will.  I  have  already  had  the  honour  to 
tell  your  Majesty  that  we  can  have  no  choice  but  between 
Bonaparte  and  Louis  XVIII.  ;  anything  else  would  be  an 
intrigue,  and  no  intrigue  can  have  power  to  support  him 
who  may  be  its  object.  Bernadotte,  Eugene,  the  Regency, 
all  those  propositions  result  from  intrigues.  In  present 
cu-cumstances  nothing  but  a  new  principle  is  sufficiently 
strong  to  establish  the  new  order  of  things  which  must  be 
adopted.     Jjouis  XVIII.  is  a  principle." 

None  of  the  members  of  the  Provisional  Government 
were  present  at  this  conference,  for  no  one  was  willing  to 
ajDpear  to  influence  in  any  way  the  determination  of  the 
chief  of  the  coalition  upon  the  subject  of  this  important 
mission.'  General  Dessolles  alone,  in  quahty  of  com- 
mander of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  was  requested  to 
be  present.     At  length  the  Marshals  entered  the  salon 

'  In  the  account  of  the  next  few   days   Bourrienne  follows  pretty  closely  the 
Memoirs  of  Marmont  (Palis,  Perrotin,  1857,  uine  tomes). 


1814.     CHIVALROUS  CONDUCT  OF  MACDONALD.    435 

where  we  were,  and  their  appearance  created  a  sensation 
which  it  is  impossible  to  describe  ;  but  the  expression  of 
dissatisfaction  which  we  thought  we  remarked  in  their 
countenances  restored,  the  hopes  of  those  who  for  some 
hours  had  been  a  j)rey  to  apprehensions.  Macdonald, 
with  his  head  elevated,  and  evidently  under  the  influence 
of  strong  irritation,  approached  Beurnonville,  and  thus 
addressed  him,  in  answer  to  a  question  which  the  latter 
had  put  to  him.  "  Speak  not  to  me,  sir  ;  I  have  nothing 
to  say  to  you.  You  have  made  me  forget  a  friendship  of 
thirty  years  ! "  Then  turning  to  Dupont,  "  As  for  you, 
sir,"  he  continued  in  the  same  tone,  "  your  conduct 
towards  the  Empex'or  is  not  generous.  I  confess  that  he 
has  treated  you  with  severity,  perhaps  he  may  oven  have 
been  unjust  to  you  with  respect  to  the  affair  of  Baylen, 
but  how  long  has  it  been  the  practice  to  avenge  a  personal 
wrong  at  the  expense  of  one's  country  ?  "  * 

These  remarks  were  made  with  such  warmth,  and  in  so 
elevated  a  tone  of  voice,  that  Caulaincourt  thought  it 
necessary  to  interfere,  and  said,  "  Do  not  forget,  gentle- 
men, that  this  is  the  residence  of  the  Emperor  of  Russia." 
At  this  moment  M.  de  Talleyrand  returned  from  the  in- 
terview with  the  Emperor  which  he  had  had  after  the 
departure  of  the  Marshals,  and  approaching  the  group 
formed  round  Macdonald,  "Gentlemen,"  said  he,  "if  you 
wish  to  dispute  and  discuss,  step  down  to  my  apartments." 
— "That  would  be  useless,"  replied  Macdonald  ;  "my 
comrades  and  I  do  not  acknowledge  the  Provisional 
Government."  The  three  Marshals,  Ney,  Macdonald,  and 
Marmont,  then  immediately  retired  with  Caulaincourt, 
and  went  to  Ney's  hotel,  there  to  await  the  answer  which 
the  Emperor  Alexander  had  promised  to  give  them  after 
consulting  the  King  of  Prussia. 

Such   was    this    night-scene,    which    possessed    more 

'  General  Diipont,  beaten  by  the  Spaniards,  surrendered,  with  :30,000  men,  at 
Baylen  (in  Andalusia),  ou  the  y2d  of  July  1808. 


436         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

dramatic  effect  than  many  which  are  performed  on  the 
stage.  In  it  all  was  real :  on  its  rfenoufijierii  depended  the 
political  state  of  France,  and  the  existence  of  all  those  who 
had  already  declared  themselves  in  favour  of  the  Boui'- 
bons.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  and  one  which  affords  a 
striking"  lesson  to  men  who  are  tempted  to  sacrifice  them- 
selves for  any  political  cause,  that  most  of  those  who  then 
demanded  the  restoration  of  the  Bourbons  at  the  peril  of 
their  lives  have  successively  fallen  into  disgrace. 

When  the  Marshals  and  Caulaincourt  had  retired  we 
were  all  anxious  to  know  what  had  passed  between  them 
and  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  I  learned  from  Dessolles, 
who,  as  I  have  stated,  was  present  at  the  conference  in  his 
rank  of  commander  of  the  National  Guard  of  Paris,  that 
the  Marshals  were  unanimous  in  urging  Alexander  to 
accede  to  a  Regency.  Macdonald  especially  supported 
that  proposition  with  much  warmth  ;  and  among  the  ob- 
servations he  made  I  recollect  Dessolles  mentioned  the 
following  : — "  I  am  not  authorised  to  treat  in  any  way  for 
the  fate  reserved  for  the  EmjDcror.  We  have  full  powers 
to  treat  for  the  Regency,  the  army,  and  France  ;  but  the 
Emperor  has  positively  forbidden  us  to  specify  anything 
personally  regarding  himself."  Alexander  merely  replied, 
"That  does  not  astonish  me."  The  Marshals  then,  re- 
suming the  conversation,  dwelt  much  on  the  respect  which 
was  due  to  the  military  glory  of  France.  They  strongly 
manifested  their  disinclination  to  abandon  the  family  of 
a  man  who  had  so  often  led  them  to  victory  ;  and  lastly, 
they  reminded  the  Emperor  Alexander  of  his  own  declara- 
tion, in  which  he  proclaimed,  in  his  own  ilame  as  well  as 
on  the  part  of  his  Allies,  that  it  was  not  their  intention  to 
impose  on  France  any  government  whatever. 

Dessolles,  who  had  all  along  declared  himself  in  favour 
of  the  Bourbons,  in  his  turn  entered  into  the  discussion 
with  as  much  warmth  as  the  partisans  of  the  Regency. 
He  represented  to  Alexander  how  many  persons  would  be 


1814.  A   FOREGONE  CONCLUSION:  437 


compromisecl  for  merely  having  .icted  or  declared  their 
opinions  behind  the  shield  of  his  promises.  He  repeated 
what  Alexander  had  already  been  told,  that  the  liegeucy 
would,  in  fact,  be  Eothing  but  Bonaparte  in  disguise. 
However,  Dessolles  acknowledged  that  such  was  the  effect 
of  Marshal  Macdouald's  powerful  and  persuasive  elo- 
quence that  Alexander  seemed  to  waver ;  and,  unwilling 
to  give  the  Marshals  a  positive  refusal,  he  had  recourse  to 
a  subterfuge,  by  which  he  would  be  enabled  to  execute 
the  design  he  had  irrevocably  formed  without  seeming 
to  take  on  himself  alone  the  responsibility  of  a  change  of 
government.  Dessolles  accordingly  informed  us  that 
Alexander  at  last  gave  the  following  answer  to  the  Mar- 
shals :  "  Gentlemen,  I  am  not  alone  ;  in  an  affair  of  such 
importance  I  must  consult  the  King  of  Prussia,  for  I  have 
promised  to  do  nothing  without  consulting  him.  In  a 
few  hours  you  shall  know  my  decision."  It  was  this  deci- 
sion which  the  ]\Iarshals  Avent  to  wait  for  at  Ney's. 

Most  of  the  members  of  the  Provisional  Government  at- 
tributed the  evasive  reply  of  the  Emperor  Alexander  to 
the  influence  of  the  speech  of  Dessolles.  For  my  part, 
while  I  do  justice  to  the  manner  in  which  he  declared 
himself  on  this  important  occasion,  I  do  not  ascribe  to  his 
eloquence  the  power  of  fixing  Alexander's  resolution,  for 
I  well  know  by  experience  how  easy  it  is  to  make  princes 
appear  to  adopt  the  advice  of  any  one  when  the  counsel 
given  is  precisely  that  which  they  wish  to  follow.  From 
the  sentiments  of  Alexander  at  this  time  I  had  not  the 
slightest  doubt  as  to  the  course  he  would  finally  pursue, 
and  I  considered  what  he  said  about  consulting  the  King 
of  Prussia  to  be  mei'ely  a  polite  excuse,  by  which  he 
avoided  the  disagreeable  task  of  giving  the  Marshals  a  di- 
rect refusal. 

I  therefore  returned  home  quite  satisfied  as  to  the  re- 
sult of  the  Emperor  Alexander's  visit  to  the  King  of  Prus- 
sia.    I  knew,  from  the  persons  about  the  Czar,  that  he 


438         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.      18H 

cberislied  a  hatred,  which  was  but  too  well  justified,  to- 
wards Bonaparte.  Frederick  William  is  of  too  firm  a 
character  to  have  yielded  to  any  of  the  considerations 
which  might  on  this  subject  have  been  pressed  on  him  as 
they  had  been  on  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  But,  besides 
that  the  King  of  Prussia  had  legitimate  reasons  for  dis- 
liking Napoleon,  policy  would  at  that  time  have  required 
that  he  should  appear  to  be  his  enemy,  for  to  do  so  was  to 
render  himself  popular  with  his  subjects.  But  the  King 
of  Prussia  did  not  need  to  act  under  the  dictates  of  policy  ; 
he  followed  his  own  opinion  in  rejecting  the  propositions 
of  the  Marshals,  which  he  did  without  hesitation,  and  with 
much  energy. 

Wliile  the  Marshals  had  gone  to  Paris  Bonaparte  was 
anxious  to  ascertain  whether  his  Commissioners  had  passed 
the  advanced  posts  of  the  foreign  armies,  and  in  case  of 
resistance  he  determined  to  march  on  Paris,  for  he  could 
not  believe  that  he  had  lost  every  chance.  He  sent  an  aide 
de  camji  to  desire  Marmont  to  come  immediately  to  Fon- 
tainebleau :  such  was  Napoleon's  impatience  that  instead  of 
waiting  for  the  return  of  his  aide  de  camj)  he  sent  off  a  sec- 
ond and  then  a  third  officer  on  the  same  errand.  This  rapid 
succession  of  envoys  from  the  Emperor  alarmed  the  gen- 
eral who  commanded  the  different  divisions  of  Marmont's 
corps  at  Essonne.  They  feared  that  the  Emperor  was 
aware  of  the  Convention  concluded  that  morning  with 
Prince  Schwartzenberg,  and  that  he  had  sent  for  Marmont 
with  the  view  of  reprimanding  him.  The  fact  was.  Na- 
poleon knew  nothing  of  the  matter,  for  Marmont,  on  de- 
parting for  Paris  with  Macdonald  and  Ney,  had  left  orders 
that  it  should  be  said  that  he  had  gone  to  inspect  his  lines. 
Souham,  Lebrun  des  Essarts,  and  Bordessoulle,  who 
had  given  their  assent  to  the  Convention  with  Prince 
Schwartzenberg,  deliberated  in  the  absence  of  Marmont, 
and,  perhaps  being  ignorant  that  he  was  released  from  his 
promise,  and  fearing  the  vengeance  of  Napoleon,  they  de- 


1814.  MARMONT  AND  HIS  TROOPS.  439 

tcrminecl  to  march  upon  Versailles.  On  arriving  there  the 
troops  not  finding  the  Marshal  at  their  head  thought  them- 
selves betrayed,  and  a  spirit  of  insurrection  broke  out 
among  them.  One  of  Marmont's  aides  de  cavxp,  whom  he 
had  left  at  Essonne,  exerted  every  endeavour  to  prevent 
the  departure  of  his  general's  corps,  but,  finding  all  his 
efforts  unavailing,  he  hastened  to  Paris  to  inform  the  Mar- 
shal of  what  had  happened.  "VMien  Marmont  received  this 
news  he  was  breakfasting  at  Ney's  with  Macdonald  and 
Caulaincourt  :  they  were  waiting  for  the  answer  which  the 
Emperor  Alexander  had  promised  to  send  them.  The 
mai'ch  of  his  corps  on  Versailles  threw  Marmont  into  de- 
spair. He  said  to  the  Marshals,  "I  must  be  off  to  join  my 
corps  and  quell  this  mutiny  ;  "  and  without  losing  a  mo- 
ment he  ordered  his  cai'riage  and  directed  the  coachman 
to  drive  with  the  utmost  speed.  He  sent  forward  one  of 
his  aides  de  camp  to  inform  the  troops  of  his  approacii. 

Having  arrived  within  a  hundred  paces  of  the  place 
where  his  troops  were  assembled  he  found  the  generals 
who  were  under  his  orders  advancing  to  meet  him.  They 
urged  him  not  to  go  farther,  as  the  men  were  in  open  in- 
surrection. "I  will  go  into  the  midst  of  them,"  said 
Marmont.  "In  a  moment  they  shall  either  kill  me  or 
acknowledge  me  as  their  chief."  He  sent  off  another 
aide  de  camp  to  range  the  troops  in  the  order  of  battle. 
Then,  alighting  fi-om  the  carriage  and  mounting  a  horse, 
he  advanced  alone,  and  thus  harangued  his  troops  :  "How ! 
Is  there  treason  here?  Is  it  possible  that  you  disown  me? 
Am  I  not  your  comrade  ?  Have  I  not  been  wounded 
twenty  times  among  you  ?  .  ,  .  Have  I  not  shared 
your  fatigues  and  pi'ivations?  And  am  I  not  ready  to  do 
so  again  ?  "  Here  Marmont  was  interrupted  by  a  general 
shout  of  "  Vive  le  Marechal !     Vive  le  Marechal !  "  ' 

'  Marmont's  conduct  at  this  time  has  been  much  debated,  but  it  may  easily  be 
Bummed  up.  He  was  not  a  politician,  but  a  soldier  entrusted  with  an  important 
command  by  a  man  who  had  raised  him  and  overwhelmed  him  with  benefits.  "  Large 
allowances,  which  were  unceasingly  increased,  considerable  gifts,  and  all  the  advan- 


440         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

The  alarm  caused  among  the  members  of  the  Provisional 
Government  by  the  mission  of  the  Marshals  vfas  increased 
by  the  news  of  the  mutiny  of  Marmont's  troops.  During 
the  whole  of  the  day  we  were  in  a  state  of  tormenting 
anxiety.  It  was  feared  that  the  insurrectionary  spirit 
might  spread  among  other  corps  of  the  army,  and  the 
cause  of  France  again  be  endangered.  But  the  courage 
of  Marmont  saved  everything.  It  Avould  be  impossible  to 
convey  any  idea  of  the  manner  in  which  he  was  received 
by  us  at  Talleyrand's  when  he  related  the  particulars  of 
what  had  occurred  at  Versailles.' 

On  the  evening  of  the  day  on  which  Marmont  had  acted 
so  nobly  it  was  proposed  that  the  army  should  adopt  the 
white  cockade.     In  reply  to  this  proposition  the  Marshal 

tages  of  a  brilliant  position,"  are  his  own  words  when  he  reproaches  his  wife  for 
treating  him  as  he  ti-eated  his  Emperor  (R  tgusi,  tome  vii.  p.  02).  He  entered  Into 
secret  negotiations  with  the  Allies.  What  the  nature  of  the  negotiations  were  we 
can  best  judge  by  this.  During  his  absence  Napoleon  sent  repeatedly  for  him,  or  for 
the  next  senior  othccr.  M  irmout's  generals,  acquainted  with  his  plans,  became 
alarmed,  and  carried  off  their  men  into  the  enemy's  lines.  Souham  saying,  "  Better 
to  kill  the  devil  than  to  be  killed  by  him."  If  they  and  Marmont  were  not  engaged 
in  a  treasonable  and  disgraceful  jilot,  what  possible  cause  of  alarm  had  they  more 
than  the  other  officers,  who,  pressing  Napoleon  to  abdicate,  still  refrained  from 
treachery  ?  The  poor  soldiers  found  out  the  treason  of  their  leaders,  and  attempted 
to  return  to  their  right  place.  M.".rmont  succeeded  in  bringing  them  back  into  the 
snai-e.  "This,"  says  he  (tunie  \i.  p.  2fi9),  •' was  the  reward  of  my  generous  confi- 
dence in  them."'  The  reward  of  the  confidence  of  Napoleon  in  him  he  does  not  tell 
rs  of,  but  hints  that  he  wished  to  go  to  Elba  tc)  care  for  the  comforts  of  the  man  he 
betrayed.  Some  extenuation  of  his  conduct  may  be  found  in  the  fact  that  he  seems 
to  have  thought  Napoleon  mad  at  the  time.  Speaking  of  the  1st  of  April  (tome  vi. 
p.  253)  he  says,  '"  From  this  moment  I  was  struck  by  the  complete  derangement 
which  had  replaced  his  ordinary  cleai-noss  and  that  power  of  reasoning  which  was 
BO  habitual  with  him."  He  seems  to  have  really  believed  th:s,  for  he  said  to  Metter- 
nich  in  September  1819,  "  Since  the  last  time  thnt  I  heard  Napoleon  speak,  before 
he  became  mad,  this  is  the  first  re.isonabie  conveisation  I  have  heard"  (ileUemich, 
vol.  iii.  p.  3.35).  Also,  neither  he  nor  any  of  the  men  labouring  to  upset  Napoleon 
Si*em  to  have  dreamt  of  the  way  in  which  they  were  laying  Fr.ance,  helpless,  at  the 
feet  of  the  Allies.  But  the  tricky  plea  that,  while  he  was  acting  thus,  Najioleon  had, 
■without  Marmont's  knowledge,  alre.-uiy  abdicated,  could  never  save  Marmont  in  a 
court  of  honour.  See  the  whole  matter  fairly  put  in  TUiers,  livre  liii.  tome  xvii.  pp. 
717,  718.  Weakening  the  French  army  in  the  face  of  the  Allies  was  weakening 
France  ;  and  if  it  were  right,  necessary,  and  honourable  to  betray  Napoleon,  it  cer- 
tainly was  not  right,  necessary,  or  honourable  to  betray  France. 

'  When  I  returned  that  night  to  M.  de  Talleyrand's  I  was  made  much  of  and  com- 
plimented, every  one  asking  me  for  details  of  what  had  occurred  (liaguse,  tome  vL 
p.  'ibU). 


1814.  THE   WHITE  COCKADE.  441 

said,  "Gentlemen,  I  have  made  my  troops  understand  the 

necessity  of  serving  France  before  all  things.  They  have, 
consequently,  returned  to  order,  and  I  can  now  answer  for 
them.  But  what  I  cannot  answer  for  is  to  induce  them  to 
abandon  the  colours  which  have  led  them  to  victory  for 
the  last  twenty  years.  Therefore  do  not  count  upon  me 
for  a  thing  which  I  consider  to  be  totally  hostile  to  the  in- 
terests of  France.  I  will  speak  to  the  Emperor  Alexander 
on  the  subject."  Such  were  Marmont's  words.  Every  one 
appeared  to  concur  in  his  opinion,  and  the  discussion  ter- 
minated. For  my  own  part,  I  find  by  my  notes  that  I 
declared  myself  strongly  in  favour  of  Marmont's  proposi- 
tion. 

The  Marshal's  opinion  having  been  adopted,  at  least 
provisionally,  an  article  was  prepared  for  the  Moniteur  in 
nearly  the  following  terms  : — 

The  white  cockade  has  been,  during  the  Last  four  days,  a  badge 
for  the  manifestation  of  public  opinion  in  favour  of  the  overthrow 
of  an  oppressive  Government :  it  lias  been  the  only  means  of  dis- 
tinguishing the  partisans  of  the  restoration  of  the  old  dynasty,  to 
which  at  length  we  are  to  be  indebted  for  repose.  But  as  the  late 
Government  is  at  an  end,  all  colours  differing  from  our  national 
colours  are  useless :  let  us,  therefore,  resume  those  which  have  so 
often  led  us  to  victory. 

Such  was  the  spirit  of  the  article,  though  jDos.sibly  the 
above  copy  may  differ  in  a  few  words.  It  met  with  the  un- 
qurditied'ap2)robation  of  every  one  present.  I  was  there- 
fore extremely  surprised,  on  looking  at  the  3Iomteur  next 
day,  to  find  that  the  article  was  not  inserted.  I  knew  not 
what  courtly  interference  prevented  the  appearance  of  the 
article,  but  I  remember  that  Marmont  was  very  ill  pleased 
at  its  omission.  He  complained  on  the  subject  to  the 
Emperor  Alexander,  who  promised  to  write,  and  in  fact 
did  write,  to  the  Provisional  Government  to  get  the  nrticle 
inserted.  However,  it  did  not  appear,  and  in  a  few  days 
we  obtained  a  solution  of  the  enigma,  as  we  might  perhaps 


443         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814 

have  done  before  if  we  had  tried.  The  Emperor  Alexan- 
der also  promised  to  write  to  the  Comte  d'Artois,  and  to 
inform  him  that  the  opinion  of  France  was  in  favour  of 
the  presei'vation  of  the  three  colours,  but  I  do  not  know 
whether  the  letter  was  written,  or,  if  it  was,  what  answe? 
it  received. 

Marshal  Jourdan,  who  was  then  at  Eouen,  received  a 
letter,  written  without  the  knowledge  of  Marmont,  inform- 
ing him  that  the  latter  had  mounted  the  white  cockade  in 
his  corps.  Jourdan  thought  he  could  not  do  otherwise 
than  follow  Mai-mont's  example,  and  he  announced  to  the 
Provisional  Government  that  in  consequence  of  the  reso- 
lution of  the  Duke  of  Ragusa  he  had  just  ordered  his 
corps  to  wear  the  white  cockade.  Marmont  could  now  be 
boldly  faced,  and  when  he  complained  to  the  Provisional 
Government  of  the  non-insertion  of  the  article  in  the 
Moniteur  the  reply  was,  "  It  cannot  now  appear.  You  see 
Marshal  Jourdan  has  mounted  the  white  cockade  :  j'ou 
would  not  give  the  army  two  sets  of  colours ! " 

Marmont  could  make  no  answer  to  so  positive  a  fact. 
It  was  not  till  some  time  after  that  I  learned  Jourdan  had 
determined  to  unfurl  the  white  flag  only  on  the  positive 
assurance  that  Marmont  had  already  done  so.  Thus  we 
lost  the  colours  which  had  been  worn  by  Louis  XVI., 
which  Louis  XVIII.,  when  a  Prince,  had  adopted,  and  in 
which  the  Comte  d'Artois  showed  himself  on  his  return  to 
the  Parisians,  for  he  entered  the  capital  in  the  uniform  of 
the  National  Guard.  The  fraud  played  off  by  some  mem- 
bers of  the  Provisional  Government  was  attended  by  fa- 
tal consequences;  many  evils  might  have  been  spared  to 
France  had  Marmont's  advice  been  adopted. 

At  the  period  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Empire  there 
might  be  said  to  be  three  Governments  in  France,  viz.  the 
Provisional  Governm3nt  in  Paris,  Napoleon's  at  Fontaine- 
bleau,  and  the  doubtful  and  ambulatory  Regency  of  Maria 
Louisa.     Doubtful   and    ambulatory   the   Regency    might 


1S14.         PROCLAMATION  BY  MARIA  LOUISA.  443 

well  be  called,  for  there  was  so  little  decision  as  to  tlie 
course  to  be  adopted  by  the  Empress  that  it  was  at  first 
proposed  to  conduct  her  to  Orleans,  then  to  Tours,  and 
she  went  finally  to  Blois.  The  uncertainty  which  pre- 
vailed respecting  the  destiny  of  Maria  Louisa  is  proved  by 
a  document  which  I  have  in  my  possession,  and  of  whicli 
there  cannot  be  many  copies  in  existence.  It  is  a  circular 
addressed  to  the  prefects  by  M.  de  Montalivet,  the  Minis- 
ter of  the  Interior,  who  accompanied  the  Empress.  In  it 
a  blank  is  left  for  the  seat  of  the  Government,  to  which 
the  prefects  are  desired  to  send  their  communications.  In 
the  copy  I  possess  the  blank  is  filled  vip  with  the  word 
"  Blois  "  in  manuscript. 

As  soon  as  Maria  Louisa  was  made  acquainted  with  the 
events  that  had  taken  place  around  Paris  she  sent  for  the 
Due  de  Cadore,'  and  gave  him  a  letter  addressed  to  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  saying,  "  Take  this  to  my  father, 
Avho  must  be  at  Dijon.  I  rely  on  you  for  defending  the 
interests  of  France,  those  of  the  Emj^eror,  and  above  all 
those  of  my  son."  Certainly  Maria  Louisa's  confidence 
could  not  be  better  placed,  and  those  great  interests 
would  have  been  defended  by  the  Due  de  Cadore  si  de- 
fendi  possent. 

After  the  departure  of  the  Due  do  Cadore  Maria  Louisa 
published  the  following  proclamation,  addressed  to  the 
French  people  : — 

BY  THE   EMPRESS  REGENL 

a  proclamation. 

The  events  of  tlia  war  ]iave  placed  the  capital  in  the  power  of 
foreigners.  The  Emperor  has  marched  to  defend  it  at  the  head  of 
his  armies,  sd  often  victorious.     They  are  face  to  face  with  the  en- 

'  .Jean  Nompere  de  Champagny,  Due  de  Cndore.  Oue  of  the  most  worthy  of  Na- 
poleon's Ministers.  Minister  of  the  Interior  from  1804  to  August  1807,  then  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs  to  April  1811,  then  honoui'ably  shelved  as  Intendant  General  do 
la  Couronne,  and  in  1814  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Regency. 


444         MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 


emy  before  the  walls  of  Paris.  From  the  residence  which  I  have 
chosen,  and  from  the  Ministers  of  the  Emperor,  v/ill  emanate  the 
only  orders  which  you  can  acknowledge.  Every  town  in  the  power 
of  foreigners  ceases  to  be  free,  and  every  order  which  may  proceed 
from  them  is  the  language  of  the  enemy,  or  that  which  it  suits  his 
liostile  views  to  projjagate.  Yoli  will  be  faitliful  to  your  oaths. 
You  will  listen  to  the  voice  of  a  Princess  who  was'  consigned  to 
your  good  faitli,  and  whose  highest  pride  consists  in  being  a  French- 
woman, and  in  being  united  to  the  destiny  of  the  sovereign  whom 
you  liave  freely  chosen.  My  son  was  less  sure  of  your  affections  in 
the  time  of  our  prosperity  ;  his  rights  and  his  person  are  under 
your  safeguard. 

(By  order)        MoNTALivET.  (Signed)        Maria  Louisa. 

Blois,  3d  April  1814. 

It  is  to  be  inferred  that  the  Regency  liad  within  three 
days  adopted  the  vesohition  of  not  quitting  Blois,  for  the 
above  document  presents  no  blanks,  nor  words  filled  up 
in  writing.  The  Empress'  proclamation,  though  a  power- 
ful appeal  to  the  feelings  of  the  French  peojDle,  produced 
no  effect.  Maria  Louisa's  proclamation  was  dated  the  4th 
of  April,  on  the  evening  of  which  day  Napoleon  signed 
the  conditional  abdication,  with  the  fate  of  which  the 
reader  has  alread_y  been  made  acquainted.  M.  de  Monta- 
livet  transmitted  the  Empress'  proclamation,  accompanied 
by  another  circular,  to  the  prefects,  of  whom  very  few  re- 
ceived it. 

M.  de  Champagny,  having  left  Blois  with  the  letter  he 
had  received  from  the  Empress,  proceeded  to  the  head- 
quarters of  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  carefully  avoiding 
those  roads  which  were  occupied  by  Cossack  troops.  He 
arrived,  not  without  considerable  difficulty,  at  Chanseaux, 

'  I  was  informed  that  when  the  document  was  printed  and  presented  to  the  Em- 
press she  drew  her  pen  through  the  word  was,  and  made  the  sentence  read  as  fol- 
lows :  '■  You  will  listen  to  the  voice  of  a  Princess  who  has  consigned  herself  to  yonr 
good  faith,"  etc.  The  unfortunnte  Princess  did  all  she  could  to  rally  to  her  cause, 
and  above  all  to  the  cause  of  her  son,  those  whose  resolutions  wern  still  wavering, 
and  the  truth  i^  that,  personally,  Maria  Louisa  inspired  real  interest  even  in  those 
who,  from  policy  or  resfard  for  France,  were  most  actively  labouring  to  overthrow  the 
Imperial  despotism. — Buurriemie. 


1814.  A  SPARTAN  FATHER  445 

•where  Frances  II.  was  expected.  When  the  Emperor  ar- 
rived the  Due  de  Cadore  M'as  announced,  and  immediately 
introduced  to  his  Majesty.  The  Duke  remained  some 
hours  with  Francis  11.,  without  being  able  to  obtain  from 
him  anything  but  fair  protestations.  The  Emperor  al- 
ways took  refuge  behind  the  promise  he  had  given  to  his 
Allies  to  approve  whatever  measures  they  might  adopt. 
The  Duke  was  not  to  leave  the  Emperor's  headquarters 
that  evening,  and,  in  the  hope  that  his  Majesty  might  yet 
reflect  on  the  critical  situation  of  his  daughter,  he  asked 
permission  to  take  leave  next  morning.  He  accordingly 
presented  himself  to  the  Emperor's  levee,  when  he  re- 
newed his  efforts  in  support  of  the  claims  of  Maria  Louisa. 
"I  have  a  great  affection  for  my  daughter,  and  also  for 
my  son-in  law,"  said  the  Emperor.  "  I  bear  them  both  in 
my  heart,  and  would  shed  my  blood  for  them." — "Ah, 
Sire  !  "  exclaimed  M.  de  Champagny,  "  sv;ch  a  sacrifice  is 
not  necessary." — "  Yes,  Duke,  I  say  again  I  would  shed 
my  blood,  I  would  resign  my  life  for  them,  but  I  have 
given  my  Allies  a  promise  not  to  treat  without  them,  and 
to  approve  all  that  they  may  do.  Besides,"  added  the 
Emperor,  "  my  Minister,  M.  de  Metternich,  has  gone  to 
their  headquarters,  and  I  will  ratify  whatever  he  may  sign." 
When  the  Due  de  Cadore  related  to  me  the  particulars 
of  his  mission,  in  which  zeal  could  not  work  an  impossi- 
bility, I  remarked  that  he  regarded  as  a  circumstance  fatal 
to  Napoleon  the  absence  of  M.  de  Metternich  and  the  pres- 
ence of  M.  Stadion  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Emperor  of 
Austria.  Though  in  all  probability  nothing  could  have 
arrested  the  course  of  events,  yet  it  is  certain  that  the 
personal  sentiments  of  the  two  Austrian  Ministers  towards 
Napoleon  were  widely  different.  I  am  not  going  too  far 
when  I  affirm  that,  policy  apart,  M.  de  Metternich  was 
much  attached  to  Napoleon. '     In  support  of  this  assertion 

'  This  attachment  of  Metternich  to  Napoleon  was  much  believed  in  at  the  time," 
see  De  VUrolles,  tome  i.  pp-  60  and  78. 


446         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814 

I  may  quote  a  fact  of  which  I  can  guarantee  the  authen- 
ticity. When  M.  de  Metternich  was  comjjUmented  on  tlie 
occasion  of  Maria  Louisa's  marriage  he  replied,  "  To  have 
contributed  to  a  measure  which  has  received  the  approba- 
tion of  80,000,000  men  is  indeed  a  just  subject  of  con- 
gratulation." Such  a  remark  openly  made  by  the  intel- 
ligent Minister  of  the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  was  well  calculated 
to  gratify  the  ears  of  Napoleon,  from  whom,  however,  M. 
de  Metternich  in  his  personal  relations  did  not  conceal 
the  truth.  I  recollect  a  reply  which  was  made  by  M.  de 
Metternich  at  Dresden  after  a  little  hesitation.  "  As  to 
you,"  said  the  Emperor,  "  you  will  not  go  to  war  with  me. 
It  is  impossible  that  you  can  declare  yourself  against  me. 
That  can  never  be." — "Sire,  we  are  not  now  quite  allies, 
and  some  time  hence  we  may  become  enemies."  This 
hint  was  the  last  which  Napoleon  received  from  Metter- 
nich, and  Napoleon  must  have  been  blind  indeed  not  to 
have  profited  by  it.  As  to  M.  Stadion,  he  entertained  a 
profound  dislike  of  the  Emperor.  That  Minister  knew  and 
could  not  forget  that  his  preceding  exclusion  from  the 
Cabinet  of  Vienna  had  been  due  to  the  all-powerful  influ- 
ence of  Napoleon. 

Whether  or  not  the  absence  of  Metternich  influenced 
the  resolution  of  Francis  II.,  it  is  certain  that  that  mon- 
arch yielded  nothing  to  the  urgent  solicitations  of  a  Min- 
ister who  conscientiously  fulfilled  the  delicate  mission 
consigned  ^o  him.  M.  de  Champagny  rejoined  the  Em- 
press at  Orleans,  whither  she  had  repaired  on  leaving 
Blois.  He  found  Maria  Louisa  almost  deserted,  all  the 
Grand  Dignitaries  of  the  Empire  having  successively  re- 
turned to  Paris  after  sending  in  their  submissions  to  the 
Provisional  Government. 

I  had  scarcely  entered  upon  the  exercise  of  my  func- 
tions as  Postmaster-General  when,  on  the  morning  of  the 
2d  of  April,  I  was  surprised  to  see  a  Prussian  general  ofii- 
cer  enter  my  cabinet.     I  immediately  recognised  him  as 


1814.        BLUCHER'8  VISIT  TO  BOURRIENNE.  447 

General  Blucher.  He  bad  commanded  the  Prussian  army 
in  the  battle  which  took  place  at  the  gates  of  Paris.  "  Sir," 
said  he,  "I  consider  it  one  of  my  first  duties  on  entering 
Paris  to  thank  you  for  the  attention  I  received  from  you 
in  Hamburg.  I  am  sorry  that  I  was  not  sooner  aware  of 
your  being  in  Paris.  I  assure  you  that  had  I  been  sooner 
informed  of  this  circumstance  the  capitulation  should  have 
been  made  without  a  blow  being  struck.  How  much 
blood  might  then  have  been  spared !  " — "Genei'al,"  said  I, 
"on  what  do  you  ground  this  assurance?" — "If  I  had 
known  that  you  were  in  Paris  I  would  have  given  you  a 
letter  to  the  King  of  Prussia.  That  monarch,  Avho  knows 
the  resources  and  intentions  of  the  Allies,  Avould,  I  am 
sure,  have  authorised  you  to  decide  a  suspension  of  arms 
before  the  neighbourhood  of  Paris  became  the  theatre  of 
the  war." — "  But,"  resumed  I,  "in  spite  of  the  good  in- 
tentions of  the  Allies,  it  would  have  been  very  difficult 
to  prevent  resistance.  French  pride,  irritated  as  it  was 
by  reverses,  would  have  opposed  insurmountable  obstacles 
to  such  a  measure." — "But,  good  heavens  !  you  would 
have  seen  that  resistance  could  be  of  no  avail  against  such 
immense  masses." — "  You  are  right.  General ;  but  French 
honour  would  have  been  defended  to  the  last." — "  I  am  fully 
aware  of  that ;  but  surely  you  have  earned  glory  enough  !" 
— "  Yet  our  French  susceptibility  would  have  made  us 
look  upon  that  glory  as  tarnished  if  Paris  had  been  oc- 
cupied without  defence.  .  .  .  But  under  present  cir- 
cumstances I  am  well  pleased  that  you  Avere  satisfied  with 
my  conduct  in  Hamburg,  for  it  induces  me  to  hope  that 
you  will  obsex've  the  same  moderation  in  Paris  that  I  ex- 
ercised there.  The  days  are  past  when  it  could  be  said, 
Woe  to  the  conquered." — "  You  are  right  ;  yet,"  added 
he,  smiling,  "you  know  we  are  called  the  northern  bar- 
barians."— "Then,  Genei'al,"  returned  I,  "you  have  a  fair 
opportunity  of  showing  that  that  designation  is  a  libel." 
Some  days  after  Blucher's  visit  I  had  the  honour  of  being 


418         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814. 

admitted  to  a  private  audience  of  tlie  King  of  Prussia. 
Clarke  and  Berthier  were  also  received  in  this  audience, 
which  took  place  at  the  hotel  of  Prince  Eugene,  where  the 
King  of  Prussia  resided  in  Paris,  We  waited  for  some 
minutes  in  the  salo7\,  and  when  Frederick  William  entered 
from  his  cabinet  I  remarked  on  his  countenance  an  air  of 
embarrassment  and  austerity  which  convinced  me  that  he 
had  been  studying  his  part,  as  great  personages  are  in  the 
habit  of  doing  on  similar  occasions.  The  King  on  en- 
tering the  salon  first  noticed  Berthier,  whom  he  addressed 
with  much  kindness,  bestowing  praises  on  the  French 
troops,  and  complimenting  the  Marshal  on  his  conduct 
during  the  war  in  Germany.  Berthier  returned  thanks  for 
these  well-merited  praises,  for  though  he  was  not  remark- 
able for  strength  of  understanding  or  energy  of  mind,  yet 
he  was  not  a  bad  man,  and  I  have  known  many  proofs  of 
Lis  good  conduct  in  conq-uered  countries. 

After  saluting  Berthier  the  King  of  Prussia  turned  to- 
wards Clarke,  and  his  countenance  immediately  assumed 
an  expression  of  dissatisfaction.  He  had  evidently  not  for- 
gotten Clarke's  conduct  in  Berlin.  He  reminded  him  that 
he  had  rendered  the  Coutiuential  system  more  odious  than 
it  was  in  itself,  and  that  he  had  shown  no  moderation  in 
the  execution  of  his  orders.  "  In  short,"  said  his  Majesty, 
**  if  I  have  any  advice  to  give  you,  it  is  that  you  never 
again  return  to  Prussia."  The  King  pronounced  these 
words  in  so  loud  and  decided  a  tone  that  Clarke  was  per- 
fectly confounded.  He  uttered  some  unintelligible  obser- 
vations, which,  however,  Frederick  William  did  not  notice, 
for  suddenly  turning  towards  me  he  said,  with  an  air  of 
affi^bility,  "Ah!  M.  de  Bourrienne,  I  am  glad  to  see  you,, 
and  I  take  this  opportunity  of  repeating  whati  wrote  to  you 
from  Konigsberg.  You  always  extended  protection  to  the 
Germans,  and  did  all  you  could  to  alleviate  their  condition. 
I  learned  with  great  satisfaction  what  you  did  for  the 
Prussians  whom  the  fate  of  war  drove  into  Hamburg ;  and 


1814.  BEENADOTTE  IN  PARIS.  449 

I  feel  pleasure  in  telling  you,  in  tlie  presence  of  these  two 
gentlemen,  that  if  all  the  French  agents  had  acted  as  you 
did  we  should  not,  probably,  be  here. "  I  expressed,  by  a 
profound  bow,  how  muck  I  was  gratified  hy  this  compli- 
mentary address,'  and  the  king,  after  saluting  us,  retired. 

About  the  middle  of  April  Bernadotte  arrived  in  Paris. 
His  situation  had  become  equivocal,  since  circumstances 
had  banished  the  hopes  he  might  have  conceived  in  his 
interview  with  the  Emperor  Alexander  at  Abo.  Besides, 
he  had  been  represented  in  some  official  pamphlets  as  a 
traitor  to  France,  and  among  certain  worshippers  of  our 
injured  glory  there  prevailed  a  feeling  of  irritation,  and 
which  was  unjustly  directed  towards  Bernadotte. 

I  even  remember  that  Napoleon,  before  he  had  fallen 
from  his  power,  had  a  sort  of  national  protest  made  by  the 
police  against  the  Prince  Roj'al  of  Sweden.  This  Prince 
had  reserved  an  hotel  in  the  Rue  d'Aiijou,  and  the  words, 
"Down  with  the  traitor !  down  with  the  perjurer,"  were 
shouted  there  ;  but  this  had  no  result,  as  it  was  only  con- 
sidered an  outrage  caused  by  a  spirit  of  petty  vengeance. 

While  Bernadotte  was  in  Pari,?  I  saw  him  every  day.  He 
but  faintly  disguised  from  me  the  hope  he  had  entertained 
of  ruling  France  ;  and  in  the  numerous  conversations  to 
which  our  respective  occupations  led  I  ascertained,  though 
Bernadotte  did  not  formally  tell  me  so,  that  he  once  had 
strong  expectations  of  succeeding  Napoleon. 

Pressed  at  last  into  his  final  intrenchments  he  broke 
through  all  reserve  and  confirmed  all  I  knew  of  the  inter- 
view of  Abo, 

I  asked  Bernadotte  what  he  thought  of  the  projects 
wliich  were  attributed  to  Moreau  ;  whether  it  was  true 
that  he  had  in  him  a  competitor,  and  whether  Moreau  had 
aspired  to  the  dangerous  honour  of  governing  France. 
"  Those  reports,"  replied  the  Prince  Royal  of  Sweden,  "  are 
devoid  of  foundation  :  at  least  I  can  assure  you  that  in 

'  At  the  expense  of  his  countryman. 

Vol.  III.— 29 


450         3IEM0IRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.       1814 

the  conversations  I  have  had  with  the  Emperor  Alexander, 
that  sovereign  never  said  anything  which  could  warrant 
such  a  supposition.  I  know  that  the  Emperor  of  Russia 
wished  to  avail  himself  of  the  military  talents  of  Moreau 
in  the  great  struggle  that  had  commenced,  and  to  enable 
the  exiled  general  to  return  to  his  countr}'',  in  the  hope 
that,  should  the  war  prove  fortunate,  he  would  enjoy  the 
honours  and  privileges  due  to  his  past  services." 

Bernadotte  expressed  to  me  astonishment  at  the  recall 
of  the  Bourbons,  and  assured  me  that  he  had  not  expected 
the  French  people  would  so  readily  have  consented  to  the 
Restoration.  I  confess  I  was  surprised  that  Bernadotte, 
with  the  intelligence  I  knew  him  to  possess,  should  im- 
agine that  the  will  of  subjects  has  any  influence  in  changes 
of  government  ! 

During  his  stay  in  Paris  Bernadotte  evinced  for  me  the 
same  sentiments  of  friendship  which  he  had  shown  me  at 
Hamburg.  One  day  I  received  from  him  a  letter,  dated 
Paris,  with  which  he  transmitted  to  me  one  of  the  crosses 
of  the  Polar  Star,  which  the  King  of  Sweden  had  left  at 
his  disposal.  Bernadotte  was  not  very  well  satisfied  with 
his  residence  in  Paris,  in  spite  of  the  friendship)  which  the 
Empei'or  Alexander  constantly  manifested  towards  him. 
After  a  few  days  he  set  out  for  Sweden,  having  first  taken 
leave  of  the  Comte  d'Artois.  I  did  not  see  him  after  his 
farewell  visit  to  the  Count,  so  that  I  know  not  what  was 
the  nature  of  the  conversation  which  passed  between  the 
two  Princes.' 

'  Metternich  (vol.  i.  p.  208)  says,  "  It  does  not  admit  of  a  doubt  that  the  Crown 
Prince  (Bernadotte)  had  personsal  designs  on  the  throne  of  France.  Even  if  his  op- 
erations in  the  campaigns  of  1813  and  1814  did  not  furnish  the  actual  proof  of  the 
existence  of  this  pretension,  the  words  spoken  by  him  would  be  equivalent  to  a  con- 
fession." Receiving  news  of  the  victory  of  Groabeeren,  "  Bernadotte  cried  out  en- 
thusiastically, '  La  Prance  au  plus  digne.' — '  Grands  Dieux  1 '  answered  Poziso,  '  la 
France  est  a  moi.'  The  Crown  Prince  was  silent."  Metternich  (vol.  i.  p.  225)  says 
that  at  Langres,  in  1814,  Bernadotte  was  at  once  suggested  if  any  person  except  a 
Bourbon  or  the  son  of  Napoleon  were  to  hold  the  crown.  De  Vitrolles  (tome  i.  p. 
4G2)  dates  Bernadotte's  hopes  of  the  crown  from  his  interview  with  the  Czar  at 
Abo  in  1812,  when  only  Lord  Cathcart,  the  English  Ambassador,  was  present.     It 


1814.  DESIGNS  OF  BERNADOTTE.  451 


was  this  pretension  on  the  part  of  Bernadotte  that  made  him  so  anxious  to  avoid 
striking  any  great  blow  in  1813  with  his  Swedes  against  the  French.  Muffling  (p. 
82),  after  describing  how  Blucher,  being  informed  of  the  daily  progressive  measures 
which  the  Crown  Prince  adopted  to  prove  to  the  French  army  that  he  acted  not  only 
as  their  countryman  but  as  their  f  i  iend,  and  hovv  far  lie  was  from  wishing  to  destroy 
them  by  his  Swedes,  or  to  shed  their  blood,  says  that  Blucher  marched  to  his  right 
to  obviate  all  political  high  treason.  "  Thus  one  of  the  three  Frenchmen  summoned 
by  the  sovereigns  to  assist  them  in  conquering  Napoleon  had  to  be  watched  by  an 
army  of  lUO.OOO  men  1 "  "  It  was  to  Lord  Stewart's  threat  to  withdraw  the  English 
subsidy  if  Bernadotte  would  not  advance  to  Leipsic  that,"  says  Muffling  (p.  87), 
"  the  plains  of  Breitenfeld  are  indebted  for  the  honour  of  being  trodden  by  a  suc- 
cessor of  the  great  King  of  Sweden."  Blucher's  suspicions  may  have  had  some  foun- 
dation. See  Marmont,  tome  vii.  pp.  26-28,  where  he  says  that  Bernadotte,  in  1814, 
was  in  communication  with  General  Maison,  commanding  a  French  corps  in  Flanders 
(a  former  aide  de  camp  of  his),  and  offered  to  disarm  the  Prussian  corps  under  his 
orders,  and  then  to  pass  over  to  the  French.  He  only  required  from  Napoleon  a  prom- 
ise in  writing  to  procure  for  him  another  sovereignty  if  he  thus  lost  his  claims  to 
the  throne  of  Sweden.  Napoleon  refu.sed  to  sign  the  engagement  himself,  offering 
that  it  should  be  signed  by  his  brother  Joseph  ;  and  the  affair  thus  fell  to  the  ground 
from  want  of  mutual  confidence.  Napoleon  let  Alexander  receive  Bernadotte's 
communication,  and  the  Czar  informed  Bernadotte  that  he  forgave  him  on  account 
of  his  previous  conduct,  but  made  him  engage  to  leave  France  at  once.  So  says 
Marmont,  without  professing  to  have  seen  any  proofs,  but  remarking  that  the  sud- 
den departure  of  Bernadotte  from  Paris  wa?  thus  explained.  For  the  feelings  of  the 
Kestoration  as  to  Bernadotte's  retention  of  his  positi'm  in  1815,  see  Talleyrand's 
Correspondence,  vol.  ii.  pp.  6,  7,  where  a  distinction  is  drawn  between  him  and 
Marat.  "  It  is,"  says  Talleyrand,  "an  evil,  a  very  great  evil,  that  that  man  should 
have  been  called  upon  to  succeed  to  the  throne  of  Sweden.  But  it  is  an  evil  which, 
if  ever  it  can  be  remedied  at  all,  can  only  be  remedied  by  time,  and  the  events  that 
time  will  bring." 


453 


REMARKS   ON   THE   MAP. 

It  is  an  interesting  question  to  consider  what  in  Napoleon's  mind 
was  to  be  the  real  extent  of  his  dominions.  By  comparing  the  map 
of  tlie  French  Empire  given  in  this  volume  with  what  we  know  of 
Napoleon's  ideas  it  appears  clear  that  he  had  formed  a  well-consid- 
ered plan  of  dominion,  not  only  practicable,  but  which  he  had  actu- 
ally carried  out  almost  to  completion  ;  though,  like  many  of  his  plans, 
well  grounded  in  itself,  it  suffered  from  the  extravagant  and  rash 
attempts  which  often  ruined  the  results  of  his  usually  prudent 
course.  France,  spreading  to  the  Rhine,  holding  the  passages  of 
that  river,  extending  to  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Alps,  and  threatening 
England  by  her  possession  of  Belgium  and  Holland,  was  to  form  a 
comiiact  centralised  State  able  to  throw  her  armies  with  overwhelm- 
ing force  on  any  country  daring  to  rebel.  The  greater  part  of  Ger- 
many was  to  be  composed  of  small  States,  each  far  too  weak  in  itself 
to  oppose  the  dominant  power,  but  still  large  enough  to  look  with 
jealousy  on  any  attempt  of  its  neighbours  to  absorb  it.  French  laws 
and  customs  introduced  into  this  Confederation,  misnamed  "of  the 
Rhine,"  would  have  gradually  assimilated  it  to  France  ;  and  in  a 
hundred  years  it  might  have  been  as  difficult  to  separate  it  from 
France  as  it  was  with  Alsace  in  1870.  Here  the  power  of  France 
was  to  stop  at  all  events  for  a  long  period.  As  he  himself  said  to 
Metternich  in  1808,  "I  only  wish  for  direct  influence  in  Europe  to 
the  banks  of  tlie  Rhine,  and  indirectly  as  far  as  the  Elbe,  the  Inn, 
and  the  Isonzo.  The  thing  is  quite  simple  ;  I  think  I  am  the 
stronger  for  not  going  as  far  as  the  Vistula,  but  keeping  myself  more 
concentrated.  Prussia  will  become  the  strongest  power  of  the  sec- 
ond order.  ...  I  do  not  desire  to  extend  my  influence  beyond  the 
natural  line  I  have  pointed  out  to  you  "  (Metternich,  vol.  ii.  p.  256). 
Here  we  have  Napoleon  in  one  of  his  best  moods.  Prussia  and  Aus- 
tria, outlying  States,  too  weak  to  resist,  were  to  be  left  till  in  course 
of  time  the  rising  tide  of  French  influence  would  overflow  their 
frontiers  and  they  too  would  assume  the  same  position  as  Bavaria 
already  held.  The  Austrian  marriage  probably  saved  Austria  from 
further  dismemberment.  She  was  to  remain  a  State  nominally  of 
the  first  order :  indeed,  by  giving  iip  her  Polish  provinces,  she  was 
to  regain  her  lands  on  the  east  of  the  Adriatic  as  well  as  the  former 
Venetian  dominions  there  ;  that  is,  she  was  to  receive  the  lands 
shown  on  the  map  as  in  the  possession  of  Napoleon  as  the  Illyrian 
provinces.  Further,  she  had  hopes  held  out  to  her  of  receiving 
part  of  Turkey  ;  see  Metternicli,  vol.  i.  p.  137.     Thus  Austria  would 


REMARKS  ON  TEE  MAP.  453 


have  then  held  the  position  into  which  she  was  forced  in  18G6, — 
that  of  a  State  watching  Russia,  abandoning  all  hope  of  increasing 
her  dominions  in  Germany,  and  looking  for  any  further  increase 
towards  Turkey.  Tlie  Ducliy  of  Warsaw,  increased  by  the  Polish 
provinces  of  Russia  and  Austria,  would  have  been  in  fact,  and  prob- 
ably in  name,  a  revived  Poland,  watching  Russia  and  looking  to 
France  for  protection. 

The  North  of  Italy,  gradually  formed  into  one  State,  woiildhave, 
in  course  of  time  as  the  old  petty  jealousies  died  out  (a  long  process, 
as  Napoleon  knew),  become  a  State  strong  enough  to  aid  France,  but 
too  weak  to  be  able  to  stand  alone.  Scattered  as  it  were  round  the 
Continent,  the  dependent  Kings  of  Sweden,  Denmark,  Naples,  and 
Spain  were  to  look  to  France  for  their  j^rotection. 

It  is  important  to  remember  that  almost  the  whole  of  this  was 
actually  accomplished  by  Napoleon  at  the  time  when  he  threw  away 
all  the  results  of  his  labours  by  his  mad  attack  on  Spain.  Metter- 
nich  himself  acknowledges  that  the  middle  of  Germany  was  con- 
tented. "The  people  of  those  German  States  whose  territory  had 
been  enlarged  by  the  peace  of  Presburg  (1805)  and  the  peace  of  Vi- 
enna (1809)  were  contented  with  these  and  the  protection  of  the 
conqueror  of  the  world.  ...  In  Austria  .  .  .  the  expression  '  Ger- 
man feeling'  had  no  more  meaning  than  a  myth"  {Metternich,  vol. 
i.  p.  168).  See  also  Metternich's  confession  of  Austria's  weakness 
even  in  1813  {Metternich,  vol.  1.  p.  177).  There  remained  one  thing 
— the  inevitable  attack  on  Russia.  If  we  can  imagine  this  carried 
out  in  the  way  we  know  Napoleon  originally  planned,  a  slow,  grad- 
ual advance,  supported  by  the  new  Polish  State  which  was  to  grow 
up  behind  the  army,  the  whole  movement  unhurried  by  the  press- 
ure in  Spain,  and  his  full  prestige  nndimmed  by  the  Spanish 
troubles,  we  must  feel  sure  that  Russia  never  could  have  withstood 
the  sliock.  The  ultimate  defeat  of  Napoleon  is  no  argument  against 
the  success  of  his  really  great  plan  :  he  fell  not  so  much  by  the  efforts 
of  the  Allies  as  from  his  own  errors.  He  had  placed  France  in  a 
situation  where  she  only  required  ordinary  statesmanship  and  ordi- 
nary military  talents  to  enable  her  to  retain  dominion  over  the  Con- 
tinent. The  common  error  of  believing  that  he  aimed  at  making 
the  whole  of  Europe  in  his  time  an  integral  part  of  his  Empire 
hardly  needs  refutation. 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  map  j^resents  some  inconsistencies  with 
this  view  of  the  Empire.  But  most  of  these  can  be  explained. 
Napoleon  held  the  Illyrian  provinces,  partly  for  a  temporary  pur- 
pose, to  cut  off  Austi'ia  from  tin;  sea  and  so  to  carry  out  his  Conti- 
nental system, — chiefly  to  eventually  use  them  as  a  bribe  to  Austria 


454         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 

to  yield  her  own  Polish  provinces  and  to  consent  to  the  revival  of 
Pol.and.  Tlie  annexation  of  the  North  of  Gernianj'  was  due  to  the 
wish  to  carry  out  the  Continental  system,  and  it  is  hardly  possible 
that  it  was  intended  to  be  permanent.  These  lands  would  have 
probably  been  used  for  exchanges. 

The  retention  by  Napoleon  of  part  of  the  North  of  Italy  is  not 
quite  so  easy  to  explain.  It  was  probably  partly  due  to  his  tendency 
to  display  a  curious  jealousy  and  distrust  of  his  own  creations.  By 
the  retention  of  these  lands  he  retained  a  hold  over  the  new  King- 
dom of  Italy.  But,  what  is  more  likely  to  have  been  his  chief 
motive,  he  made  the  task  of  that  Kingdom  easier  by  lessening  the 
number  of  the  States  she  had  to  absorb.  He  himself,  we  know,  was 
much  impressed  with  the  time  required  for  the  growth  of  a  really 
national  feeling  in  Italy;  and  the  presence  of  the  French  in  Italy 
was  alike  a  protection  against  Austria  and  a  pressure  exerted  for  the 
unification  of  the  rest  of  the  North  of  Italy.  These  lands  would 
probably  soon  have  been  given  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy. 

It  is  not  so  safe  to  prophesy  what  were  liis  intentions  in  announc- 
ing and  commencing  the  annexation  of  the  provinces  of  Spain  on 
the  left  of  the  Ebro.  This  measure  was  certainly  partly  intended 
as  a  threat  to  the  Spaniards  if  they  continued  their  resistance,  to 
show  them  they  might  have  to  bear  with  a  greater  disaster  than  a 
foreign  King,  and  it  was  partly  induced  by  the  greater  facility  for 
governing  the  provinces  under  direct  French  rule  than  through  the 
weak  Joseph. 

This,  however,  is  the  only  real  difficulty  the  map  presents.  We 
tliere  see  a  thoroughly  practicable  scheme  for  the  permanent  main- 
tenance of  Frencli  ascendency  over  the  Continent. 

In  some  maps  Catalonia  is  shown  as  actually  part  of  the  French 
Empire.  This  is  an  error.  Though  the  decree  for  the  annexation 
was  given,  and  though  that  province  was  made  one  of  the  Military 
Governments  practically  removed  from  the  power  of  Joseph,  the 
last  formal  step,  that  of  annexing  it  by  Simitu.s-consulte,  was  never 
taken.  The  matter  can  be  followed  in  detail  in  Du  Casse's  Memoirs, 
of  Joseph,  tomes,  vii.  viii.  In  what  is  probably  the  best  authority — 
Spruner-Menke,  Hand  Atlas,  dritte  auflage,  Gotha,  Perthes,  1880, 
map  56 — Catalonia  is  left  to  Spain. 

The  following  list  of  the  more  important  annexations  made  un- 
der the  actual  government  of  Napoleon  may  be  interesting.  1800, 
Country  on  left  of  Sesia  taken  from  Piedmont  and  given  to  the 
Cisalpine  Republic.  Louisiana  to  west  of  Mississippi,  with  New 
Orleans,  ceded  by  Louis  XV.  to  Spain,  is  now  given  back  by  Spain, 
but  is  sold  by  France  to  the  United  States  in  1803.     1801,  Austria 


REMARKS  ON  THE  MAP.  455 

confirms  the  possession  by  France  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine, 
and  again  cedes  Austrian  Lombardy  to  tlie  Cisalpine  Eepublic  ; 
Tuscany  formed  into  Kingdom  of  Etruria.  1802,  Elba  and  Pied- 
mont on  right  of  the  Sesia.  18(J5,  Genoa ;  Austria  cedes  to  Kingdom 
of  Italy  her  share  of  the  Venetian  mainland  possessions,  Venice, 
Istria,  Dalmatia,  Bouches  du  Cattaro,  and  the  mainland  to  the 
Adige.  1806,  Neufchatel,  Berg,  and  Cleves  (Auspach  ceded  by 
Prussia  to  France  but  exchanged  with  Bavaria  for  Berg).  1808, 
Flushing,  Kehl,  Cassel,  and  Wesel,  Parma,  Piacenza,  and  Tuscany 
(or  Kingdom  of  Etruria)  annexed  to  France,  and  Urbino,  Ancoua, 
Macerata,  and  Camerino  to  the  Kingdom  of  Italy.  1809,  part  of 
Carinthia,  Trieste,  Istria,  Carniola,  etc.,  ceded  by  Austria.  1810, 
Holland,  the  Hanse  Towns  (Hamburg,  Liibeck,  and  Bremen)  with 
northern  coast  line  of  Germany,  Ratisbon,  the  Valais,  the  Papal 
States,  and  Rome  ;  Ragusa.  1812,  Dantzic.  The  dates  of  annexa- 
tion here  given  are  those  of  the  formal  Senatus  consults  ;  the  annex- 
ation was  often  carried  out  by  a  decree  of  earlier  date.  If  this  list 
be  compared  with  that  of  the  various  Republics  (vol.  ii.  p.  447),  and 
with  the  description  of  the  Kingdom  of  Westphalia  (vol.  ii.  p.  390) 
and  of  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw  (vol.  ii,  p.  277),  the  map  will 
be  the  better  understood. 


456 


THE  PREPARATIONS   FOR   THE  RUSSIAN  CAMPAIGN. 

"  As  far  back  as  the  winter  of  1810  Napoleon  formed  the  project  of 
attacking  Russia,  and  of  reducing  her  to  the  state  of  dependence 
which  had  become  the  lot  of  the  great  German  monarchies.  He 
originally  intended  to  declare  war  in  the  spring  or  summer  of  1811, 
and  to  limit  his  efforts  to  a  campaign  on  the  Niemen  ;  but  as  his 
preparations  were  not  then  complete,  and  the  hesitating  policy  of 
the  Russian  Cabinet,  aharmed  at  the  prospect  before  it,  seemed  to 
assure  him  time  to  mature  his  plans,  he  delayed  the  enterprise  till 
the  following  year,  and  finally  decided  that  it  shouid  assume  the 
most  formidable  proportions.  Napoleon's  general  design,  apart  from 
tlie  extravagance  of  the  original  conception,  was  marked  by  the 
profound  skill  in  stratagem,  the  clear  insight,  and  the  admirable 
combinations  which  almost  always  distinguished  his  strategy. 
Though  he  continued  the  exhausting  contest  in  Sj^ain,  he  resolved 
to  collect  and  draw  together  an  army  of  such  overwhelming  strength 
that  it  could  safely  attempt  to  subdue  Russia,  and,  compelling 
Austria  and  Prussia  to  join  him,  to  move  it  gradually  to  the 
banks  of  the  Niemen,  and  launch  it  theuce  into  the  heart  of  the 
Russian  Empire.  The  positions  he  held  upon  the  Vistula,  and 
almost  upon  the  Russian  frontier,  would  enable  him,  he  confidently 
lioped,  to  screen  this  operation  for  a  considerable  time  ;  his  dom- 
ination over  Northern  Germany  would  give  him  the  means  of  di- 
recting his  masses  in  security  from  the  Rhine  and  the  Elbe  ;  and 
between  the  vacillations  of  the  Czar  and  the  truce  and  submission 
of  Europe,  he  calculated  that  he  would  succeed  in  reaching  the 
Niemen  in  commanding  force  without  encountering  real  opposition. 
The  difficulties  of  the  immense  distances,  the  barren  soil,  and  the 
climate  of  Russia  remained  yet  to  be  met  and  conquered ;  but  he 
had  coped  with  them  in  1807,  and  he  would  make  sufficient  provi- 
sion against  them.  The  great  trading  ports  on  the  North  German 
seaboard  should  be  made  the  basis  of  liis  operations  ;  vast  maga- 
zines should  be  formed  in  them,  and  their  supplies  be  sent  into 
Russia  by  water-carriage  along  the  Frische  HaPf  ;  and,  without  fore- 
going a  bold  offensive,  the  army  should  bear  along  with  it  the  means 
of  subsistence  in  ample  quantities  together  with  all  its  other  mate- 
rial. 'The  obstacles  in  my  way  are  great,'  wrote  Napoleon,  in  a 
confidential  letter,  when  ruminating  on  his  vast  project,  '  but  with 
the  appliances  I  can  command  we  shall  be  able  to  devour  all  ob- 
stacles ' 

"  The  later  months  of  1811  and  the  first  of  tlie  succeeding  year 


PMEPABATIONS  FOR  THE  RUSSIAN  CAMPAIGN.  457 

were  employed  by  Napoleon  in  preparations  for  carrying  out  this 
gigantic  design.  France  answered  bravely  his  summons  to  arms, 
and  masses  of  conscripts  were  added  to  the  legions  which,  though 
terribly  thinned  by  the  havoc  and  privations  of  war,  still  contained 
soldiers  of  -Marengo  and  Austerlitz.  At  the  same  time  the  call  to 
the  field  was  obeyed  throughout  all  parts  of  the  Empire  ;  the  Princes 
of  the  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  were  ordered  to  muster  their  con- 
tingents ;  armed  men  were  raised  and  collected  in  thousands  in 
Poland,  in  Holland,  in  the  wilds  of  lUyria,  and  even  in  the  con- 
quered provinces  of  Spain  ;  a  great  army  was  marshalled  in  Italy  and 
held  in  readiness  to  cross  the  Alps  ;  and  treaties  were  made  with 
Austria  and  Prussia,  by  which  these  Powers  pledged  themselves  to 
furnish  considerable  additions  to  the  huge  force  which  was  being 
directed  against  their  old  ally.  Meanwhile,  Germany  being  nearly 
as  much  under  the  control  of  Napoleon  as  France  itself,  arrange- 
ments were  made  on  a  great  scale  for  the  transport  and  subsistence 
of  troops  along  the  space  from  the  Elbe  to  the  Niemen  ;  the  gran- 
aries of  Poland  were  moved  to  the  seaboard,  and  accumulated  in 
numerous  depots  from  the  Oder  and  Vistula  to  the  Pregel  ;  the  im- 
portant fortresses  of  Dantzic  and  Konigsberg  were  strengthened  and 
made  vast  places  of  arms  capable  of  satisfying  the  needs  of  whole 
coi'ps  d^armee,  and  abundantly  provided  with  magazines  and  war- 
like material  of  all  kinds  ;  the  navigation  of  the  Frische  Haff  and 
Curische  Haff  was  carefully  surveyed  and  connected  with  that  of  the 
Pregel  and  Niemen ;  and  carriages,  waggons,  and  carts  were  con- 
structed in  thousands  to  bear  the  supplies  of  the  host  which  was 
destined  to  move  into  the  plains  of  Russia. 

"  Though  it  was  of  course  imj^ossible  to  conceal  them  altogether. 
Napoleon  masked  these  immense  preparations  with  extraordinary 
dexterity  and  art ;  and  whatever  may  be  thought  of  his  good  faith, 
his  conduct  was  marked  with  the  highest  ability.  While  he  strained 
every  nerve  to  accomplish  his  objects  he  deceived  the  Czar,  only 
too  anxious  to  conjure  away  what  appeared  destruction,  with  the 
pretence  of  negotiation  and  peace  ;  he  assured  him  that  the  condi- 
tion of  Germany  was  the  real  cause  of  his  great  armaments  ;  and 
such  was  the  success  of  his  guile  that  his  dispositions  were  far  ad- 
vanced and  his  troops  in  motion  at  all  points  before  Alexander  was 
convinced  of  the  truth.  By  the  early  spring  of  1812  the  Emperor 
had  more  than  600,000  men  in  readiness  for  the  intended  enter- 
prise ;  and  under  his  guidance  this  enormous  force,  still  widely 
scattered  throughout  the  Empire,  was  gradually  directed  towards 
the  theatre  of  operations.  While  Eugene  Beanharnais  with  the 
Italian  armv  crossed  the  Brenner  and  rallied  the  Bavarian  contin- 


458         MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE. 

gent,  Davoust,  with  the  vanguard  of  the  main  host,  advanced  t« 
tlie  Vistula  across  Germany,  connecting  himself  with  a  Polish  corps 
under  Poniatowski,  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Warsaw,  and  with  the 
armies  of  tlie  North  German  cities  :  the  remaining  divisions  of  the 
immense  array  drawing  together  from  the  Rhine,  the  Maine,  and 
the  Elbe,  and  marching  forward  in  dense  procession.  420,000  men 
were  destined  to  begin  the  invasion  and  to  cross  the  Niemen  in  the 
first  instance  ;  200,000  being  kept  in  second  line  to  maintain  the 
communications,  to  observe  Germany,  and  to  supply  the  inevitable 
waste  of  war  ;  and,  with  the  Austrian  and  Prussian  contingents,  not 
less  than  650,000  soldiers  were  marshalled  under  the  Imperial 
eagles  in  March  and  April  1812.  The  advance  of  these  enormous 
masses  across  Germany  towards  the  Russian  frontier  was  purposely 
made  methodical  and  slow,  for  Napoleon  wished  to  preserve  the 
appearance  of  negotiating  till  the  last  moment ;  he  was  anxious 
not  to  fatigue  his  troops ;  and  he  had  resolved  not  tc  open  the  cam- 
paign until  the  summer  growth  of  the  herbage  should  enable  his 
myriads  of  horses  to  subsist  in  the  plains  of  Poland  and  Lithuania. 
When,  however,  his  host  had  been  collected  within  a  short  distance 
of  the  Russian  frontier,  his  intention  was  to  strike  rapidly  at  once  ; 
and,  notwithstanding  the  difficulties  in  his  way,  he  hoped  that 
his  operations  would  be  as  brilliant  as  those  of  Jena  and  Fried- 
land"  (Temple  Bai\  "The  Campaign  of  Moscow,"  vol.  Ixiii.  pp. 
97-99).  ' 

Napoleon's  own  means  of  transport  was  not  neglected,  and  a  spe- 
cial carriage  was  built  for  him  at  Brussels,  and  elaborately  fitted  up 
with  every  convenience  for  a  long  campaign.  A  very  complete  ac- 
count of  this  vehicle  will  be  found  in  Captain  Malet's  An?ials  of  the 
Boad  (London,  Longmans,  1876). 

"Napoleon's  carriage  taken  at  Waterloo  was  presented  to  the 
Prince  Regent,  by  whom  it  was  afterwards  sold  to  a  Mr.  Bullock 
for  £2500.  It  eventually  found  its  way  to  Madame  Tussaud's  Wax- 
work Exhibition,  where  it  may  still  be  seen. 

"  This  very  cxarious  and  convenient  chariot  was  built  by  Symons 
of  Brussels  for  the  Russian  campaign,  and  is  adapted  for  the  vari- 
ous purposes  of  a  pantry  and  a  kitchen,  for  it  has  places  for  hold- 
ing and  preparing  refreshments  which,  by  the  aid  of  a  lamp,  could 
be  heated  in  the  carriage.  It  served  also  for  a  bedroom,  a  dress- 
ing-room, an  office,  etc. 

"The  seat  is  divided  into  two  by  a  partition  about  six  inches 
high.  The  exterior  of  this  ingenious  vehicle  is  of  the  form  and 
dimensions  of  our  large  English  travelling  chariot,  except  that  it  has 
a  projection  in  front  of  about  two  feet,  the  right-hand  half  of  which 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  RUSSIAN  CAMPAIGN.  459 

is  open  to  the  inside  to  receive  the  feet,  thns  forming  a  bed,  while 
the  left-hand  half  contained  a  store  of  various  useful  things. 

"Beyond  the  projection  in  front,  and  nearer  to  the  horses,  was 
the  seat  for  the  coachman,  contrived  so  as  to  prevent  the  driver 
from  viewing  the  interior  of  the  carriage,  and  yet  so  placed  as  to 
afford  those  within  a  clear  sight  of  the  horses  and  of  the  surround- 
ing country.  Beneath  this  seat  was  a  receptacle  for  a  box,  about 
two  and  a  half  feet  in  length  and  four  inches  deep,  containing  a 
bedstead  of  polished  steel  which  could  be  fitted  up  in  a  couple  of 
minutes.  Over  the  front  windows  was  a  roller  blind  of  canvas, 
which  when  pulled  down  excluded  rain  while  it  admitted  air. 

"  On  the  ceiling  of  the  carriage  is  a  network  for  carrying  small 
travelling  requisites.  In  a  recess  there  was  a  secrttaire,  ten  inches 
by  eighteen,  which  contained  nearly  a  hundred  articles  presented 
to  Napoleon  by  Maria  Louisa,  under  whose  care  it  was  fitted  up 
with  every  luxury  and  convenience  that  could  be  imagined.  It 
contained,  besides  the  usual  requisites  for  a  dressing-box  (most  of 
which  were  of  solid  gold),  a  magnificent  breakfast  service  with 
plates,  candlesticks,  knives,  forks,  spoons,  a  spirit  lamp  for  mak- 
ing breakfast  in  the  carriage,  a  gold  case  for  Napoleon's  gold  wash- 
hand  basin,  a  number  of  essence  bottles,  and  a  variety  of  minute 
articles,  such  as  needles  and  thread. 

"At  the  bottom  of  this  toilet-box,  in  a  recess,  were  found,  in 
1815,  2000  gold  Napoleons — on  the  top  of  it  were  writing  materials, 
a  liqueur  case,  a  wardrobe,  writing-desk,  maps,  telescopes,  pistols, 
etc.,  a  large  silver  chronometer,  by  which  the  watches  of  the  army 
were  regulated,  two  merino  mattresses,  a  travelling  cap,  a  sword, 
an  uniform,  and  an  imperial  mantle  and  headdress  "  (p.  18). 


END  OF  VOL.    III. 


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